Anàlisi Arqueològica Del Canvi

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Anàlisi Arqueològica Del Canvi Capítol 7 287 7. L'ANÀLISI DE LA PRODUCCIÓ A FORMACIONS SOCIALS CAÇADORES-RECOL.LECTORES. PLANTEJAMENT DEL PROBLEMA I ESTUDI DEL CANVI PRODUCTIU: EXPLOTACIÓ D'OBJECTES DE TREBALL LITORALS. En els capítols precedents he esbossat les principals línies argumentatives de l’estudi de la subsistència precapitalista, principalment en formacions socials caçadores i recol.lectores i en l’explotació de medis litorals. Especialment en els capítols 3, 4, 5 i 6 he mostrat com els raonaments emprats mostren interessants i sovint profunds paral.lelismes amb posicionaments econòmics del liberalisme. L’evolució d’aquests discursos ha estat, per una banda, motivada per factors inherents al propi desenvolupament de la disciplina i a la progressiva acumulació de dades empíriques. Igualment, les contradiccions internes a què han anat derivant un seguit de propostes ha facilitat el replantejament de premisses prèviament assumides i ha revertit en certes modificacions o innovacions teòriques. Com espero haver fet evident, gran part d’aquestes transformacions d’axiomes i propostes explicatives i d’anàlisi han transcorregut de manera paral.lela, encara que amb unes quantes dècades de retard, del desenvolupament del pensament teòric en Economia. En altres llocs hem defensat com, també, aquests processos presenten dimensions polítiques que no poden deixar de considerar-se (Gassiot et al. 1999a; Gassiot i Palomar, 2000; Palomar i Gassiot, 1999). Fins aquí m’he centrat exclusivament en els discursos hegemònics en la nostra disciplina a l’hora d’emprendre l’anàlisi de la subsistència precapitalista. Aquesta hegemonia ha comportat la generalització d’un seguit de categories que articulen els continguts d’una gran part de diferents variants teòriques com altres autors/es ja han argumentat 1. Les variacions de l’ecologia cultural a l’evolucionisme ecològic amb les propostes d’adaptació demogràfica en són una prova. Transcendint les diferents variants discursives, nocions tals com adaptació, dotada de certa dimensió ahistòrica, o de valor, definida a partir del consum dels diferents béns, continuen vertebrant la majoria de les opcions explicatives dels fenòmens estudiats. En aquest capítol, per contra, pretenc il.lustrar l’anàlisi de les formacions socials precapitalistes des d’una òptica teòrica i metodològica absolutament diferent. Dedicaré atenció a aquelles formacions socials on la domesticació d’animals o plantes és absent o quan es presenta ho fa de manera poc central en el conjunt de la seva economia. Per emprendre aquesta tasca, em valdré dels postulats que en els darrers cent-cinquanta anys han anat conformant el que es coneix com materialisme històric o marxisme. A l’igual que en els casos anteriors, les 1 “La realització d’un aparell hegemònic, en la mesura en què crea un nou camp ideològic, determina una reforma de les consciències i dels mètodes de coneixement...” (Gramsci, 1983:83). 288 L'anàlisi de la producció a formacions socials caçadores-recol.lectores explicacions de situacions històriques concretes que pugui derivar d’ara en endavant presenten unes arrels marcades en una sèrie d’enunciats que inicialment s’han formulat fora de l’Arqueologia. Aquest fet no és, de per si, negatiu. Ans al contrari, la incorporació de preocupacions ontològiques, epistemològiques així com arguments econòmics i sociològics a l’estudi de la Història constitueix una font innegable d’enriquiment del coneixement. No obstant, considero necessari explicitar la provinença de les premisses que guien en cada moment les diferents anàlisis i evitar, així, la seva incorporació com axiomes no explicitats. El què a partir d’aquí segueix, és, doncs, la meva proposta per a l’estudi de l’explotació d’una determinada gamma de recursos socials en períodes precapitalistes, especialment en el marc del què es coneix com a societats caçadores- recol.lectores. Cal advertir a la lectora o lector que els fonaments teòrics de l’argumentació que tot seguit presentaré no són originals, en el sentit que provenen d’un potent corrent de pensament filosòfic, històric, econòmic (etc.) i d’acció política del què podem rastrejar-ne els orígens en la segona meitat del s. XVIII i, molt més marcadament, a partir dels volts de l’any 1848. En començar el capítol, se’m presenta una disjuntiva. Per una banda, tinc la possibilitat d’emprendre una descripció i il.lustració de les diferents propostes sota el materialisme històric. Per l’altra, podria intentar evitar les referències a les propostes d’altres autores i autors i només introduir-les al discurs en la mesura que constitueixin elements de la meva pròpia argumentació. Optar per la primera comportaria la necessitat de transformar aquest treball en un tractat enciclopèdic a fi de donar cabuda a l’amplíssima diversitat de corrents teòrics que d’una manera o altra es reivindiquen coherents amb el materialisme històric. En conseqüència, i per facilitar una presentació més àgil, d’ara endavant abandonaré el sistema expositiu seguit fins ara i estructuraré una argumentació a fi de construir una proposta per afrontar l’objecte d’estudi. D’aquesta manera, les referències que incorporaré a les discussions participen, en la majoria de casos, en la gènesi de les meves propostes. Per aquesta raó, propostes com l’arqueologia radical o marxista anglosaxona o l’arqueologia social llatinoamericana, més allunyades dels meus plantejaments, quedaran relegades a un paper marginal en les discussions que emprenc tot seguit. El problema de l’hegemonia, al que al.ludia més amunt, ha afectat la configuració d’alguns discursos alternatius al corpus doctrinal del liberalisme. El marxisme no ha estat aliè a aquest fenomen. Inicialment suposa un desenvolupament dialèctic dels principals sistemes de pensament provinents de la Il.lustració de finals del s. XVIII i del liberalisme burgès del primer terç del s. XIX (Lenin, 1979: 10-11). No obstant, en els seus diferents àmbits teòrics esdevé antagonista del pensament liberal com a expressió del capitalisme. Tal és el cas del socialisme i comunisme com a proposta política o el materialisme dialèctic com a sistema filosòfic versus idealismes i positivismes. En termes econòmics, el conflicte s'expressa en la culminació de la teoria del valor treball, present de manera incompleta en els economistes fisiòcrates francesos i en l’Economia política anglesa, però que en Marx culmina en l’exposició de l'alienació del treball Capítol 7 289 mitjançant el salari i l'apropiació privada de la plusvàlua com a fonament de la producció capitalista. En l’àmbit de l’Economia, per exemple, el conflicte s’accentuarà a partir dels 1870s amb l’esforç de l’Escola Neoclàssica per establir una teoria del valor fonamentada en la utilitat i defugir les perspectives macroeconòmiques que caracteritzen l’Economia política. No obstant, a l’Arqueologia, com a d’altres ciències socials, algunes de les tesis d’autores i autors que es reivindiquen explícitament marxistes, incorporen de manera intuïtiva i sense la reelaboració teòrica necessària categories definides en el marc de les propostes liberals. En casos en què això succeeix, la proposta explicativa final en resulta fortament condicionada. La visió dels agents socials d’Ingold (1988) o Bender (1989) reverteixen en uns resultats difícilment assumibles des del materialisme històric. La proposta de Gilman (1984) per explicar el canvi social que representa el Paleolític superior n'és un altre exemple destacable. En aquest treball, l'arqueòleg nord-americà situa la pràctica d'aliances entre les unitats domèstiques com a component caracteritzador del mode de producció domèstic. L'existència d'aquestes aliances és un resultat de la insuficiència de les pròpies unitats domèstiques per assegurar-se la subsistència individualment. Amb el desenvolupament tecnològic i de les forces productives del final del Paleolític, aquesta insuficiència disminueix. Davant d'aquest fet, sempre segons l'autor, les unitats domèstiques opten per restringir les obligacions socials envers altres unitats tot disminuint l'extensió i intensitat de les aliances. Implícitament, Gilman estableix en la preferència de les unitats domèstiques envers l'absència d'aliances un component normatiu de la conducta social totalment aliena a la realitat productiva, amb la que conflueix, en tot cas, des d'una posició externa. Els dos casos esmentats mostren la incidència de pressupòsits liberals en algunes anàlisis de la vida social en la cacera i recol.lecció inicialment formulades des de la simpatia envers el materialisme històric. Per aquesta raó, dedicaré cert espai a la justificació de categories centrals en l’anàlisi econòmica, tals com valor o producció i reproducció. L’especificitat de la concepció econòmica marxista davant les propostes neoliberals radica, com ja he insinuat més amunt, en la caracterització del valor derivat del treball, fet que trasllada la producció, i la reproducció d’aquesta en el temps, com a objecte central de tot estudi. L’accepció vulgar de valor com a preu (allò que una cosa val) és un clar exemple de la infiltració dels discursos liberals hegemònics i que acaba revertint, tal com senyalava Gramsci (1983), en propostes inicialment alternatives però que, de fet, acaben reproduint la pròpia ideologia dominant. 290 L'anàlisi de la producció a formacions socials caçadores-recol.lectores 7.1. Materialisme històric i estudi de les formacions socials precapitalistes. S’anomena marxisme a una sèrie integrada de concepcions de la realitat i praxis2. En la seva dimensió explicativa de la realitat social, el marxisme es coneix
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