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Racism in Red and Black: Indians and Other Free People of Color In Georgia Historical Society Racism in Red and Black: Indians and Other Free People of Color in Georgia Law, Politics, and Removal Policy Author(s): Mary Young Source: The Georgia Historical Quarterly, Vol. 73, No. 3, SPECIAL ISSUE COMMEMORATING THE SESQUICENTENNIAL OF CHEROKEE REMOVAL 1838-1839 (FALL 1989), pp. 492-518 Published by: Georgia Historical Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40582014 . Accessed: 07/03/2014 13:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Georgia Historical Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Georgia Historical Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 192.153.34.30 on Fri, 7 Mar 2014 13:45:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Racismin Red and Black: Indians and Other Free People of Color in GeorgiaLaw, Politics,and RemovalPolicy By Mary Young A NTEBELLUMGeorgia was an Americansuccess story. In -Zjl 1860, the state's592,000 whitesenjoyed a per capita in- come twicethat of the averagePennsylvanian or New Yorker. Though she rankedonly fourth in cottonproduction, Georgia rankedfirst in the Southin cottontextile output, and enjoyed the bestrailroad system in the lowerSouth. She was proud to claimthe title,"The EmpireState of the South."1 These notableaccomplishments rested, as Georgiahistorian Numan V. Bartleyhas observed,on a consensusGeorgians reached by the 1820s to rely for theirprosperity on "white cotton"produced "withblack labor, on land that had been takenfrom red people."2But acquiringthe land and control- ling the labor in the Old South took a struggle.It involved aspiringGeorgians in conflictsboth among themselves and with outsidersover the conductof race relationsin theirtriracial society. We may begin the storyof those conflictswith Georgia's frontierexpansion after the defeatof the Englishand their hostileCreek allies in 1814 and 1815. Their signal military victoriesshould have enabledthe federalgovernment to fulfill the promiseit had made in 1802, thatin returnfor Georgia's giftto the nationof whatis now Alabama and Mississippi,the nationwould purchasethe Indian titleto all the land within Georgia'schartered limits. Instead, the government'swartime and postwarpurchases from the Creeks and theirnorthern 'Numan V. Bartley,The Creationof Modem Georgia (Athens, 1983), 16; Kenneth Coleman,ed., A Historyof Georgia (Athens, 1977), 160-73 2Bartley,Modern Georgia, 15. Ms. Young is professorof historyat theUniversity of Rochester. The Georgia Historical Quarterly Vol. LXXIII, No. 3, Fall 1989 This content downloaded from 192.153.34.30 on Fri, 7 Mar 2014 13:45:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Racism in Red and Black 493 neighbors,the Cherokee,left those tribes still in possessionof millionsof acres, includingpotentially half the good cotton land in thestate. Worse yet, William Harris Crawford, a Geor- gia politicianof presidentialstature, used his brieftenure as secretaryof war in 1816 to suggestthat southeastern Indians who did not choose to migrateto freedombeyond the Missis- sippi Rivermight instead settle down on suitablylimited 640- acre individualhomesteads, abandon the hunt for plow agricul- ture,and, if the paternalassistance of federalagents proved insufficientto civilizethem, marry frontier white people who would do thejob. Crawford'ssuggestion of intermarriageand amalgamationbetween red and whitesocieties probably had its originin someof the more visionary speculations and programs of the venerableJefferson - but the speculationsalone were too much for manyGeorgians.3 Crawford suggested that In- dians mightmake healthiermates than the "foreigners"who were flockinginto the countryand marryinginto its families. A couple of monthsafter his reportwas published,the Mil- ledgevilleGeorgia Journal editorialized: "A frontierman, who has no inclinationfor an Indianwife, and who has read withequal surprizeand indignation,Mr. Crawford'sproposition . for civilizingthe Indians would respectfullysuggest to the HonorableSecretary a modification of his plan. Let himadvise that no foreignerin the future shall have refugein our countrywho will not accept of an Indian spouse. Ridiculousas thisscheme may appear, it is notwithstandingmore practicable than Mr. Crawford's."Fron- tier people, the editorialistcontinued, were "too well ac- quainted withthe disgustinghabits and vices of the Indians and have sufferedtoo muchfrom their perfidy and cruelty,to thinkof an alliance so unnatural- if any Georgianhas been knownto formsuch a connection,his vices which expelled him fromcivilized society, would disqualifyhim fromimproving the conditionof the savages."4 3Bernard Sheehan, Seeds of Extinction:Jeff ersonian Philanthropy and theAmerican In- dian(Chapel Hill, 1973) examinesthe Jeffersonian ideology. ^GeorgiaJournal (Milledgeville), June 9, 1816. This content downloaded from 192.153.34.30 on Fri, 7 Mar 2014 13:45:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 494 Georgia Historical Quarterly In 1816,during his brieftenure as secretaryof war,Geor- gianWilliam H. Crawfordsuggested that those Indians who did not choose to migratewest might settle on individual homesteads. Portraitcourtesy of Hargrett Rare Bookand Manu- scriptLibrary. Less thana monthlater, the Journal published a letterfrom ReturnJ. Meigs, federalagent to the Cherokee since 1801. Describingthe rapid progressof agriculture,stockraising, and weavingamong the tribe,their "civilized" mode of dress,and theirexceptional cleanliness, Meigs attributed one Cherokee's refusalto marrya whitesuitor to "his"uncleanly appearance. "Naturehas giventhem the finestforms; and can we presume thatGod has notwithheld from them correspondingly intellec- tualand mentalpowers of mind.. There is nothingin nature yetdiscovered, to give these people a distinctive,intrinsically distinctivecharacter from the greatcharacter of Man." Indeed theywere worthy "in a fewyears of beingblended or incorpo- This content downloaded from 192.153.34.30 on Fri, 7 Mar 2014 13:45:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Racism in Red and Black 495 ratedwith us as partof our risingempire."5 Noting this letter, the editorreported the brutalmurder of a wagoneron the federalroad throughthe CherokeeNation. "Such is the state of civilizationamong the Cherokee." Crawford'samalgamationist proposal rose to haunt him again duringhis 1824 campaignfor the presidency.6Mean- while,however, Georgians responded even more violentlyto an experimentin amalgamationistpolicy close to home.In July 1817, nationalauthorities signed a treatywith the Cherokee offeringindividuals of thetribe the alternatives of either taking individualreservations covering their farms in Georgia,Ten- nessee,Alabama, and NorthCarolina, or removingwest to Ar- kansasat federalexpense. This treatywas lessa productof Jeffersonian idealism than of utilitarianmathematical calculation. The commissionersas- sumedthat game-rich Arkansas - free,they hoped, from white intrusion- wouldattract a majorityof thetribe. The "civilized" minorityof theten or twelvethousand Eastern Cherokee, even at 640 or moreacres foreach head of a family,would end up holdingonly a tinyfraction of the thirteenmillion acres they claimedin Appalachia.Most of the "civilized" Cherokee in 1817 were productsof intermarriagebetween whites and Indians. Meigs, who advocatedsuch liaisons,thought nearly half the Cherokeeto be of thischaracter; he grosslyoverestimated the extentof intermarriage,and federal officialsestimated the "civilized"at no morethan a fewhundred. In fact,311 regis- tered for reservations.On the other hand, not many more heads of familieschose to emigrate,and the Cherokee re- mained in possessionof approximatelyten millionacres - of whichnearly seven million lay in Georgia.Meanwhile, a couple of dozen Cherokee réservéesclaimed good land whichthe state,ignoring their claims, distributed by lotteryto its white citizens.Georgians were not pleased by this experimentin amalgamation.7 5ReturnJ. Meigsto Dr. SamuelMitchell of New York,May 4, 1816,ibid., July 17, 1816. 6Ibid.,May 4, September28, 1824. 7Thebest treatment of theexperiment with reservations is WilliamG. McLoughhn, "Experimentin CherokeeCitizenship, 1817-1829," in McLoughlin,The Cherokee Ghost Dance: Essays on theSoutheastern Indians, 1789-1861 (Macon, Ga., 1984), 153-92. For Meigs'sviews, see Meigsto Pathkiller,et al.,July 4, 1818,National Archives, Microfilm M-208,reel 7. This content downloaded from 192.153.34.30 on Fri, 7 Mar 2014 13:45:08 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 496 Georgia Historical Quarterly A correspondentof theGeorgia Journal, who identified him- selfonly as "G," commented:"Truly it mustafford great plea- sure,that the timeis fastapproaching when Georgia shall be representedin Congress by BillyBlacksnake, or some other civilizedson of the forest.Besides, our meeknessis so fastap- proachingto servilitythat an intermixturewith our red brethren is necessaryto giveus a littlemore vivacity of character."8 "G" attributedthe smallCherokee cession in Georgia,com- pared withmuch largeracquisitions in neighboringstates,
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