The Harmonization of Hong Kong and PRC Law Tahrih V
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Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016
Journal of US-China Public Administration, August 2016, Vol. 13, No. 8, 499-517 doi: 10.17265/1548-6591/2016.08.001 D DAVID PUBLISHING Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016 Chung Fun Steven Hung The Education University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong, politicization inevitably followed democratization. This paper intends to evaluate how political parties’ politics happened in Hong Kong’s recent history. The research was conducted through historical comparative analysis, with the context of Hong Kong during the sovereignty transition and the interim period of democratization being crucial. For the implementation of “one country, two systems”, political democratization was hindered and distinct political scenarios of Hong Kong’s transformation were made. The democratic forces had no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which caused a decisive fragmentation of the local political parties where the establishment camp was inevitable and the democratic blocs were split into many more small groups individually. It is harmful. It is not conducive to unity and for the common interests of the publics. This paper explores and evaluates the political history of Hong Kong and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation. Keywords: election politics, historical comparative, ruling, democratization The democratizing element of the Hong Kong political system was bounded within the Legislative Council under the principle of the separation of powers of the three governing branches, Executive, Legislative, and Judicial. Popular elections for the Hong Kong legislature were introduced and implemented for 25 years (1991-2016) and there were eight terms of general elections for the Legislative Council. -
Chen Xitong Report on Putting Down Anti
Recent Publications The June Turbulence in Beijing How Chinese View the Riot in Beijing Fourth Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee Report on Down Anti-Government Riot Retrospective After the Storm VOA Disgraces Itself Report on Checking the Turmoil and Quelling the Counter-Revolutionary Rebellion June 30, 1989 Chen Xitong, State Councillor and Mayor of Beijing New Star Publishers Beijing 1989 Report on Checking the Turmoil and Quelling the Counter-Revolutionary Rebellion From June 29 to July 7 the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress - the standing organization of the highest organ of state power in the People's Republic of China - held the eighth meeting of the Seventh National People's Congress in Beijing. One of the topics for discussing at the meeting was a report on checking the turmoil and quelling the counter-revolutionary rebellion in Beijirig. The report by state councillor and mayor of Beijing Chen Xitong explained in detail the process by which a small group of people made use of the student unrest in Beijing and turned it into a counter-revolutionary rebellion by mid-June. It gave a detailed account of the nature of the riot, its severe conse- quence and the efforts made by troops enforcing _martial law, with the help of Beijing residents to quell the riot. The report exposed the behind-the-scene activities of people who stub- bornly persisted in opposing the Chinese Communist Party and socialism as well as the small handful of organizers and schemers of the riot; their collaboration with antagonistic forces at home and abroad; and the atrocities committed by former criminals in beating, looting, burning and First Edition 1989 killing in the riot. -
I Am Sorry. Would Members Please Deal with One Piece of Business. It Is Now Eight O’Clock and Under Standing Order 8(2) This Council Should Now Adjourn
4920 HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ― 29 June 1994 8.00 pm PRESIDENT: I am sorry. Would Members please deal with one piece of business. It is now eight o’clock and under Standing Order 8(2) this Council should now adjourn. ATTORNEY GENERAL: Mr President, with your consent, I move that Standing Order 8(2) should be suspended so as to allow the Council’s business this evening to be concluded. Question proposed, put and agreed to. Council went into Committee. CHAIRMAN: Council is now in Committee and is suspended until 15 minutes to nine o’clock. 8.56 pm CHAIRMAN: Committee will now resume. MR MARTIN LEE (in Cantonese): Mr Chairman, thank you for adjourning the debate on my motion so that Members could have a supper break. I hope I can secure a greater chance of success if they listen to my speech after dining. Mr Chairman, on behalf of the United Democrats of Hong Kong (UDHK), I move the amendments to clause 22 except item 12 of schedule 2. The amendments have already been set out under my name in the paper circulated to Members. Mr Chairman, before I make my speech, I would like to raise a point concerning Mr Jimmy McGREGOR because he was quite upset when he heard my previous speech. He hoped that I could clarify one point. In fact, I did not mean that all the people in the commercial sector had not supported democracy. If all the voters in the commercial sector had not supported democracy, Mr Jimmy McGREGOR would not have been returned in the 1988 and 1991 elections. -
Discourse, Social Scales, and Epiphenomenality of Language Policy: a Case Study of a Local, Hong Kong NGO
Discourse, Social Scales, and Epiphenomenality of Language Policy: A Case Study of a Local, Hong Kong NGO Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation Authors Tso, Elizabeth Ann Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 27/09/2021 12:25:43 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/623063 DISCOURSE, SOCIAL SCALES, AND EPIPHENOMENALITY OF LANGUAGE POLICY: A CASE STUDY OF A LOCAL, HONG KONG NGO by Elizabeth Ann Tso __________________________ Copyright © Elizabeth Ann Tso 2017 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the GRADUATE INTERDISCIPLINARY PROGRAM IN SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND TEACHING In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2017 2 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Elizabeth Tso, titled Discourse, Social Scales, and Epiphenomenality of Language Policy: A Case Study of a Local, Hong Kong NGO, and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. _______________________________________________ Date: (January 13, 2017) Perry Gilmore _______________________________________________ Date: (January 13, 2017) Wenhao Diao _______________________________________________ Date: (January 13, 2017) Sheilah Nicholas Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate’s submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College. -
Bay to Bay: China's Greater Bay Area Plan and Its Synergies for US And
June 2021 Bay to Bay China’s Greater Bay Area Plan and Its Synergies for US and San Francisco Bay Area Business Acknowledgments Contents This report was prepared by the Bay Area Council Economic Institute for the Hong Kong Trade Executive Summary ...................................................1 Development Council (HKTDC). Sean Randolph, Senior Director at the Institute, led the analysis with support from Overview ...................................................................5 Niels Erich, a consultant to the Institute who co-authored Historic Significance ................................................... 6 the paper. The Economic Institute is grateful for the valuable information and insights provided by a number Cooperative Goals ..................................................... 7 of subject matter experts who shared their views: Louis CHAPTER 1 Chan (Assistant Principal Economist, Global Research, China’s Trade Portal and Laboratory for Innovation ...9 Hong Kong Trade Development Council); Gary Reischel GBA Core Cities ....................................................... 10 (Founding Managing Partner, Qiming Venture Partners); Peter Fuhrman (CEO, China First Capital); Robbie Tian GBA Key Node Cities............................................... 12 (Director, International Cooperation Group, Shanghai Regional Development Strategy .............................. 13 Institute of Science and Technology Policy); Peijun Duan (Visiting Scholar, Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies Connecting the Dots .............................................. -
Continuing Crackdown in Inner Mongolia
CONTINUING CRACKDOWN IN INNER MONGOLIA Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) CONTINUING CRACKDOWN IN INNER MONGOLIA Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) Human Rights Watch New York $$$ Washington $$$ Los Angeles $$$ London Copyright 8 March 1992 by Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN 1-56432-059-6 Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) Human Rights Watch/Asia was established in 1985 to monitor and promote the observance of internationally recognized human rights in Asia. Sidney Jones is the executive director; Mike Jendrzejczyk is the Washington director; Robin Munro is the Hong Kong director; Therese Caouette, Patricia Gossman and Jeannine Guthrie are research associates; Cathy Yai-Wen Lee and Grace Oboma-Layat are associates; Mickey Spiegel is a research consultant. Jack Greenberg is the chair of the advisory committee and Orville Schell is vice chair. HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Human Rights Watch conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some seventy countries around the world. It addresses the human rights practices of governments of all political stripes, of all geopolitical alignments, and of all ethnic and religious persuasions. In internal wars it documents violations by both governments and rebel groups. Human Rights Watch defends freedom of thought and expression, due process and equal protection of the law; it documents and denounces murders, disappearances, torture, arbitrary imprisonment, exile, censorship and other abuses of internationally recognized human rights. Human Rights Watch began in 1978 with the founding of its Helsinki division. Today, it includes five divisions covering Africa, the Americas, Asia, the Middle East, as well as the signatories of the Helsinki accords. -
Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (Ii): the Battle Over "The People" and the Business Community in the Transition to Chinese Rule
HONG KONG'S ENDGAME AND THE RULE OF LAW (II): THE BATTLE OVER "THE PEOPLE" AND THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN THE TRANSITION TO CHINESE RULE JACQUES DELISLE* & KEVIN P. LANE- 1. INTRODUCTION Transitional Hong Kong's endgame formally came to a close with the territory's reversion to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997. How- ever, a legal and institutional order and a "rule of law" for Chi- nese-ruled Hong Kong remain works in progress. They will surely bear the mark of the conflicts that dominated the final years pre- ceding Hong Kong's legal transition from British colony to Chinese Special Administrative Region ("S.A.R."). Those endgame conflicts reflected a struggle among adherents to rival conceptions of a rule of law and a set of laws and institutions that would be adequate and acceptable for Hong Kong. They unfolded in large part through battles over the attitudes and allegiance of "the Hong Kong people" and Hong Kong's business community. Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule ("Endgame I") focused on the first aspect of this story. It examined the political struggle among members of two coherent, but not monolithic, camps, each bound together by a distinct vision of law and sover- t Special Series Reprint: Originally printed in 18 U. Pa. J. Int'l Econ. L. 811 (1997). Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This Article is the second part of a two-part series. The first part appeared as Hong Kong's End- game and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule, 18 U. -
APRES Moi LE DELUGE"? JUDICIAL Review in HONG KONG SINCE BRITAIN RELINQUISHED SOVEREIGNTY
"APRES MoI LE DELUGE"? JUDICIAL REvIEw IN HONG KONG SINCE BRITAIN RELINQUISHED SOVEREIGNTY Tahirih V. Lee* INTRODUCTION One of the burning questions stemming from China's promise that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) would enjoy a "high degree of autonomy" is whether the HKSAR's courts would have the authority to review issues of constitutional magnitude and, if so, whether their decisions on these issues would stand free of interference by the People's Republic of China (PRC). The Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984 promulgated in PRC law and international law a guaranty that implied a positive answer to this question: "the judicial system previously practised in Hong Kong shall be maintained except for those changes consequent upon the vesting in the courts of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the power of final adjudication."' The PRC further promised in the Joint Declaration that the "Uludicial power" that was to "be vested in the courts" of the SAR was to be exercised "independently and free from any interference."2 The only limit upon the discretion of judicial decisions mentioned in the Joint Declaration was "the laws of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and [to a lesser extent] precedents in other common law jurisdictions."3 Despite these promises, however, most of the academic and popular discussion about Hong Kong's judiciary in the United States, and much of it in Hong Kong, during the several years leading up to the reversion to Chinese sovereignty, revolved around a fear about its decline after the reversion.4 The * Associate Professor of Law, Florida State University College of Law. -
Hong Kong's Lost Right to Self-Determination: a Denial of Due Process in the United Nations
NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law Volume 13 Number 1 Article 7 1992 HONG KONG'S LOST RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION: A DENIAL OF DUE PROCESS IN THE UNITED NATIONS Patricia A. Dagati Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/ journal_of_international_and_comparative_law Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Dagati, Patricia A. (1992) "HONG KONG'S LOST RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION: A DENIAL OF DUE PROCESS IN THE UNITED NATIONS," NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law: Vol. 13 : No. 1 , Article 7. Available at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/journal_of_international_and_comparative_law/vol13/iss1/ 7 This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. HONG KONG'S LOST RIGHT TO SELF- DETERMINATION: A DENIAL OF DuE PROCESS IN THE UNITED NATIONS I. INTRODUCTION The end of the Cold War and the resolution of the Persian Gulf Crisis have enhanced the status of the United Nations from simply a forum for discussion to an international peacekeeping organization capable of coordinated action. In accord with its new role, the 46th United Nations General Assembly in September, 1991, welcomed seven new member states, whose admission would have been unthinkable during the days of the Cold War; namely, the two Koreas, the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, and the two Pacific Island nations (previously Trusts under the U.N. Charter) of the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands.' One hopes that the entrance into the world community of these nations, so long deprived of their right to self- determination by the insecurities and suspicions of the Cold War, represents the end of the dominance of outmoded historical animosities and divisions over the right of a people to determine their own social, economic and political status. -
The Transition from British to Chinese Rule in Hong Kong: a Discussion of Salient International Legal Issues
Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 14 Number 2 Winter/Spring Article 4 May 2020 The Transition from British to Chinese Rule in Hong Kong: A Discussion of Salient International Legal Issues Roda Mushkat Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation Roda Mushkat, The Transition from British to Chinese Rule in Hong Kong: A Discussion of Salient International Legal Issues, 14 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 171 (1986). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Denver Sturm College of Law at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],dig- [email protected]. The Transition from British to Chinese Rule in Hong Kong: A Discussion of Salient International Legal Issues RODA MUSHKAT* I. INTRODUCTION Hong Kong has been a British colony since 1841 and as such has pursued a markedly different economic, legal, political and social path from that of China. While China has embraced communist ideology and practice, often in an extreme form, Hong Kong has unwaveringly main- tained its capitalist orientation and has remained an integral part of the Western world. The bulk of the colony's population has always been Chi- nese and its cultural roots lie deeply in Chinese soil. In most other re- spects, however, the two systems are almost completely at variance with each other. Despite the structural differences between Hong Kong and China, Hong Kong will shed its colonial status in 1997 and come under de facto Chinese sovereignty. -
Civil Servants' Guide to Good Practices
CCivil Servants' Guide to Good Practices Civil Service Bureau 2005 CONTENTS Foreword 3 1. Core Values of the Civil Service 5 2. Attendance and Diligence at Work 7 3. Supervisory Responsibilities 9 4. Probity 11 5. Acceptance of Advantages and Entertainment 13 6. Conflict of Interest 15 7. Declaration of Investments 17 8. Outside Work and Post-Service Employment 19 9. Upholding the Integrity of the Civil Service 21 10. Misconduct in Public Office 23 11. Sources of Advice and Information 25 Annex I - Answers to Some Common Questions asked on Acceptance of Advantages and Entertainment 27 Annex II - Answers to Some Common Questions asked on Misconduct in Public Office 35 FFOREWORD Dear Colleagues, We are privileged to have in Hong Kong a civil service that is acclaimed for its efficiency and honesty. The way our civil service conducts itself is guided by a set of core values that have endured the test of time. These core values have shaped the culture and character of the civil service as we know it today, namely, a clean, professional and meritocratic body of public servants. The qualities of our civil service have taken many years to build and to sustain. Both the Administration and the community recognise that the preservation of these qualities is an essential pillar for effective governance. The publication of this "Guide to Good Practices" underlines our commitment to uphold the fine culture and character of our civil service. In simple language, it sets out the good behaviour expected of civil servants at all levels, including those appointed on non-civil service terms. -
Ieri a Început Vizita Oficială De Prietenie a Tovarășului Nicolae
PROLETARI DIN TOATE ȚĂRILE, UNIȚI-VĂ! ORGAN AL COMITETULUI CENTRAL AL PARTIDULUI COMUNIST ROMÂN Anul LI Nr. 12 330 Miercuri 14 aprilie 1982 6 PAGINI — 50 BANI în spiritul tradiționalelor relații de caldă prietenie, al dorinței comune de a da noi dimensiuni colaborării multilaterale dintre cele două țări, partide și popoare Ieri a început vizita oficială de prietenie a tovarășului Nicolae Ceaușescu, împreună cu tovarășa Elena Ceaușescu, în Republica Populară Chineză Banchet în onoarea tovarășului Nicolae înalții soli ai poporului român primiți Ceaușescu si a tovarășei Elena Ceausescu cu manifestări de profundă stimă la Beijing în onoarea tovarășului Nicolae Yaobang, președintele Comitetului al Consiliului de Stat, Chen Muhua, în continuare, în sala de recepție, Ceaușescu, secretar general al Parti Central al Partidului Comunist Chi membru supleant al Biroului Politic tovarășului Nicolae Ceaușescu și to 13 aprilie 1982. în această zi a rodnice dintre țările și partidele al Partidului Comunist Român, pre dului Comunist Român, președintele nez, Zhao Ziyang, premierul Consi al C.C. al P.C.C., vicepremier al Con varășei Elena Ceaușescu le sint pre începui vizita oficială de prietenie noastre. ședintele Republicii Socialiste Româ Republicii Socialiste România, și a liului de Stat al R. P. Chineze, de siliului de Stat, ministrul comerțului zentate persoanele oficiale chineze Întreprinsă in Republica Populară Sub semnul acestor frumoase tra nia, și a tovarășei Elena Ceaușescu, tovarășei-Elena Ceaușescu, Comitetul alți tovarăși din conducerea de partid exterior și relațiilor economice, Ji care iau parte la banchet. Chineză de tovarășul Nicolae diții s-a desfășurat ceremonia pri la care au adresat calde urări de Central al Partidului Comunist Chi și de stat — Li Xiannian, vicepre Pengfei, membru al C.C.