Book Reviews – Boekresensies
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Malibongwe Let Us Praise the Women Portraits by Gisele Wulfsohn
Malibongwe Let us praise the women Portraits by Gisele Wulfsohn In 1990, inspired by major political changes in our country, I decided to embark on a long-term photographic project – black and white portraits of some of the South African women who had contributed to this process. In a country previously dominated by men in power, it seemed to me that the tireless dedication and hard work of our mothers, grandmothers, sisters and daughters needed to be highlighted. I did not only want to include more visible women, but also those who silently worked so hard to make it possible for change to happen. Due to lack of funding and time constraints, including raising my twin boys and more recently being diagnosed with cancer, the portraits have been taken intermittently. Many of the women photographed in exile have now returned to South Africa and a few have passed on. While the project is not yet complete, this selection of mainly high profile women represents a history and inspiration to us all. These were not only tireless activists, but daughters, mothers, wives and friends. Gisele Wulfsohn 2006 ADELAIDE TAMBO 1929 – 2007 Adelaide Frances Tsukudu was born in 1929. She was 10 years old when she had her first brush with apartheid and politics. A police officer in Top Location in Vereenigng had been killed. Adelaide’s 82-year-old grandfather was amongst those arrested. As the men were led to the town square, the old man collapsed. Adelaide sat with him until he came round and witnessed the young policeman calling her beloved grandfather “boy”. -
Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
Ambiguities of South Africa's Quest for Democracy
AMBIGUITIES OF SOUTH AFRICA’S QUEST FOR DEMOCRACY INAUGURAL LECTURE DELIVERED AT RHODES UNIVERSITY on 25 August 1993 by Roger J. Southall BA (Leeds) MA (Econ) (Manchester) PhD (Birmingham) GRAHAMSTOWN RHODES UNIVERSITY 1993 AMBIGUITIES OF SOUTH AFRICA’S QUEST FOR DEMOCRACY INAUGURAL LECTURE DELIVERED AT RHODES UNIVERSITY on 25 August 1993 by Roger J. Southall BA (Leeds) MA (Econ) (Manchester) PhD (Birmingham) GRAHAMSTOWN RHODES UNIVERSITY 1993 First published in 1993 by Rhodes University Grahamstown South Africa ©PROF RJ SOUTHALL - 1993 Roger Southall Ambiguities of South Africa's Quest for Democracy ISBN: 0-86810-262-8 No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers. INTRODUCTION I am not sure that my students will agree, but my opinion is that this is the first time I have lectured in funny clothes. Inaugural lectures, in all the garb, are one of the institutions at Rhodes, to which all previous professorial victims heartily subscribe. However, one of my particular disappointments about the postponement of the Rhodes summit last Saturday is that I was going to propose, as a matter of urgency, that this anachronistic practice be abandoned forthwith. Deprived of that opportunity, I shall of course become a resolute defender of this glorious tradition on September 25th. An associated aspect of this tradition is that the victim reflects upon the state of his or her discipline. I have chosen not to do that, in large measure because I am only a relatively recent arrival in South Africa, I cannot claim to be privy to any intimate understanding of how the academic study of Politics developed in this country. -
Law and Post-Apartheid South Africa
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 12, Issue 3 1988 Article 2 Law and Post-Apartheid South Africa Winston P. Nagan∗ ∗ Copyright c 1988 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Law and Post-Apartheid South Africa Winston P. Nagan Abstract This Article examines South African perspectives on the legal system within South Africa post-Apartheid, in particular the new focus on human rights. LAW AND POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICAt Winston P. Nagan* Introduction ............................................ 400 I. Law and the Unjust State ........................ 402 II. Post-Colonialism and the South African State .... 404 III. Theoretical Concerns About the Problem of P ow er ........................................... 406 IV. The Relevance of the Power Process to Constitutional Law ............................... 408 V. Conflict-Consensus, Pluralism, and the Constitutive Process ............................. 409 VI. Changes in the South African Power Process as Indicators of a Trend Towards an Alternative Legal O rder ..................................... 413 VII. The South African Power Processes .............. 413 VIII. Prescription as a Norm-Generating Process ...... 415 IX. Trends in Constitutive Expectations About Liberation and Human Rights in South Africa ... 418 A. The Altantic Charter ........................ 418 B. The Freedom Charter (1955) ................ 421 C. The UDF Declaration ...................... 425 D. Constitutional Guidelines for a Democratic South A frica ................................ 427 X . A ppraisal ........................................ 433 The Struggle and the Future Legal Order: Concluding Considerations ............... ......... 436 Appendix A: The Freedom Charter .................... 439 t This Article is based on a speech that was given at the University of Pittsburgh on March 18, 1988. The views expressed are personal to the author. * Professor of I.aw, University of Florida. -
REMEMBERING the ROLE of WOMEN in SOUTH AFRICAN HISTORY THROUGH DIALOGUE Wathint’ Abafazi, Wathint’ Imbokodo Uzo Kufa! CONTENTS Foreword Page 4
malibongwe praiseigama be tolamakhosikasi women REMEMBERING THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN SOUTH AFRICAN HISTORY THROUGH DIALOGUE Wathint’ abafazi, wathint’ imbokodo uzo kufa! CONTENTS Foreword Page 4 Introduction Page 4 Welcome Page 5 Brigalia Ntombemhlophe Bam Page 6 - 9 Sophia Williams-De Bruyn Page 10 - 17 Rica Hodgson Page 18 - 23 Amina Cachalia Page 24 - 27 Graça Machel Page 28 - 31 Let’s Dialogue Page 32 - 39 Nelson Mandela Page 40 Conclusion Page 41 - 42 Reflections The text in this booklet is an edited version of the Malibongwe dialogue, which took place on May 30 2007 at the Nelson Mandela Foundation. Special thanks to the Apartheid Museum, the curators of the Malibongwe Exhibition, featuring portraits of veteran women activists by Gisèle Wulfsohn. FOREWORD ACHMAT DANGOR CEO, Nelson Mandela Foundation he Nelson Mandela Foundation (NMF) stalwarts of the struggle for seeks to contribute to a just society by freedom, and the role that promoting the vision and work of its women played during those Founder and convening dialogue around difficult, and often truly dark Tcritical social issues. years, achieved a remarkable level of candour, unmindful of Our Founder, Nelson Mandela, based his entire organisational or ideological life on the principle of dialogue, the art of listening loyalties. The critique of and speaking to others; it is also the art of getting latter day South Africa, its others to listen and speak to each other. Drawing on achievements and failures, was characterised by the contribution that he, his colleagues and comrades robust debate, honest, yet without rancour. made toward creating our fledgling democracy, the The panellists shared their rich histories, the NMF’s Centre of Memory and Dialogue encourages lessons they have learned over the years, their people to enter into dialogue – often about difficult hopes for our country and regrets for the things not subjects – in order to address the challenges we face done, with an inter-generational audience, which today. -
Helen Joseph's
Foreword: Helen Joseph’s – If this be Treason – by Benjamin Trisk I was unaware of Helen Joseph’s memoir of the Treason Trial (1956 – 1961) until I came across a letter to I.A. Maisels QC (Isie), who was my father-in-law. I was helping him tidy up some old papers around 1991 or 1992 (he died at the end of 1994) and I found a hand-written letter among his papers. It was addressed to him in an unknown hand and dated 22nd February 1961. A facsimile of the letter is included in this book. Among the signatories to the letter was Helen Joseph.She was one of the activists who was detained and charged with others in December 1956. Between December 5 and December 12, 1956, 156 people were arrested. The charge was High Treason. In those days, there was first a preparatory examination (which concluded in January 1958) and 92 of the 156 were then committed for trial. The others were free to go. The Treason Trial, as it is known, commenced in August 1958. This was known as the First Indictment and the State quickly realized, as a brilliant Defence team first dissected and then destroyed the State’s argument that it would have to withdraw the charges- which it did in October 1958. The State, however, was not giving up and the trial commenced again in January 1959 (the Second Indictment) with a further reduction in the number of the accused. 30 of the original 156 then faced charges from High Treason. Until the time when I found the letter, I had known very little about the Treason Trial. -
Anti-Apartheid Movement Social Movements Are Rarely Born in Isolation, and the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) in South Africa Is No Different
Anti-Apartheid Movement Social movements are rarely born in isolation, and the anti-apartheid movement (AAM) in South Africa is no different. The AAM grew out of ongoing resistance movements and the efforts of many within South Africa and the international community to end racial inequality and the oppressive policies of enforced racial segregation in South Africa known as apartheid. Resistance to long-standing racial inequality in South Africa was evident before the beginning of the 20th century. Organized resistance began with groups such as the Natal Indian Congress, African churches, labor and trade unions, the African National Congress (ANC), and the Communist Party. Subsequent organizations such as the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), founded in 1959 by Robert Sobukwe, the South African Student's Organization (SASO), founded in 1969 by Stephen Biko, and the United Democratic Front, founded in 1983 proved instrumental in ending apartheid. Early forms of resistance were primarily peaceful, including mass demonstrations, civil disobedience, boycotts, and strikes. These strategies, employed by various groups in an effort to achieve social justice and to bring an end to the oppressive white South African government, never quieted. However, as a result of ongoing racial segregation, subsequent generations of African leaders determined that violent measures were necessary in order to gain freedom. The 1940s witnessed a number of important events that became crucial for the AAM, both in South Africa and abroad. Within South Africa, Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, and Oliver Tambo formed a youth league within the ANC to develop new strategies of resistance. Around the same time, the ever-growing oppression was forcing growing numbers of South Africans into exile in London. -
Black Power, Black Consciousness, and South Africa's Armed Struggle
Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB) Graduate Dissertations and Theses Dissertations, Theses and Capstones 6-2018 UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson Asheeke Binghamton University--SUNY, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Asheeke, Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson, "UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985" (2018). Graduate Dissertations and Theses. 78. https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses/78 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations, Theses and Capstones at The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 BY TOIVO TUKONGENI PAUL WILSON ASHEEKE BA, Earlham College, 2010 MA, Binghamton University, 2014 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate School of Binghamton University State University of New -
The Power in Lilian Ngoyi and Fannie Lou Hamer
Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University History Theses Department of History 8-10-2009 Relays in Rebellion: The Power in Lilian Ngoyi and Fannie Lou Hamer Cathy LaVerne Freeman Georgia State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Freeman, Cathy LaVerne, "Relays in Rebellion: The Power in Lilian Ngoyi and Fannie Lou Hamer." Thesis, Georgia State University, 2009. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_theses/39 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RELAYS IN REBELLION: THE POWER IN LILIAN NGOYI AND FANNIE LOU HAMER by CATHY L. FREEMAN Under the Direction of Michelle Brattain ABSTRACT This thesis compares how Lilian Ngoyi of South Africa and Fannie Lou Hamer of the United States crafted political identities and assumed powerful leadership, respectively, in struggles against racial oppression via the African National Congress and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee. The study asserts that Ngoyi and Hamer used alternative sources of personal power which arose from their location in the intersecting social categories of culture, gender and class. These categories challenge traditional disciplinary boundaries and complicate any analysis of political economy, state power relations and black liberation studies which minimize the contributions of women. Also, by analyzing resistance leadership squarely within both African and North American contexts, this thesis answers the call of scholar Patrick Manning for a “homeland and diaspora” model which positions Africa itself within the historiography of transnational academic debates. -
General Plenary Meeting
United Nations 53rd GENERAL PLENARY MEETING ASSEMBLY Wednesday, 3 November 1976, THIRTY·FIRST SESSION at 11 a.m. Official Records NEW YORK CONTENTS Council was unable to impose an arms embargo on South 4 . Page Africa owing to the triple veto cast in the Council by the Agenda item 52: United States, the United Kingdom and France-a shameful Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa episode in the history of these three countries, which (continued): (a) Report of the Special Committee against Apartheid; uphold the principles of international law, human riglits (b) Report of the Secretary-General . 877 and self-determination when regimes within their orbit are ~ .\ not involved but flout the same principles whenever their President: Mr. Hamilton Shirley AMERASINGHE racist allies and regimes maintaining cultural, economic and (Sri Lanka). political relations with them, like South Africa, Rhodesia and Israel, are concerned. 3. The policy of apartheid and racial segregation is not AGENDA ITEM 52 only an affront to mankind and human dignity, but also a violation of all human, moral and cultural values. it is also a Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa crime which has no less grave significance or results than (continued): nazism or any other ideology based on racial, religious or (a) Report of the Special Committee against Apartheid; cultural superiority. And if the international community (b) Report of the Secretary-General decided to pass judgement on the criminals of nazism and I to condemn them to death for -
Trade Union Apartheid
TRADE UNION APARTHEID R. Eo BIlAVERMAN THE WORKING CLASS of South Africa is deeply divided on lines of raoc and colour. The basic division, ofcourse. is that between the relatively privileged white workers on one side and the non-white-African, Coloured and Indian-workers, on the other. But the ruling classes have also played on differences among the non-whites, reserving different categories of employment for different nationalities. with the Africans almost invariably occupying the hardest and worst-paid jobs and the least security or rights. Even among the whites, cultural differ ences and competing national loyalties serve to keep Afrikaans- and English-speaking workers apart. The English and Afrikaans bourgeoisie have been able to exploit these differences with great success, bribing the privileged sections, above all the whites. at the expense of the great mass of African workers. Although some South African trade unionists, including a minority among the whites. have struggled long and hard- to overcome these cleavages, they have never succeeded. Disunited and splintered into competing groups, the labour movement has never been able to present a united front against the exploiters. Today, with nearly all the prin· cipled fighters for workers' unity and against apartheid victimised and driven out of the trade unions by fascist legislation such as the Suppression of Communism Act, the 'legal' trade union movement is at its lowest ebb. Since its formation in March 1955, the one trade union co·ordinating body which consistently opposed the theory and practice of apartheid and the colour bar has been the South A/rican Congress a/Trade Unions (S.A.C.T.U.). -
Journal of Umkhonto We Sizwe Contents
f e ; VOL. 8 No ,4 Journal of Umkhonto we Sizwe Contents Editorial Comment: Preaching Pcace while preparing for war . .. 1 The Momentum We Have Built Up In Struggle should Not Be Lost — Commander-in-Chief O.R. Tam bo..................................... 3 Learn with DAWN'. Electric igniters........ .................. 9 Botha-Malan Offensive Turning Sour.............. ...................................11 A Fitting Tribute................................................................................* The Final Deal Must Be Made with Us............................................... ^ DAWN Politxword Vol. 8 No. 2 Answers......................................... 19 MK Women’s Forum: As A United Force.........................................20 DAWN LIGHT: Charity Begins At Home........................................... 22 MK Soldier’s Viewpoint: for The King-size Collapse of The ^ Tyrant...................................................................................... The Real Life of Domingos Xavier - Chapter 9 ............................... DAWN PolitiXword No. 3 ................................................................................ * COVER: Dennis Goldberg, serving life imprisonment. YEAR OF THE WOMEN Editorial Comment Preaching Peace While Preparing for War The racist regime’s soaring military Wild sprees are arranged by the SADF budget and the increased militarisation where children are taken for indoctri of the South African society fall nation. The non-existent »Soviet sharply in contrast to Botha’s so- threat)* ,