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China's Propaganda in the United States During World War II
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 248 514 CS 208 471 AUTHOR Tsang, Kuo-jen - TITLE China's Propaganda in the United States during World War II. PUB DATE Aug 84 NOTE 44p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication (67th, Gainesville, FL, August 5-8, . , 1984). PUB TYPE Reports - Research/Technical (143) -- Speeches /Conference Papers (150) \N, EDRS PRICE MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Content Analysis; Cultural Images; Foreign`Countries; information Sources; *Media Research; News Reporting; *Propaganda; *Public Opinion; War; World History IDENTIFIERS *China; *World War II ABSTRACT Drawing data from a variety of sources, a study was undertaken to place China's propaganda activities in the United States during World War II into a historical perspective. Results showed that China's propaganda effortsconsisted of official and unofficial activities and activities directed toward overseas Chinese. The official activities were carried out by the Chinese News Service and its branch offices in various American cities under the direction of the Ministry of Information's International Department in Chungking. The unofficial activities Were carried out by both Chinese and Americans, including missionaries, business people, and newspaper reporters, and the activities ditected toward the overseas Chinese in the United States were undertaken for the purpose of collecting money and arousing patriotism. The propaganda program fell four phases, the first beginning with the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937 and directed at exposing Japanese atrocities. The second phase began with the withdrawal of the Chinese central government to inner China in late 1937, continued until the beginning of the European war in 1939, and concentrated on economic and political interests. -
Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations: What Are the Legitimate Expectations from the WTO Qingjiang Kong
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Journal of International Law 2005 Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations: What Are the Legitimate Expectations from the WTO Qingjiang Kong Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Kong, Qingjiang, "Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations: What Are the Legitimate Expectations from the WTO" (2005). Minnesota Journal of International Law. 220. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil/220 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Journal of International Law collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations: What are the Legitimate Expectations from the WTO? Qingjiang Kong* INTRODUCTION On December 11, 2001, China acceded to the World Trade Organization (WTO).1 Taiwan followed on January 1, 2002 as the "Separate Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu."2 Accession of both China and Taiwan to the world trading body has triggered a fever of activities by Taiwanese businesses, but the governments on both sides of the Taiwan Strait have been slow to make policy adjustments. The coexis- tence of business enthusiasm and governmental indifference * Professor of International Economic Law, Zhejiang Gongshang University (previ- ously: Hangzhou University of Commerce), China. His recent book is China and the World Trade Organization:A Legal Perspective (New Jersey, London, Singapore, Hong Kong, World Scientific Publishing, 2002). Questions or comments may be e- mailed to Professor Kong at [email protected]. -
The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
Chinese Taipei
Part I Chapter 5 Chinese Taipei Chapter 5 CHINESE TAIPEI TARIFFS High-tariff products In 2001, the simple average of tariff rates in Chinese Taipei for all products was 7.01 percent. The breakdown for industrial products was 5.78 percent (of which the tariff rate of 83 percent of industrial products was less than 10 percent), and for agricultural products 14.01 percent (of which the tariff rate for some 40 or so products ranged from 40 to 50 percent). On accession, Chinese Taipei made tariff offers on approximately 8,200 items and after a transitional period (until 2004 for most items and until 2011 for some items such as automobiles and parts), committed to lowering the average on tariff offer items to 5.5 percent (4.15 percent for industrial products and 12.86 percent for agricultural products). Japan expects that the lowering of tariffs based on the tariff offer schedule will be implemented as a matter of course. In the area of industrial products we also hope that there will be a further lowering of rates for items where the final tariff offer rate is comparatively high, such as special purpose vehicles (maximum 30 percent), freight vehicles (maximum 25 percent), and ordinary and small passenger vehicles (17.5 percent), as well as a reduction in the transitional period for automobiles and parts. TRADE IN SERVICES Telecommunications Chinese Taipei’s Telecommunications Law limits foreign direct investment in telecommunications companies and total foreign investment, including indirect investment, to 60%. Chinese Taipei separated the telecommunications operations from the Ministry of 133 Part I Chapter 5 Chinese Taipei Telecommunications (similar to the former Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications in Japan) and incorporated it as “Chunghwa Telecom” (similar to the pre-privatization NTT). -
Ch 8 Why Does the United Statescare About Taiwan?
8 Why Does the United States Care about Taiwan? I sincerely hope that the two sides of the Taiwan Strait can seize this historic opportunity to achieve peace and co-prosperity. Under the prin- ciple of ‘no unification, no independence and no use of force,’ as Taiwan’s mainstream public opinion holds it, and under the framework of the ROC [Republic of China] Constitution, we will maintain the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. In resolving cross-strait issues, what matters is not sovereignty but core values and way of life. —Ma Ying-jeou, presidential inaugural address, Taipei, May 21, 2008 Taiwan has long been the most sensitive issue in US-China relations and likely will remain so for many years to come.1 The impasse across the Tai- wan Strait serves as one of the most dangerous flashpoints in the world, the one issue that could lead to military conflict at a moment’s notice be- tween the United States and China today. China is fond of calling this matter a remnant of China’s civil war and a relic of the Cold War. Indeed it is. However, the issue has evolved sub- stantially from this historical context over the years, making the Taiwan impasse in some ways even more relevant and immediate today than ever. Many in the United States and elsewhere may reasonably ask why the United States cares so much about this island off China’s coast and why Washington remains committed to it when this commitment could lead to war not only with a nuclear weapons state but also with the world’s most important rising power. -
Cross-Strait Relations: First the Easy, Now the Hard
Cross-Strait Relations: First the Easy, Now the Hard Alan D. Romberg After two rounds of renewed cross-Strait dialogue in 2008, PRC President Hu Jintao took the initiative at the end of the year to put forward an ambitious agenda for advancing the relationship and consolidating it for the long run. He embedded his proposals squarely in the long-standing orthodoxy on “one China” and ultimate reunification. But in the most important aspect of the speech, he fundamentally, if largely implicitly, recognized that unification is at best a distant prospect. Consistent with his approach to date, he exhibited a willingness to be patient as long as developments were consistent with—or at least not inconsistent with—these two ideas. On a tactical level, while officials on both sides continue to speak of the need to move “step-by-step,” in fact, some people in Taiwan as well as on the Mainland have shown a desire to accelerate the pace, trying to get as much as possible done while Ma and Hu are both in power. Moreover, while agreements to date have focused on specific issues such as cross-Strait transportation and tourism, Hu’s endorsement of an umbrella economic agreement—an idea Ma had first floated in the 2007– 08 presidential campaign—has raised the issue to new prominence in the cross-Strait dialogue for 2009. It has also precipitated a sharp debate in Taiwan about the merits of such a deal. Finally, the tyranny of the calendar brought the issue of Taiwan’s participation in the annual World Health Assembly meeting front and center. -
Since Ms. Tsai Ing-Wen's Election As President of the Republic of China
Beijing’s Policy Towards President Tsai Ying-wen and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations by Jean-Pierre Cabestan ince Ms. Tsai Ing-wen’s election as President of the Republic of China (ROC), STaiwan on January 16, 2016 and even more since her inauguration on May 20, 2016, Beijing’s policy towards the island-state has been both rigid and assertive. The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) authorities have kept asking the new Taiwanese administration to endorse the so-called “92 consensus”—according to which there is “one China” but neither side tries to define it—that, contrary to the defeated Kuomintang (KMT), Ms. Tsai and her Party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which now controls a majority of seats in the Legislative Yuan, or Taiwan’s Parliament, are not going to do. As a result, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has decided to stop all high-level contacts with the Taiwanese government and instead has intensified its united front policy aimed at reaching out the segments of the Taiwanese polity and the society that disagree with the new president and her team—the KMT and their elected national and local representatives as well as the Taiwanese business community. This divide-and-rule-strategy is served by a stronger—though more slowly growing—economy, a more assertive foreign policy, especially towards the United States, and a more robust and threatening military. Beijing’s objectives are pretty clear and simple: contribute to Ms. Tsai’s failure in weakening her position and delegitimizing her policy choices, both in the eyes of Taiwan’s political, business elites and voters as well as, hopefully, the new American Administration; and, consequently, help the KMT and the “blue camp” as a whole to come back to power in 2020 in developing close relations with them and their business allies who have vested interests in or with China. -
Mainland China's Policy Towards Reunification with Taiwan 1979
ONE COUNTRY TWO SYSTEMS MAINLAND CHINA'S POLICY TOWARDS REUNIFICATION WITH TAIWAN 1979 - CHING-YUN YANG THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE PH.D. LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 1992 UMI Number: U062759 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U062759 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ( M G S g S R 7 0 1 ^ ABSTRACT This research examines mainland China's reunification policy towards Taiwan with a particular focus on the years of 1979-1987. Following the establishment of Sino-U.S. diplomatic relations in January 1979,Communist leaders in Beijing carried out a series of intensive campaigns to woo the Nationalists in Taiwan to accept peace talks and to re-unify Taiwan and mainland China under the formula of "One Country Two Systems". The formula implies that, after unification, two different systems will remain - Socialism on the mainland and Capitalism in Taiwan for at least 50 years. Although Beijing's reunification policy has been further developed and persistently propagated, its efforts, so far, have met with little success. -
Promoting Confidence Building Across the Taiwan Strait
Promoting Confidence Building across the Taiwan Strait CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & A Report of the CSIS International Security Program CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES and Pacific Forum CSIS 1800 K Street NW | Washington, DC 20006 authors Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Bonnie Glaser E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Brad Glosserman september 2008 ISBN 978-0-89206-550-9 CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & Ë|xHSKITCy065509zv*:+:!:+:! PACIFIC FORUM CSIS CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES Promoting Confidence Building across the Taiwan Strait A Report of the CSIS International Security Program and Pacific Forum CSIS authors Bonnie Glaser Brad Glosserman september 2008 PACIFIC FORUM CSIS About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and Inter- national Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decisionmak- ers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. Today, CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. More than 220 full-time staff and a large network of affiliated scholars focus their expertise on defense and security; on the world’s regions and the unique challenges inherent to them; and on the issues that know no boundary in an increasingly connected world. -
FAQ#3: Could China Stop Taiwan from Coming to the Olympic Games?
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln The hinC a Beat Blog Archive 2008-2012 China Beat Archive 6-14-2008 FAQ#3: Could China stop Taiwan from coming to the Olympic Games? Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/chinabeatarchive Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, Chinese Studies Commons, and the International Relations Commons "FAQ#3: Could China stop Taiwan from coming to the Olympic Games?" (2008). The China Beat Blog Archive 2008-2012. 214. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/chinabeatarchive/214 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the China Beat Archive at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in The hinC a Beat Blog Archive 2008-2012 by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. FAQ#3: Could China stop Taiwan from coming to the Olympic Games? June 14, 2008 in Uncategorized by The China Beat | 1 comment Finally I have time to get back to the Olympic FAQ I posed several months ago: Could China stop Taiwan from coming to the Olympic Games? Actually, this was a trick question. Chinese leaders strongly desire for Taiwan to attend the Olympic Games and other major sports events because they are the most important venue in which Taiwan is displayed to the world as a dependent part of Chinese national territory. Global politics usually don’t change as quickly as we would like, but they do change. One year ago I was one of many people who thought that the biggest political threat to the Beijing Olympic Games was the movement toward independence in Taiwan. -
TAIWAN: SOVEREIGNTY and PARTICIPATION in INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS by Jacques Delisle
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org July 2011 TAIWAN: SOVEREIGNTY AND PARTICIPATION IN INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS By Jacques deLisle Jacques deLisle is Director of FPRI’s Asia Program and Stephen A. Cozen Professor of Law and Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania Law School. This essay is a revised version of a presentation at The Brookings Institution’s Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies, in Washington, D.C., on March 14, 2011. STATEHOOD? The question of Taiwan's sovereignty and status generally evokes three strands of discussion. First, does Taiwan meet the criteria for statehood or something very close to statehood in the international system—and specifically in international law? Here the locus classicus is a dusty old document called the Montevideo Convention that states what most people consider to be the standard under customary international law. What does it take to be a state? According to the Convention, there are four criteria. A state must have a distinct and substantial territory. Taiwan, of course is an island (with a few small offshore islands), and there are few better geographical arrangements than a good-sized island (roughly 23,000 square kilometers, smaller than most countries but larger than dozens) for meeting the “territory” criterion. A state also must have a distinct and substantial population. In Taiwan’s case, the population of approximately 23 million people (ranking around fiftieth in the world), without a lot of immigration or emigration, offers a solid prima facie case for satisfying the “population” criterion. -
China's National Representation and the Two-China Question in The
China Perspectives 2008/1 | 2008 Sports and Politics China’s National Representation and the Two- China Question in the Olympic Movement The Significance of the 1952 Helsinki Games Xu Guoqi Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/3253 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.3253 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2008 Number of pages: 19-28 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Xu Guoqi, « China’s National Representation and the Two-China Question in the Olympic Movement », China Perspectives [Online], 2008/1 | 2008, Online since 01 January 2011, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/3253 ; DOI : 10.4000/ chinaperspectives.3253 © All rights reserved Special feature s e China’s National v i a t c n i Representation and the e h p s c Two-China Question in r e the Olympic Movement p The Significance of the 1952 Helsinki Games* XU GUOQI This paper, through a case study of Beijing’s involvement in the 1952 Helsinki Olympic Games, provides a crucial historical analysis of China’s current obsession with the Olympic movement and the ongoing Beijing/Taipei dispute over the national representation issue. It demonstrates that both Beijing’s all-out campaign for the 2008 Games and the argument across the Strait about who should or should not represent China are nothing new, and are rooted in past experience. eijing has many ambitious plans for the 29 th on the question of who represented that China. During the Olympiad, including its Olympic torch relay, will 1960 Rome Olympic Games, when the International Bhave traversed the longest distance, covered the Olympic Committee asked Taipei to march under the name greatest area (even reaching the peak of Mount Everest), of Taiwan in the opening ceremony, Taipei protested by and involved the largest number of people in Olympic histo - marching behind the card “Under Protest” to remind the ry.