AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS (UMBUTHO WESIZWE — LEKHOTLA LA SECHABA)

■s 1

c & n n u a l <= Q e p o r

OF THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

4(Sth c&nnual general (^on^erence

of the

cA\ricai\ <^Ylationcil (^onc/retA

held at the

iSocial Centre, urban

0 # t the 13th to 14th ember, 1958 AFRICAN NATIONAL _ CONGRESS ,

Report of the 46th Annual National Conference - V- , • - s* — *•— J. ‘ • held in the SOCIAL CENTRE, DURBAN ■ ■ i- - ' i’ , on the 13th~14th December, 1958.

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PREFACE . v'" V ' v,: 1 1 • ** .-r * i. ' > ; 1. Delegates from the African National Congress Branches in many parts of South Africa are once more assembled in Durban to review the events of the past year in this country and in the rest of the World. Our purpose is to examine the progress made, the setbacks suffered, and to plan afresh in the light of new experiences gained during the period under review.

» 2. It is our duty to mention at the outset that every statement in this report is not just made in order to fill pages but is made in order that it should receive your serious attention and careful study and deliberation. As a people we are to-day facing a grim future, we are confronted with many grave problems which threaten our political, economic and social progress.

3. It is therefore the desire and earnest request of the National Executive Committee that delegates should discharge their responsibilities in a manner be­ fitting responsible men and women charged with the affairs of a people whose life is beset with serious dangers and difficulties. We are confident that delegates, sub­ duing their feelings and emotions, will rise to the need of the hour.'

4. The main issues which face us to-day and which conference is called upon to consider are roughly these: unity, discipline, alertness and loyalty in the Afrioan National Congress; the strengthening and development of the Congress alliance; the Government threat to han the Congress; state of organisational preparedness and new methods of political work in the light of the changed conditions; the ruthless Govern­ ment attacks on our people in the towns, on the country­ side and in the reserves; mass arrests and mass trials; the creation of a leadership personnel, and the financing of the work and activities of our National organisation. These then are some of the most important and pressing problems "before our 46th Annual National Conference.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

5. Great strides have been made in scientific discoveries and developments. Not satisfied with putting artificial satellites on the earth's orbit and with sending dangerous missiles round the earth, men of science are to-day talking about conquering the moon. There can be no doubt that recent discoveries and inven­ tions in the field of science open up vast possibilities for the progress of mankind. It is equally certain, how­ ever, that science has developed and perfected the most deadly weapons of destruction imaginable, and unless the nations and peoples of the world are vigilant in the preservation of peace, science will annihilate mankind,

6. Yet there are still some strange forces in this world which regard this great scientific progress as a means by which to promote their predatory interests. In the destructive nuclear weapons they see their chance to world domination. During the year we narrowly escaped the outbreak of war over the Middle East and Far East situations. But popular forces of peace succeeded in staying the hands of the villains and thus in averting a world conflagration. It is a matter of regret and great concern to all peace loving people of the world that the great powers - the United States, Great Britain and the Soviet Union - have not found an answer to the question of disarmament and prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons.

7» As an oppressed people we are very much interested in the freedom of all other oppressed people regardless of their colour, racial origin or religious beliefs. We are therefore pleased to note the increase in the area of freedom and national independence since our last Annual National Conference. And, the further consolidation of Asian and African solidarity.

8. The peoples of French Guinea and Madagascar have now attained some measure of political independence and those of Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Tanganyika, Uganda and even that of Kenya are in varying degrees and tempo moving towards National freedom and independence. Nearer home, in the Central African Federation, the African people of Nyasaland, Northern and Southern Rhodesia are in the throes of the struggle for freedom, equality and justice, and our small mountainous island, Basutoland, has also started preparations towards that cherished end. They have been granted legislative power. We congratu­ late them for this achievement.

9# In spite of bitter and slanderous propaganda and economic sabotage by representatives of imperialist and colonial powers, as well as all those who are ill- disposed towards them, the young independent states of Asia and Africa have steadily consolidated their politi­ cal power and developed their economics. Thus we have seen the emergence of the United Arab Republic the idea of a West African Federation or Union and the new political re-orientation in a number of these countries. In connection with the question of developing their economics, some have benefitted from the concept and policy of Soviet Russia regarding economic and technical assistance.

10. Having so far only emphasised the struggles

of those countries and peoples who have emerged from national oppression and attained freedom and independence, let us now say a few words about the peoples of Africa who are still Anguishing under the strain of national oppression and racial discrimination. The whole of the African continent is awakening and beginning to find it­ self, its various peoples are captivated by the spirit of

the time, the spirit of freedom, human dignityf self- respect and self-determination. Their march to freedom may at times be retarded but can never be stopped.

11. Savage atrocities have been committed against the peoples of Africa in the name of "Western Civilisation". We have in mind here some of

the harrowing deeds of the Portuguese, Belgian, French and British Governments. Each of these powers has at one time or another committed acts which are at variance with its declared policies and professed aims. But these brutal attacks and repressive measures have not succeeded in totally silencing or suppressing the people’s struggles for freedom and justice, in the given terri­ tories, Doubting Thomases are Invited to look beyond their borders and see what is happening there. Even

areas / . . . areas which seemingly appear peaceful and politically

tranquil are in reality simmering with discontent "below the surface and suffer periodic political eruptions.

PAN-APRICAN CONFERENCE^,

12. Africa is to-day both important and valuable. It is important for its sons and daughters because of its political awakening and achievements, as well as its developments. It is valuable to Great Powers and colonial powers who see in it a field of investment and battleground for their ideological struggles. They are therefore antagonistic to the people’s struggles for freedom and liberation. These facts have Increased the ever-existing need for the coming together of the peoples of the various countries and regions of Africa, and the formation of some sort of political co-operation among them.

13. With this object in view and with a view to checking the intentions of the colonialists, a most historic all-Africa conference has just ended in Accra,

Ghana. The conference started on the 8th and ended on the 12th December, 1958. The Conference has struok fear into the hearts of racialists and imperialists. It is hoped that the Conference will have succeeded in estab­ lishing a machinery to step up the process of liberation and to bring about an effective co-operation. No one in the continent of Africa could be happier about this step than the A.N.C. .. and the progressive forces in South Africa. South Africa was represented by delegates includ­ ing the President of Basutoland Congress and Mr. Z, Mphahlela and Hutchinson. Our foreign policy flows from the Bandung Decl'arations^on which decisions of the Pan-

=/ See Annexure . , African / . . . African Conference should be based. (Our Memorandum to the Pan-African Conference is attached hereto).

THE APARTHEID POLICY IN SOUTH AFRICA .

14. The apartheid policy of the Nationalist Government has again been attacked at the United Nations. The delegates from various countries expressed concern that the Union Government continues to turn a deaf ear and has ignored numerous appeals from the world body to revise its racial apartheid policy. More and more dele­ gates are joining in the attack as shown during the last session.

15. During last year’s General Assembly, the

Nationalist Government decided to boycott U.N.O. debates on the racial policy of the Government. This year the Government was forced to abandon its unwise boycott. It is also significant that the Government allowed a U.N.O. Commission to enter South Africa for the purpose of in­ vestigating the position of South West Africa.

16. The commission recommended the division of South West Africa into two sections, one to be annexed by the Union and the other to be administered by the

international organisPtion. The recommendation was consistent with the apartheid policy. It was correctly rejected by the people of South West Africa and the General

Assembly. It ?/as obviously an attempt by the Union

Government to evado the real issue, the demand that South West Africa should be administered by U.N. which would prepare the people for self-Government instead of apart­ heid. i • • •

17. Whilst we do not imagine for a moment that our liberation will come through the United Nations we

are naturally pleased to know that the world is with us in its condemnation of racial policies of the Nationalist Government and in recognising the fact that racial dis­ crimination is an international issue fraught with serious dangers to world peace. The policy of reaction has no place in the progressive world of today.

RETURN OF THE NATIONALISTS.

18. The white electorate gave strength and power to the most reactionary force in the country. More votes and more seats went to the Nationalists. The official opposition, the United Party, has been further weakened. The more progressive Party the South Africa Labour Party, was for the first time in 45 years completely eliminated as a parliamentary party. To many who did not understand the S.A, situation this reaction was completely puzzling and shocking. But to us it was a mere confirmation of what we have been warning the country about since 1910.

19. South Africa is to-day governed by the most reactionary elements within the Nationalist Party itself. The European electorate did not only place the most re­ actionary party in power by giving more votes and more seats.to the Nationalists in parliament but also elevated the most hated ruthless arrogant and stubborn fascist dictator as the Prime Minister of cur country,

20. The illusion of changing the South African *» situation through the present electoral system has been shattered for all times. The correctness of the people's view that there can be no democracy whilst the majority of the people are voteless has been confirmed. We have repeatedly warned that instead of progress there will be more and more reaction in our country. Dictatorship has been installed, the Nationalists can he got out of power not by the voters but by the voteless masses, by extra parliamentary means. When we told the country this last year that the change in the S.A. situation depends not so much on the United Party as on the vote- less masses we were misunderstood. We had no illusions t then about the colourless United Party. But some people still believed that the United Party had chances of vanning the elections and that our demonstrations would have the effect of driving the voters into the hands of the Nationalists. As a result of this outlook we failed to achieve unity among the Anti-Nationalists and to get the necessary support for the mass action.

21. The return of the Nationalists brought dis­ illusionment and desperation especially amongst Euro­ peans. In almost all the areas under United Party control a general capitulation has taken place. This was partic­ ularly the case in Johannesburg where the City Council has surrendered the rights of citizens to the police and the N.A.D. This is not quite the case among the non- Europeans they have faith in the future and are determined to work for a better South Africa. It is encouraging to see the growth in the number of Europeans who are joining the struggle against Nationalist tyranny.

FORWARD MARCH. 22. The people have decided to challenge the Nationalist Party and the very cornerstone of the con­ ception of white domination. During the election week the Congress movement decided to intervene by demonstra­ tions and by putting forward the people's demands. No one can doubt the effectiveness and the impact this decision had on the whole country. Indeed it is the most historic, and marks a turning point in our politics. We can no longer fold our arms and allow the minority to elect without our intervention.

STAY-AT-HOME.

23. Although the stay-at-home was not as success­ ful as we might have liked it to he, and was in faot a disappointment, it would he naive to under estimate the act­ ion, As chief Luthuli puts it "At this time when white South Africa was electing a government it was necessary for non-white people to make their demands known. The electing period was obviously the most opportune moment for doing so. iifter all if there Is a time when policies and demands are given expression to, it is election time. In such a situation we would not as responsible leaders of the National Liberatory Movement remain silent. In making our views known we, of course, had to employ the only weapon available to us. Furthermore we did want our people to cease to regard the general elections as "White man*s Affair". This has been the attitude in the past. In spite of this leaders of white political parties have exploited us as bogey, in every election. There have been elections in which "Black Manifestos1' and anti­ black propaganda have featured with us as passive on­ lookers. This time we decided to intervene actively as an independent force to shatter the myth of elections as white man's affair for good. The campaign intended to demonstrate vital interest we have in the elections. We saw the entire state machinery, cabinet, army,police, and officials mobilised in a massive demonstration to orush all opposition. Our intervention became a matter of serious concern to leaders of white political parties which reacted by making all manner of extragavant

statements / . . , statements. I do not recall any elections in which a the political organisation was discussed as much as /.frican National Congress in this our demands, particularly for Legislation for minimum wage of one pound a day was recog­ nised hy all including leaders of Commerce, Industry and Civic Affairs. Great political revival centering around demands went through the country and the results of this will he felt and seen more and more in the future".

24. The critics and enemies of the A.N.C. were very jubilant over what they had considered to he the downfall of the A.N.C. They made positive statements that the A.N.C. had not only lost initiative hut had ceased to he a force in the country. 1/Ve in the A.N.C. fear nothing, we admit mistakes and failures hut we shall never relax or allow enemies of the organisation to make wild statements for the sole purpose of destroying the organisation.

25. In regard to what took place in the three days the working committee issued a well considered statement for discussion hy the branches. The branches were Invited to discuss frankly and send their views to the National Congress. Few branches responded, the majority of branches may or may not have discussed the statement we do not know. As this was a joint campaign a Conference of joint Executives took place on the 1st May and the whole campaign was analysed in a statement annexed herein.

26. A summary of the points of the events of that week which emerged from the discussions is as follows:-

(!) that campaign was not a failure in the sense that the intervention shook

■ r the / « . , the country and that in spite of the powerful propaganda and the whole state machinery used against the people the strike did take place. In some factories and in some areas e.g. the Western areas the strike was successful. The Country took note of the demands.

(ii) the calling-off, although the manner manner in which it was done is subject to_criticism, on the whole it left the initiative of the campaign in the hands of the Congress movement, and prevented a division which might have followed. (iii) failure was due to inadequate prepara­ tion - the lack of neat organisational machinery5 the confusion as to the' pfoce of the A.N.C. in the whole cam- ' paign - in other words many people re­ garded it as a mere SACTU affair. (iv) As against the disunity within the A.N.C. and the Anti-Nationalist camp, the whole propaganda machinery of the state and the Africanists and other reactionary elements united and geared their forces against the campaign.

7# There can Toe no doubt that the whole liberation movement took the shortcomings and criticisms seriously, as a result of which the period after the stay—at—home has been used to re-organise and to re-unite the people and we can happily and proudly report that the unity’ within the A.N.C. has been achieved and sealed. The unity within the Congress movement, the alliance which had shown signs of weakening, has once more been firmly established.

28* We have reached a position to-day whereby the progressive forces, even outside the Congress movement, are closing up their ranks - the initiative once more is in the hands of the people's movement.

UNITED FRONT.

29* There is to-day wide realisation among the people of South Africa, that the future of their country < » lies in their unity. The fighting spirit exists in varying degrees among the anti-Nationalist foroes. The United Party itself is under fire from its rank and file and from some of its leaders for its vascilating policy of wanting to out-nat the Nationalists, and its double faced attitude on the question of race relations. The Black Sash and Liberal Party took a firm stand on the question of increase in poll-tax, banning meetings, opposition to pass-laws and the sell-out policy of the City Councillors controlled hy the United Party. On the question of high wages too they have-shown great interest. The Trade Union Council has also made a clear statment in regard to the increase of wages. Unfortunately the Liberation movement has not found an appropriate method to bring about the necessary co-operation of all these forces. We must particularly confess our failures our participation in in / the multi-racial Committee which showed such great possibilities when it held a Conference on the 5th December in Johannesburg, in that the continuation committees does not receive sufficient attention from the A,N.C, The incoming Executive should be directed to in­ clude, among many tasks, the task of carrying out this go od work.

30, A clear demand of unity has been put forward by the editor of the "Rand Daily Mail" writing under the name of Owen Vine, with clarity and foresight. This oall ✓ for unity unfortunately embarrassed some of those organi­ sations who have claimed to stand for a free and united democratic society. It has not yet been possible for them to sink their petty differences.

31. The A.N.C. welcomes the call and will unhesitatingly work for such unity. It is our belief

that there is a great task which faces progressive people in this country, that task is to educate the European public, the millions who have been fed on false and poisonous racialistic, propaganda. The unity of the potential progressive forces is the key to the overthrow of the Nationalist regime.

A REPUBLIC.

32, The Nationalist last act to seal their aim of a fascist dictatorship will be the establishment of a fascist republic in the next few years. We are certainly opposed to the type of a republic contemplated by the Nationalist.

MASS TRIALS.

33. It seems clear that the Nationalist Govern­ ment has committed South Africa to a future of mass trails as a mode of dealing with the demands of the people, and in an effort to crush the popular movement against the ✓ enactment and enforcement of the undemocratic and anti­ democratic laws. The scores of Treason accused, the numberless crowds who have been prosecuted following the government's attempt to impose passes on Zeerust women, the hundreds who are facing mass murder trial in Sekhukhuniland, arising from ill-advised and ill-timed meddling by the people of the Native Affairs Department, the dozens who have been charged with incitement follow­ ing the stay-at-home of April 14th, the trials involving thousands of women who took part in anti-pass demonstrations all these combine to produce a picture in which the theatre of political conflict is shifting to the law courts, in as much as every effective mass demand or mass resistance to tyranny and fascism leads, almost inevitably, to mass arrests and prosecution on some charge or other.

34. It is obvious that the policy of the Government is to arrest whenever possible to exhaust all resouroes of the liberation movement. More and more arrests are still going to take place, the problem of defence, bail and fines is mounting by day. These are problems facing this Conference, they should be properly examined and the discussions must be objeotive if we are to find a way out. It is easy of course for some one to stand up and say, "No defence, no bail, no fine," and by that the house may be under theimpression that it has solved the problem. It is also easy to stand up and say wemust defend every case, find money for bail and fines in all cases the position is not so simple. he problem is much deeper than that. Some people use the fact that in the treason case defence and bail was found and that in every case the principle' must apply, . . •.

The question to be considered is the advantage to be gained by the movement of any step we take and the concrete conditions prevailing at any given time. Ori the question of the women's demonstrations some people simply said, "no bail, no fines", this approach did not'take into account the actual conditions namely. A large number of women went to jail not in the same way as people did in the Defiance Campaign, i.e. having prepared themselves to serve. Many women did not expect arrest, this created a problem because whether you liked it or not relatives were ready to bail them out and pay fines particularly when the cases appeared to be prolonged. \ It therefore became necessary for the leaders to act, in order to prevent confusion and chaos which might have followed.

35. When a spontaneous movement takes place the duty of the leadership is not just to follow spontaneously, hut to give it a proper direction. We hesitated to do this in the women's demonstration and the results were not of the best. These lessons are useful in preparing ourselves for what is to be done from now on, in the light f of the Government policy to arrest and in the light of the defence and money problems. Even when we decide that people must be prepared to stay in gaol without bail and fines, there may be cases which will require defence, bail, fine. This brings us to one important political problem, that is, new methods of struggle must emerge, they must be found. We can no longer rely only on the old forms, we must discard what is not useful and use what we think is suitable.

THE ECONOMIC POSITION IN SOUTH AFRICA.

36. The Government tries by all means to hide the fact that the country is faced with some sort of a crisis, there is recession in the country. After all South Africa is part of the Western economy which is affected by the economic upheavals.

37. Secondary Industry plays an important part to-day in our economic affairs, it would be foolish to deny that the leading branches within the secondary industry are faoed with tremendous difficulty, some of . the factories are closing down. Unemployment is growing and some people are employed part time? how can this not affeot the economio situation in the country?

38. The economic position of South Africa cannot he expected to improve, it will deteriorate, heoause its human recourses are wasted and ignored. Yet our country has vast resources hoth human and material, most of which are as yet not tapped, the country is rich and wide. If its wealth and its manpower, black and white are properly used and given an opportunity to contribute in production then the evils of starvation and un-employment could be banished for good. That means removing artificial colour barriers, segregation, apartheid, baaskap and racial descrimination, pass laws, group areas, all of which are in one form or another an obstacle to the progress of the country.

39. Racial disease affects every sphere of South , African life. No real development can take place as long as this position remains. Europeans in this country and to some extent even overseas try to look for solution only within the frame vro rk of the present made South African system, as if the system is permanent. They miss the point that no country can afford to supress two thirds of its population and still hope to make progress.

40. It is obvious that in our struggle we should wage a relentless struggle on the economic front as well. The investors in this country and elsewhere must be taught to look at the situation realistically and to adjust themselves or face the consequence of the situation. We must study the role of various business organisations such as Sake Kamer, Chambers of Commerce and Industries, mining and farming organisations. Their role during

eleotion / , . , " / election time and stay-at-home as disclosed in the mem­ orandum published in.New Age from the Chamber of Indus­ tries reveals a lot for us.

ECONOMIC BOYCOTT.

41. The economic, boycott is going to be one of the major political weapons in the country, our organisation must prepare itself for this major struggle. It is to be regretted that our handling of the boycott campaign has not been of the best in the past,

42. For this gigantic task we need a permanent commission to look into all economic aspects and to rec­ ommend from time to time necessary and effective actions.

£1 A DAY CAMPAIGN.

43. * Although we suoceeded to focus the attention of the whole country on the question of higher wages and the demand for £1 a day we did not consistently follow up g,s the A.N.C. The farm and mine workers have not been aroused on this question of higher wages, yet this is the most exploited group. As a result of th« campaign for the increase of wages, the employers are now talking of raising wages. The impression might be created that the increase in wages are due to the sudden change of heart among the' employers. The role of the organisation in bringing about these proposals is obscured. This is due to lack of propaganda on our part. We must now cor­ rect this attitude and make the people realize the true reason for the proposed increases by employers.

INCREASE OF TAX.

44. In spite of the outcry in the country against

the / # « i the miserable wages paid to African workers the govern­ ment has taken an outrageous action when the Minister of Finance introduced a Bill which is now law raising the Poll Tax of the African Males over the ages 18 by 75% and in the same measure is contained a clause raising the Tax in a sliding scale and also forcing the African women to pay Tax. In 1960 Taxes will go up again.

Every man earning up to £.15 a month £180 a year - will have to pay £l,15,0d, poll tax, but if you earn more than that, you will also have to pay more,

A sliding scale will be Introduced which will increase taxes still further on all incomes over £180 a year.

Men earning between £180 - £240 a year will pay £2; Men earning between £240 <- £300 a year will pay £2;15, Men earning between £300 <- £360 a year will pay £3,10. Men earning between £360 - £420 a year will pay £4, 5. Incomes over £420 will be taxed £4,5,0d, plus £1, for every £60 over that.

In addition to the fundamental objections of no taxation without representation, we maintain that tax must be .abased on the ability of a man to pay not on race. There is no other country except S,A, where the burden of tax is on the shoulders of the people who do not only have no say in the government of the country but form the poorest section. Further Africans who earn £15 a month are liable to various other taxes e,g, they have to pay economic Rent in some cases up to 200% notwithstanding the fact that 1957 the people in the Rand categorically said they could not pay 5/- increase in bus fares per month, the cost of living in raising any direct taxation must of necessity affect the lower income groups,

GROUP AREAS.

45, In some of the main cities of the Union Group areas have been proclaimed resulting in economic ruin

for / , , , for a large number of people. Although the main victims of this drastic measure are Indians it is a mistake to consider that no other section of the community will be affected. Already Lady Selborne, Sophiatown and other areas owned by Africans have been proclaimed. This is one of the most unhuman and scandalous measures in our country and the issue must be brought sharply to the United Nations Organisation.

STRUGGLE AGAINST PASSES.

46. The broad policy statement issued 2 years ago is still applicable in the present situation. In re­ viewing the anti-pass campaign launched in 1955 we find that the role played by the African women is most in­ spiring. In many parts of the country protests, demon­ strations, burning of passes, deputations, boycotts and strikes have taken place. The resistance of the people to this notorious Pass system mounting. Its development takes place in accordance with our statement of policy namely that it is a prolonged struggle now taking one form and now another. To hope that by striking one blow we would defeat the system would result in disillusionment. On the other hand we cannot sit until everybody is ready to enter the battle field others may follow to-day or the day after or even months afterwards. The campaign must systematically widen taking different forms at different, times in different places. The truth is that struggle for the repeal of Pass—laws has begun there is no going back but "forward ever".

47* We proudly salute the women freedom volunteers from Winberg, Lichtenberg, Zeerust, Sekhukhuniland, Uitenhage, Standerton, Durban, Pietermaritzburg and two- thousand Johannesburg women. Men must prepare them­ selves "Amadoda Makazi lungiselele kuba engayazi iminl neyure".

TRADE UNION.

48. In recent years we have said quite a lot about the A.N.C. playing an important role in assisting to organise workers into the Trade Union. It is true that we speak about this assistance nearly in all our meetings. This is far from being satisfactory, our resolutions re­ quire that we should do something more than this, the actual creation of Trade Unions and also seeing to it that A.N.C. members join the Trade Unions and organise branches. We should take advantage of this and educate our people about industrial organisations. A large number of non-Europeans are unemployed. The government is not satisfied with this ugly position to aggravate the position people are prohibited from certain jobs purely on the grounds of race under the job reservation measure.

THE RURAL PROBLEMS. 49. The conditions are even worse in the country side. The Reserves are overcrowded and unproductive. The migratory labour system just makes the position worse, the workers only work for train fare. It is in the field of economics where apartheid proves more unrealistic.

The proposed finance co-operation is of no value to most of the population, its purpose is just to create some sort of traitor class. This does not mean tits*" that we say it must be boycotted or that everyone who participates in it is a traitor. We are only warning the people to be vigilant about it. 50. The most hard pressed section of oui* community is to he found in the European farms. There are two groups of farm workers,the labour tenants and the ordinary fatm labourers. We have received complaints of rotten cheating of the labour tenants by farm owners who take advantage of the fact that these people have nowhere else to go. They cannot go to the Urban Areas because of influx control and there is no place in the Reserves, There is a general complaint among labour tenants who have no protection against farmers who blackmail them and not pay them of their products.

51. The other group consists of labourers who are locked up in the compounds with no contact with the outside world. They are ill treated .... and earn a starving wage. They dare not complain nor leave the farm for fear of arrest.

THE RESERVES.

52. The country people continue to struggle in spite of the difficulties, their attitude is unchanged. The Chiefs and government find it almost impossible to put their plans into operation. They are resisting Bantu Authorities and Rehabilitation Scheme, the African Chiefs on the whole have a tradition working with the A.N.C. from its inception. To continue on this has become more difficult in recent years, yet many of them are with the people some have in fact been deported as a result of their work but they do not complain.

There are some however, who have beoome the loyal agents of the government. They serve the govern­ ment even better than the police. It is this group whioh has become desperate in its efforts to implement the government's plan and has become very cruel and brutal

against the people* This distinction is necessary because some people condemn all Chiefs and some think all the Chiefs are with us.

54. The A.N.C. is as you all know illegal in some of the reserves even in the Areas where it has not yet been banned the fact that meetings cannot be held without the consent of a Chief and the Native Commissioner places the organisation in a position of illegality. We are grateful for efforts made in various reserves partic­ ularly in the Transvaal, Ceiskei, Transkel and to some extent in Natal we would like a greater effort now to mobilise the reserves we need not have the people in the reserves joining A.N.C, in view of many difficulties we should create a core in every reserve which will be useful in whatever action we may decide on. It would be better to create a peasants organisation.

BANTU EDUCATION.

55. The struggle against Bantu Education is far from being over, although the boycott phase of it is now over.

56. Since its inception this inferior type of education met with widespread and spontaneous protests and in many areas the people called for a permanent boy- ✓ oott of Bantu Education Schools and their instruments - the Bantu Education School Committee and Boards. Quite notable withdrawals of children from school took place in places like Germiston, Benoni, Brakpan, Alexandra, Port Elizabeth, etc. clearly however, neither the A.N.C, nor the African Education Movement could provide alter- ’ rv£ o 3 s- ’ ‘ • native education. The Cultural Club Movement was founded

with / , , . with many difficulties and constant police intimi­ dation.

57. The. task which now faces the A.N.C. and the A.E.M* is,one of counteracting effectively the poison of Bantu Education through the Cultural Clubs. These will cater for children particularly in places where there are no schools. We are determined to educate our children for a free society,

FINANCE; 58. It must he clear to all members from the account already given that financial commitments are heyond the capacity of the organisation. This places a challenge on every honest member of the organisation that he should pay according to the demands of the times, it is not too much to ask members to give at least a day's wages per annum in addition to other contributions. 2/6d. is ridiculously low for an organisation of the calibre of the A.N.C, With the growth of the organisation and the mass trials we will need more and more money,

PROBLEMS WITHIN THE A.N.C.

59, You will recall that during the period under review the A.N.C, was faced with serious disputes in the two most powerful A.N.C. provincial branches the Cape and Transvaal, In the Transvaal dispute arose out of the Provincial conference held in October,1957, the proceedings of which were challenged by certain branches. The dispute grew to such dimensions that the National had to take over the Administration of the Transvaal, A conference was held on the 1st and 2nd November and a report is attached hereto.

60, In the Cape some branches protested at the election of Mr.. T.E.. Tshunungwa’ "by the. Provincial Executive as Secretary. On the grounds that prior to his arrest as a Provincial Secretary he abandoned the work of Congress without any explanation, and an acting Secretary had to be appointed. In this dispute two Com- 1 mittees came into being. The National Executive convened a conference on the 15th-16th August in Paarl to settle in the dispute/the Cape Provincial Branches. The report on the Conference is attached hereto.

61. Taking advantage of this situation the entire \ * reactionary force, the Nationalist Government, Africanists and the whole.European Press and the so-called Bantu Press all of which were using the Africanist to break and destroy our .National organisation launched an attack on us. We are happy to say that all those evil efforts were nipped in the bud. The invincible spirit of the people safeguarded the A.N.C., the enemy was once more beaten and the unity of the people once more restored,

62. In our last year report we dealt with the policy of the A.N.C. as reflected in the three main policy documents outlined in the form of a memorandum 1957* namely African Claims, programme of action and the Freedom Charter, This year we propose to deal with certain aspects of this, policy in the light of an all-out propaganda campaign by the A.N.C. critics and the A.N.G. enemies and particularly because of the emergence of an Africanist organisation.

63. As a result of grievances and complaints from some branches of the A.N.C. against the handling pf the ■" *7 •" . '■ • v. . f • affairs of the organisation, a daring attempt to subvert c . and disrupt the organisation was made by a small clique within the A.N.C. calling itself Africanist.

64-. / . . . 64. This group has heen in existence although not openly since 1951 hut completely disappeared during the Defiance Campaign and re-emerged in 1953. When the Freedom Charter was adopted hy a special conference of the A.N.C. at the beginning of 1956 this group was routed and silenced until there was a dispute when they seized the opportunity of launching a malicious campaign of slander and subversion and disruption.

65. Whether the Africanist initiated.the campaign on their own or they were instruments of other forces we cannot say, one thing is now clear the government, the Africanist and other enemies of the A.N.C. including the hostile press joined hands and formed a united front against the Congress movement. They all claimed that the A.N.C. was preparing to establish a communist state on the basis of the Freedom Charter, that the A.N.C. was controlled and directed by the C.O.D., that the alliance of the Congress movement was detrimental to the true interest of the African people. The Africanists then set themselves the task of breaking the special conference of the A.N.C, Transvaal, if necessary by force. When they realised that their efforts to break the Conference had failed because of the effective counter measures taken by the Organisation they suddenly announced their secession. We welcome their departure from our organisation.

66. The methods used by the Africanists and other forces are precisely what all imperialists have used against the peoples movements throughout the world. It may be correct to divide these elements into two, the one which believes that whenever Europeans are with the Africans they must be dominating. This is the group be they black or white which believes that the Africans cannot stand on their own; the other group has a clear objective to divide ..J C -J ... J. *’• • • J the people and. prevent the struggle from developing. The President General.on the authority of the Working Committee made an important statement on the 5th October at the Congress rally in regard to Africanist. We hope this statement will clear ,the position once and for all.

67, The fundamental points of the statement ares- That the A.N.C. is a democratic organisation whose sole interest is the achievement of its aim, and naturally any suggestion or criticism whose purpose is to improve the organisation and further the interest of African is not only welcomed but invited. The forums for the A.N.C. are open to all its members to make suggestions and to criticise the organisation and its leaders and to have these suggestions accepted or rejected. However the A.N.C, is also an organisation with discipline once a member’s point of view has been rejected by the majority he must abide by the decision until the matter is redebated al­ ternatively if he cannot accept the decision of the majority he must resign.

68, Since its inception the A.N.C, accepted South Africa as a multi-racial Society in which all racial groups have the right to live in dignity and prosperity. In fact the A.N.C. was founded in order to unite the African tribes into a political force in order to demand full democratic rights within the multi-racial frame work of our society. The Nationalism of the A,N,C, was one whic h was not exclusive and racialistic but broad and all

embracing,

69, Early in its history of struggle the A.N.C. realised and accepted the fact that freedom was indivisible, ■ ’ •'/j • ■:. .. ■ . • and / . . . and that it was essential to work all the forces which were prepared to struggle for the same ideas, It is for this reason that the A.N.C. since 1912 joined forces with the coloured organisation "African People’s Organisation*1. This policy of the A.N.C. is contained in the "African Claims” and was reaffirmed in the Freedom Charter. The African Claims was adopted in 1945, and was based on the "Atlantic Charter". In both these documents there is no rejection of other racial groups. On the other hand there is implicit in both documents a confirmation of the policy of racial co-operation.

70. What is the substance of the allegation that the A.N.C.v is controlled by Indians, C.O.D. or Communists? This is obviously a malicious and dishonest form of prop­ aganda which has no substance,in fact the main purpose of which is to discredit and divide Congress and its allies. It is well known to those who make these allegations that the A.N.C. leads the alliance and had worked with all organisations which do not oppose its policy including Indians and Communists. The C.O.D, is a creation of the A.N.C. and the Indian Congress.

71. It will be remembered that the Bantu National Congress of Bhengu was sponsored by the Government pre­ cisely to spread anti-Indian and anti-progressive propa­ ganda. The Bantu National Congress failed disgracefully because the people realised that Bhengu wanted to sell apartheid to them. The government hates and fears alliance. Just as it hates and fears Freedom Charter. The policy of the Congress was developed under the most fierce attack from the Government and its Agents.

72. The Africanists Nationalism, is nothing more

than / . . . than Dr. Verwoerd »s policy of Development along their own lines. It is these renegades who have abandoned Congress policy of building a united force to struggle against the Government. Their policy is to wreck the organisation. There is now no longer any place for them within our organ­ isation they are separate organisation hostile to the A.N.C.

TASKS OF THE YEAR .

73. During the period under review in terms of last year's resolutions we were directed among other things to appoint a commission to deal with the problems of dis­ unity and friction in the branches, to step up our propa­ ganda machinery to intensify the campaign against pass laws and their extension to the women, to campaign for a minimum wage of £1 a day, to campaign against the Group Areas Act, to produce a branch manual, to explore the possibility of launching a newspaper, to organise volun­ teers and convene a Conference to work for the defeat of the Nationalist Government and the creation of a strong united front. Some of these resolutions have been imple­ mented, others have not. We have already dealt with the stay-at-home campaign, a commission of enquiry to deal with the friction in the branches has been appointed although it has not begun its work, the branch manual has been produced. We have already dealt with the campaign against passes, Group Areas and £1 a day. The Conference of volunteers has not yet been called due to various problems, e.g. banning of meetings,

n ■

PROPAGANDA.

74-. On the propaganda side the Committee has been appointed but its work is far behind. It has not tackled

the / . . . the main problem of publishing a regular official bulletin and a newspaper.

It may be better that the Conference should itself appoint a special committee and give specific instructions of what precisely should be done.

ORGANISATION.

75. Our national organisation stands at the cross­ roads to-day. The Government’s three pronged attack on the African people and their organisations - the banning and deportation of leaders and active political workers, the prohibition of meetings of more than ten Africans, the strict and harsh control - the authorisation of the presence of every African in Urban and proclaimed areas, and the demand and insistence on the African’s very right.to live being officially sanctioned, stamped and counter endorsed before the African could legally remain or move about in these areas - has created a very grave urgent political and organisational problem for the African National Congress,

76. Our aim should be to make the Congress a body that can survive any attack or on-slaught made upon it, no matter how severe, and to build the Congress into a true and undisputed spokesman for the Africans throughout the country. Nothing in this country that has shown the importance of an efficient and powerful organisation than the stay-at-home action during the election week,

77. We all admit that the potentiality of our organisation to mobilise the social forces are unlimited but certain fundamental political organisational and administrative problems hamper our future progress and the growth of our movement. It will be readily appreciated

that / . . .

Collection Number: AD1137

FEDERATION OF SOUTH AFRICAN WOMEN 1954-1963

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