China's Leaders Quash Hong Kong's Hopes for Democratic Election Reforms Michael F
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I Am Sorry. Would Members Please Deal with One Piece of Business. It Is Now Eight O’Clock and Under Standing Order 8(2) This Council Should Now Adjourn
4920 HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ― 29 June 1994 8.00 pm PRESIDENT: I am sorry. Would Members please deal with one piece of business. It is now eight o’clock and under Standing Order 8(2) this Council should now adjourn. ATTORNEY GENERAL: Mr President, with your consent, I move that Standing Order 8(2) should be suspended so as to allow the Council’s business this evening to be concluded. Question proposed, put and agreed to. Council went into Committee. CHAIRMAN: Council is now in Committee and is suspended until 15 minutes to nine o’clock. 8.56 pm CHAIRMAN: Committee will now resume. MR MARTIN LEE (in Cantonese): Mr Chairman, thank you for adjourning the debate on my motion so that Members could have a supper break. I hope I can secure a greater chance of success if they listen to my speech after dining. Mr Chairman, on behalf of the United Democrats of Hong Kong (UDHK), I move the amendments to clause 22 except item 12 of schedule 2. The amendments have already been set out under my name in the paper circulated to Members. Mr Chairman, before I make my speech, I would like to raise a point concerning Mr Jimmy McGREGOR because he was quite upset when he heard my previous speech. He hoped that I could clarify one point. In fact, I did not mean that all the people in the commercial sector had not supported democracy. If all the voters in the commercial sector had not supported democracy, Mr Jimmy McGREGOR would not have been returned in the 1988 and 1991 elections. -
The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong
THE BASIC LAW AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN HONG KONG Michael C. Davis† I. Introduction Hong Kong’s status as a Special Administrative Region of China has placed it on the foreign policy radar of most countries having relations with China and interests in Asia. This interest in Hong Kong has encouraged considerable inter- est in Hong Kong’s founding documents and their interpretation. Hong Kong’s constitution, the Hong Kong Basic Law (“Basic Law”), has sparked a number of debates over democratization and its pace. It is generally understood that greater democratization will mean greater autonomy and vice versa, less democracy means more control by Beijing. For this reason there is considerable interest in the politics of interpreting Hong Kong’s Basic Law across the political spectrum in Hong Kong, in Beijing and in many foreign capitals. This interest is en- couraged by appreciation of the fundamental role democratization plays in con- stitutionalism in any society. The dynamic interactions of local politics and Beijing and foreign interests produce the politics of constitutionalism in Hong Kong. Understanding the Hong Kong political reform debate is therefore impor- tant to understanding the emerging status of both Hong Kong and China. This paper considers the politics of constitutional interpretation in Hong Kong and its relationship to developing democracy and sustaining Hong Kong’s highly re- garded rule of law. The high level of popular support for democratic reform in Hong Kong is a central feature of the challenge Hong Kong poses for China. Popular Hong Kong values on democracy and human rights have challenged the often undemocratic stance of the Beijing government and its supporters. -
Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (Ii): the Battle Over "The People" and the Business Community in the Transition to Chinese Rule
HONG KONG'S ENDGAME AND THE RULE OF LAW (II): THE BATTLE OVER "THE PEOPLE" AND THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN THE TRANSITION TO CHINESE RULE JACQUES DELISLE* & KEVIN P. LANE- 1. INTRODUCTION Transitional Hong Kong's endgame formally came to a close with the territory's reversion to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997. How- ever, a legal and institutional order and a "rule of law" for Chi- nese-ruled Hong Kong remain works in progress. They will surely bear the mark of the conflicts that dominated the final years pre- ceding Hong Kong's legal transition from British colony to Chinese Special Administrative Region ("S.A.R."). Those endgame conflicts reflected a struggle among adherents to rival conceptions of a rule of law and a set of laws and institutions that would be adequate and acceptable for Hong Kong. They unfolded in large part through battles over the attitudes and allegiance of "the Hong Kong people" and Hong Kong's business community. Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule ("Endgame I") focused on the first aspect of this story. It examined the political struggle among members of two coherent, but not monolithic, camps, each bound together by a distinct vision of law and sover- t Special Series Reprint: Originally printed in 18 U. Pa. J. Int'l Econ. L. 811 (1997). Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This Article is the second part of a two-part series. The first part appeared as Hong Kong's End- game and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule, 18 U. -
Hong Kong Watch * * * * * * * International Parliamentarians
Hong Kong Watch * * * * * * * International parliamentarians condemn today’s imprisonment of the ‘most moderate and distinguished’ pro-democracy activists Today, authorities in Hong Kong have sentenced nine prominent pro-democracy activists for taking part in a peaceful protest in August 2019, including the the ‘father of Hong Kong’s democracy’ Martin Lee, ‘the owner of Apple Daily Jimmy Lai, and international barrister Margaret Ng. The nine pro-democracy activists which span the generations have received jail sentences and suspended sentences, with Jimmy Lai receiving 12 months, Lee Cheuk-yan receiving 12 months, Leung Kwok-hung receiving 18 months, Au Nok-hin receiving 10 months, and Cyd Ho receiving 8 months in prison and Margaret Ng receiving 12 month suspended sentence, Martin Lee receiving 11 months suspended sentence, Albert Ho receiving 12 months suspended sentence, and Leung Yiu-chung receiving an 8 month suspended sentence for the charge of ‘unlawful assembly’. U.N. Special Rapporteurs for human rights have previously called for the Hong Kong Government to withdraw the Public Order Ordinance which allows authorities to criminalise peaceful protest describing it as an assault on freedom of expression and freedom of assembly. A group of international parliamentarians led by Hong Kong Watch’s patron and the last British governor of Hong Kong, Lord Patten, have responded to the sentencing of the prominent pro-democracy activists. Their comments follow calls from over 100 UK MPs for the sanctioning of Hong Kong officials. U.K. Lord Patten of Barnes said: “The CCP's comprehensive assault on the freedoms of Hong Kong and its rule of law continues relentlessly. -
China-Taiwan: Strains Over Cross-Strait Relations
China-Taiwan Relations: Election Drama and Implications David G. Brown The Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies The presidential campaign and referendum issue dominated cross-Strait relations this quarter. Taiwan President Chen Shui-bian’s narrow reelection victory gives him a weak mandate to lead a society deeply divided over the issue of Taiwan’s national identity and future relationship with China. The election outcome reflects the extent to which opinion on Taiwan has moved away from the “one China” concept in the eight years since Taiwan’s first direct presidential election in 1996. With the campaign over, President Chen now faces concrete choices about how to pursue cross-Strait relations, and Beijing is confronted with difficult choices and the need to review its policies toward Taiwan. Washington can expect to be caught in the middle and to be challenged to find effective ways to deter President Chen from changing the cross-Strait status quo. Campaign and referendum Chen Shui-bian, a skillful campaigner, shaped the campaign agenda with his slogan “Believe in Taiwan; Insist on Reform.” His proposal for Taiwan’s first island-wide referendum, which he portrayed as a step for reform and deepening democracy, was the principal issue debated in the campaign. The opposition KMT- Peoples First Party (PFP) alliance charged that the referendum was illegal and that linking it to the election was mainly a campaign ploy to boost Chen’s support. The pan-blue (KMT-PFP) camp tried to make the economy, cross-Strait peace, and Chen’s poor record campaign issues, but Chen deftly sidestepped their charges. -
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL-15 July 1987 2027
HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL-15 July 1987 2027 OFFICIAL REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS Wednesday, 15 July 1987 The Council met at half-past Two o’clock PRESENT HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR (PRESIDENT) SIR DAVID CLIVE WILSON, K.C.M.G. THE HONOURABLE THE CHIEF SECRETARY MR. DAVID ROBERT FORD, L.V.O., O.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE THE FINANCIAL SECRETARY (Acting) MR. JOHN FRANCIS YAXLEY, J.P. THE HONOURABLE THE ATTORNEY GENERAL MR. MICHAEL DAVID THOMAS, C.M.G., Q.C. THE HONOURABLE LYDIA DUNN, C.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE CHEN SHOU-LUM, C.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE PETER C. WONG, C.B.E., J.P. DR. THE HONOURABLE HO KAM-FAI, O.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE ALLEN LEE PENG-FEI, O.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE HU FA-KUANG, O.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE WONG PO-YAN, C.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE CHAN KAM-CHUEN, O.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE STEPHEN CHEONG KAM-CHUEN, O.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE CHEUNG YAN-LUNG, O.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE MRS. SELINA CHOW LIANG SHUK-YEE, O.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE MARIA TAM WAI-CHU, O.B.E., J.P. DR. THE HONOURABLE HENRIETTA IP MAN-HING, O.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE CHAN YING-LUN, J.P. THE HONOURABLE MRS. RITA FAN HSU LAI-TAI, J.P. THE HONOURABLE MRS. PAULINE NG CHOW MAY-LIN, J.P. THE HONOURABLE PETER POON WING-CHEUNG, M.B.E., J.P. THE HONOURABLE YEUNG PO-KWAN, C.P.M., J.P. -
One Country, Two Legal Systems (Crowley Report)
ONE COUNTRY, TWO LEGAL SYSTEMS? TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................................................1 A. Overview .....................................................................................................................................3 I. PRESERVING THE RULE OF LAW.............................................................................................4 A. The Rule of Law..........................................................................................................................5 1. General International Standards...............................................................................................5 2. The Sino-British Joint Declaration ..........................................................................................7 B. Implementing International Commitments: Hong Kong and the Basic Law ............................8 C. The Right of Abode Decisions ..................................................................................................10 1. Background ............................................................................................................................10 2. The Court of Final Appeal’s Decisions .................................................................................12 a. Article 158: The Reference Issue......................................................................................12 b. Articles 22 and 24 of the Basic Law..................................................................................15 -
Minutes Have Been Seen by the Administration)
立法會 Legislative Council LC Paper No. CB(2)1899/00-01 (These minutes have been seen by the Administration) Ref : CB2/BC/13/00 Legislative Council Bills Committee on Chief Executive Election Bill Minutes of the second meeting held on Tuesday, 3 April 2001 at 8:30 am in the Chamber of the Legislative Council Building Members : Hon IP Kwok-him, JP (Chairman) Present Hon James TIEN Pei-chun, JP Hon Cyd HO Sau-lan Ir Dr Hon Raymond HO Chung-tai, JP Hon Martin LEE Chu-ming, SC, JP Hon Eric LI Ka-cheung, JP Hon NG Leung-sing Prof Hon NG Ching-fai Hon Margaret NG Hon CHEUNG Man-kwong Hon HUI Cheung-ching Hon CHAN Yuen-han Dr Hon Philip WONG Yu-hong Hon Jasper TSANG Yok-sing, JP Hon Howard YOUNG, JP Dr Hon YEUNG Sum Hon Emily LAU Wai-hing, JP Hon CHOY So-yuk Hon SZETO Wah Hon Timothy FOK Tsun-ting, SBS, JP Hon TAM Yiu-chung, GBS, JP Hon Abraham SHEK Lai-him, JP Hon LEUNG Fu-wah, MH, JP Dr Hon LO Wing-lok Hon LAU Ping-cheung Hon Audrey EU Yuet-mee, SC, JP - 2 - Members: Hon Andrew WONG Wang-fat, JP (Deputy Chairman) Absent Hon David CHU Yu-lin Hon Ambrose LAU Hon-chuen, JP Hon Tommy CHEUNG Yu-yan, JP Hon Michael MAK Kwok-fung Public Officers : Mr Michael S M SUEN Attending Secretary for Constitutional Affairs Mr Robin IP Deputy Secretary for Constitutional Affairs Ms Doris HO Principal Assistant Secretary for Constitutional Affairs Mr Bassanio SO Principal Assistant Secretary for Constitutional Affairs Mr Peter WONG Deputy Solicitor General (Constitutional) (Acting) Mr Gilbert MO Deputy Law Draftsman (Bilingual Drafting & Administration) Ms Phyllis KO Senior Assistant Law Draftsman Mr Lawrence PENG Senior Government Counsel Clerk in : Mrs Percy MA Attendance Chief Assistant Secretary (2)3 Staff in : Mr Jimmy MA Attendance Legal Adviser Mr Stephen LAM Assistant Legal Adviser 4 Mr Paul WOO Senior Assistant Secretary (2)3 - 3 - Action Column I. -
香港特別行政區排名名單 the Precedence List of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
二零二一年九月 September 2021 香港特別行政區排名名單 THE PRECEDENCE LIST OF THE HONG KONG SPECIAL ADMINISTRATIVE REGION 1. 行政長官 林鄭月娥女士,大紫荊勳賢,GBS The Chief Executive The Hon Mrs Carrie LAM CHENG Yuet-ngor, GBM, GBS 2. 終審法院首席法官 張舉能首席法官,大紫荊勳賢 The Chief Justice of the Court of Final The Hon Andrew CHEUNG Kui-nung, Appeal GBM 3. 香港特別行政區前任行政長官(見註一) Former Chief Executives of the HKSAR (See Note 1) 董建華先生,大紫荊勳賢 The Hon TUNG Chee Hwa, GBM 曾蔭權先生,大紫荊勳賢 The Hon Donald TSANG, GBM 梁振英先生,大紫荊勳賢,GBS, JP The Hon C Y LEUNG, GBM, GBS, JP 4. 政務司司長 李家超先生,SBS, PDSM, JP The Chief Secretary for Administration The Hon John LEE Ka-chiu, SBS, PDSM, JP 5. 財政司司長 陳茂波先生,大紫荊勳賢,GBS, MH, JP The Financial Secretary The Hon Paul CHAN Mo-po, GBM, GBS, MH, JP 6. 律政司司長 鄭若驊女士,大紫荊勳賢,GBS, SC, JP The Secretary for Justice The Hon Teresa CHENG Yeuk-wah, GBM, GBS, SC, JP 7. 立法會主席 梁君彥議員,大紫荊勳賢,GBS, JP The President of the Legislative Council The Hon Andrew LEUNG Kwan-yuen, GBM, GBS, JP - 2 - 行政會議非官守議員召集人 陳智思議員,大紫荊勳賢,GBS, JP The Convenor of the Non-official The Hon Bernard Charnwut CHAN, Members of the Executive Council GBM, GBS, JP 其他行政會議成員 Other Members of the Executive Council 史美倫議員,大紫荊勳賢,GBS, JP The Hon Mrs Laura CHA SHIH May-lung, GBM, GBS, JP 李國章議員,大紫荊勳賢,GBS, JP Prof the Hon Arthur LI Kwok-cheung, GBM, GBS, JP 周松崗議員,大紫荊勳賢,GBS, JP The Hon CHOW Chung-kong, GBM, GBS, JP 羅范椒芬議員,大紫荊勳賢,GBS, JP The Hon Mrs Fanny LAW FAN Chiu-fun, GBM, GBS, JP 黃錦星議員,GBS, JP 環境局局長 The Hon WONG Kam-sing, GBS, JP Secretary for the Environment # 林健鋒議員,GBS, JP The Hon Jeffrey LAM Kin-fung, GBS, JP 葉國謙議員,大紫荊勳賢,GBS, JP The Hon -
Bilinguals in Style: Linguistic Practices and Ideologies of Cantonese-English Codemixers in Hong Kong
BILINGUALS IN STYLE: LINGUISTIC PRACTICES AND IDEOLOGIES OF CANTONESE-ENGLISH CODEMIXERS IN HONG KONG by Hoi Ying Chen A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Linguistics) in The University of Michigan 2008 Doctoral Committee: Professor Judith T. Irvine (Co-Chair) Professor Sarah G. Thomason (Co-Chair) Associate Professor Robin M. Queen Assistant Professor Babra A. Meek 雙語風格: 香港粵英語碼混合者的言語行為及意識形態 版權所有 陳海瑛 Katherine Hoi Ying Chen 2008 An exhibition poster outside the Hong Kong Museum of Art in 2007: “Chinglish” or “Chinese English”. The four large Chinese characters (with partial English cursive designs) read “Not Chinese, not English”. © Hoi Ying Chen 2008 To My Parents 陳保才 和 李月釵 ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The journey to earn this degree has been long and difficult, but it has also been the most fruitful of my life to this point. It would not have been possible, however, without countless wonderful people guiding and encouraging me along the way. I have found life-long mentors, friends, and family members. When I reflect on this experience as a whole, they are truly what I value most. I would like to express my deep gratitude to the Department of Linguistics at the University of Michigan, Horace H. Rackham School of Graduate Studies, the Barbour Fellowship, and the Center for the Education of Women for providing funding and continued support for my research. Colleagues and friends in the Socio-discourse Group and the Linguistic Anthropology Lab must be thanked for their constant stimulation and constructive feedback. In particular, tireless brainstormers named Rizwan Ahmad, Anna Babel, Laura Brown, Lisa Del Torto, Sai Samant, Mark Sicoli, and Vanessa Will. -
THE DECLINE of the DEMOCRATIC PARTY in HONG KONG the Second Legislative Election in the HKSAR
THE DECLINE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN HONG KONG The Second Legislative Election in the HKSAR Ma Ngok In September 2000, the Hong Kong Special Administra- tive Region (HKSAR) held its second election for the Legislative Council (Legco). As the results came in, the relative decline that pro-democracy forces experienced was the most striking outcome. The Democratic Party (DP), led by prominent politician Martin Lee, suffered a particularly notice- able loss. The DP received 462,423 votes, 170,000 fewer than it had earned in 1998 or an 8% drop in its overall share. The election also showed that forces that support the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have solid organi- zational support and strong mobilization potential. The pro-China flagship party, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB), increased its overall share of the vote by 4.5% despite a major scandal in- volving the party’s vice-chairman Gary Cheng. The difference in the share of the vote received by the DP and the DAB shrank drastically from 18% in 1998 to 5% in 2000. The results of the 2000 election are symbolic of the situation facing Hong Kong’s democracy movement. It is becoming increasingly fragmented and powerless. The election also demonstrated that the pro-PRC DAB is emerg- ing as a major force on the Hong Kong political scene. This emergence in turn may make China more willing to agree to a further, gradual democratiza- tion of Hong Kong. This article delineates the changes that have taken place since 1997 that have led to the DP’s decline. -
Hong Kong: the Rise and Fall of “One Country, Two Systems”
Hong Kong: The Rise and Fall of “One Country, Two Systems” William H. Overholt December 2019 Hong Kong: The Rise and Fall of “One Country, Two Systems” William H. Overholt December 2019 hong kong: The Rise and Fall of “One Country, Two Systems” about the author William Overholt is a Senior Research Fellow, focusing on Chinese/Asian economic development, political development, and geopolitics with the Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government at Harvard Kennedy School. During 2013–15 he also served as President of the Fung Global Institute in Hong Kong. His career includes 16 years doing policy research at think tanks and 21 years running investment bank research teams. Previously he held the Asia Policy Distinguished Research Chair at RAND’s California headquarters and was Director of the Center for Asia Pacific Policy; concurrently he was Visiting Professor at Shanghai Jiaodong University and, earlier, Distinguished Visiting Professor at Korea’s Yonsei University. During 21 years in invest- ment banking, he served as Head of Strategy and Economics at Nomura’s regional headquarters in Hong Kong from 1998 to 2001, and as Managing Director and Head of Research at Bank Boston’s regional headquarters in Singapore. For Bankers Trust, he ran a country risk team in New York from 1980 to 1984, then was regional strategist and Asia research head based in Hong Kong from 1985 to 1998. At Hudson Institute from 1971 to 1979, Dr. Overholt directed planning studies for the U.S. Department of Defense, Department of State, National Security Council, National Aeronautics and Space Administration, and Council on International Economic Policy.