August 2011 in Hong Kong 31.8.2011 / No 92
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Official Record of Proceedings
LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 3 November 2010 1399 OFFICIAL RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS Wednesday, 3 November 2010 The Council met at Eleven o'clock MEMBERS PRESENT: THE PRESIDENT THE HONOURABLE JASPER TSANG YOK-SING, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE ALBERT HO CHUN-YAN IR DR THE HONOURABLE RAYMOND HO CHUNG-TAI, S.B.S., S.B.ST.J., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LEE CHEUK-YAN DR THE HONOURABLE DAVID LI KWOK-PO, G.B.M., G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE FRED LI WAH-MING, S.B.S., J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE MARGARET NG THE HONOURABLE JAMES TO KUN-SUN THE HONOURABLE CHEUNG MAN-KWONG THE HONOURABLE CHAN KAM-LAM, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE MRS SOPHIE LEUNG LAU YAU-FUN, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LEUNG YIU-CHUNG DR THE HONOURABLE PHILIP WONG YU-HONG, G.B.S. 1400 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 3 November 2010 THE HONOURABLE WONG YUNG-KAN, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LAU KONG-WAH, J.P. THE HONOURABLE LAU WONG-FAT, G.B.M., G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE MIRIAM LAU KIN-YEE, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE EMILY LAU WAI-HING, J.P. THE HONOURABLE ANDREW CHENG KAR-FOO THE HONOURABLE TIMOTHY FOK TSUN-TING, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE TAM YIU-CHUNG, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE ABRAHAM SHEK LAI-HIM, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LI FUNG-YING, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE TOMMY CHEUNG YU-YAN, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE FREDERICK FUNG KIN-KEE, S.B.S., J.P. -
The RTHK Coverage of the 2004 Legislative Council Election Compared with the Commercial Broadcaster
Mainstream or Alternative? The RTHK Coverage of the 2004 Legislative Council Election Compared with the Commercial Broadcaster so Ming Hang A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy in Government and Public Administration © The Chinese University of Hong Kong June 2005 The Chinese University of Hong Kong holds the copyright of this thesis. Any person(s) intending to use a part or whole of the materials in the thesis in a proposed publication must seek copyright release from the Dean of the Graduate School. 卜二,A館書圆^^ m 18 1 KK j|| Abstract Theoretically, public broadcaster and commercial broadcaster are set up and run by two different mechanisms. Commercial broadcaster, as a proprietary organization, is believed to emphasize on maximizing the profit while the public broadcaster, without commercial considerations, is usually expected to achieve some objectives or goals instead of making profits. Therefore, the contribution by public broadcaster to the society is usually expected to be different from those by commercial broadcaster. However, the public broadcasters are in crisis around the world because of their unclear role in actual practice. Many politicians claim that they cannot find any difference between the public broadcasters and the commercial broadcasters and thus they asserted to cut the budget of public broadcasters or even privatize all public broadcasters. Having this unstable situation of the public broadcasting, the role or performance of the public broadcasters in actual practice has drawn much attention from both policy-makers and scholars. Empirical studies are divergent on whether there is difference between public and commercial broadcaster in actual practice. -
APRES Moi LE DELUGE"? JUDICIAL Review in HONG KONG SINCE BRITAIN RELINQUISHED SOVEREIGNTY
"APRES MoI LE DELUGE"? JUDICIAL REvIEw IN HONG KONG SINCE BRITAIN RELINQUISHED SOVEREIGNTY Tahirih V. Lee* INTRODUCTION One of the burning questions stemming from China's promise that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) would enjoy a "high degree of autonomy" is whether the HKSAR's courts would have the authority to review issues of constitutional magnitude and, if so, whether their decisions on these issues would stand free of interference by the People's Republic of China (PRC). The Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984 promulgated in PRC law and international law a guaranty that implied a positive answer to this question: "the judicial system previously practised in Hong Kong shall be maintained except for those changes consequent upon the vesting in the courts of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the power of final adjudication."' The PRC further promised in the Joint Declaration that the "Uludicial power" that was to "be vested in the courts" of the SAR was to be exercised "independently and free from any interference."2 The only limit upon the discretion of judicial decisions mentioned in the Joint Declaration was "the laws of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and [to a lesser extent] precedents in other common law jurisdictions."3 Despite these promises, however, most of the academic and popular discussion about Hong Kong's judiciary in the United States, and much of it in Hong Kong, during the several years leading up to the reversion to Chinese sovereignty, revolved around a fear about its decline after the reversion.4 The * Associate Professor of Law, Florida State University College of Law. -
Insights for Intra-Party Tensions?
Hong Kong as a proxy battlefield Insights for Intra-Party tensions? Zhang Xiaoming 张晓明, the director of the State Council Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office 国务 院港澳办, was replaced a few days ago, as vice-director of the small leading group of the same name, by the current Minister of Public Security, Zhao Kezhi 赵克志. That said, it seems Hong Kong’s issues run deeper than just a few personnel appointments. Is the special administrative zone becoming a proxy battleground for opposing political forces inside the Party? The timeline and people involved suggest that parts of the ongoing crisis might have been made by design by outgoing political networks amid the anti-corruption campaign. From the selection of Carrie Lam 林郑月娥, the underpinnings of the Hong Kong and Macau affairs system, to the bid for the London Stock Exchange, there is more than meets the eye. The “Manchurian” Candidate and the Jiangpai From the beginning, the opinion was that Madame Lam would be a short-live replacement for Liang Zhenying 梁振英. Carrie Lam, who actually joined the protest – even for a brief moment – for universal suffrage back in 2014, stayed close to the negotiation with Beijing, unlike some of her counterparts who were refused entry in Shenzhen back in 2015. She then became one of the favorite faces of the administration, especially in late 2016, when Liang Zhenying1 announced he would not be running for re-election. Liang, a representative of the “old regime” – associated with both Zeng Qinghong 曾庆红2 and Zhang Dejiang 张德江, was creating issues leading to the deterioration of the situation in Hong Kong (i.e. -
RTHK UNDER SIEGE Hong Kong Government Takes on the Public Broadcaster
RTHK UNDER SIEGE Hong Kong Government Takes on the Public Broadcaster 2006 ANNUAL REPORT REPORT OF THE HONG KONG JOURNALISTS ASSOCIATION JULY 2006 Hong Kong Government Takes on the Public Broadcaster: 2006 Annual Report 1 Contents Introduction and recommendations ................................................................................................................2 Section 1 GOVERNMENT TARGETS PUBLIC BROADCASTING ............................5 A chequered history................................................................................6 Beijing thwarts formal independence ....................................................6 Pro-Beijing voices of disapproval ...........................................................7 At last, the review goes forward .............................................................8 So far so good, but where are the critics?...............................................8 RTHK faces pressure on other fronts ....................................................10 Public access becomes an issue.............................................................11 Section 2 PROJECTING A FUTURE FOR RTHK ....................................................12 RTHK’s role...........................................................................................12 RTHK and public...................................................................................12 Programme producer............................................................................12 Public connector...................................................................................13 -
HKD: Renewed Political Risk After the Election
HKD: Renewed political risk Amy Yuan Zhuang after the election Nordea Research, 27 March 2017 The China-backed Carrie Lam became Hong Kong’s new chief executive. This could cause public discontent and renewed social unrest. The USD/HKD has been unaffected and will likely continue trading in discount due to abundant liquidity. The election of the next head of Hong Kong’s government was held yesterday. As expected, Carrie Lam, 59, became the first female chief executive. She received 777 votes (65%) in the 1,194-member election committee that is consisted of business and political elites. Lam’s main rival, John Tsang, who only won 30% of the votes, is much more popular among the public, revealed by opinion polls prior to the election. Lam has worked five years as the number two official under the outgoing and deeply unpopular chief executive Leung Chun-ying. She will be inaugurated on 1 July this year, which happens to be the 20th anniversary of Hong Kong’s handover from the UK to China. Figure 1: John Tsang led the public opinion polls prior to the election The election result has not had significant market impacts on Monday morning. The HKD has been range-trading during Monday morning at the same level as it closed on Friday. Hong nexus.nordea.com/research Kong stocks opened 0.5% lower on Monday morning but the loss was erased within an hour. Lam is coming to office in a time with rising tension between Hong Kong and China. During the past few years, Hong Kong has seen an increasing amount of demonstrations against mainland Chinese visitors and more pro-independence movements have been established. -
Basic Law and Hong Kong's Bilateral Relations
External Relations of Hong Kong: The Most Neglected Subject in International Relations? Colonial Law: Promulgated by the UK Basic Law: As Authorized by the NPC of PRC › No Nullifying Power › Full Sovereignty from PRC The Central People's Government shall be responsible for the foreign affairs relating to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China shall establish an office in Hong Kong to deal with foreign affairs. The Central People's Government authorizes the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to conduct relevant external affairs on its own in accordance with this Law. Representatives of the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region may, as members of delegations of the Government of the People's Republic of China, participate in negotiations at the diplomatic level directly affecting the Region conducted by the Central People's Government. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region may on its own, using the name ""Hong Kong, China "", maintain and develop relations and conclude and implement agreements with foreign states and regions and relevant international organizations in the appropriate fields, including the economic, trade, financial and monetary, shipping, communications, tourism, cultural and sports fields. WTO: “Tariff” APEC: “Economy” FIFA: “Domestic League” The application to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of international agreements to which the People's Republic of China is or becomes a party shall be decided by the Central People's Government, in accordance with the circumstances and needs of the Region, and after seeking the views of the government of the Region. -
Research Study on the Agreement Between Hong Kong and the Mainland Concerning Surrender of Fugitive Offenders
RP05/00-01 Research Study on the Agreement between Hong Kong and the Mainland concerning Surrender of Fugitive Offenders March 2001 Prepared by Mr CHAU Pak-kwan Mr Stephen LAM Research and Library Services Division and Legal Service Division Legislative Council Secretariat 5th Floor, Citibank Tower, 3 Garden Road, Central, Hong Kong Telephone : (852) 2869 7735 Facsimile : (852) 2525 0990 Website : http://www.legco.gov.hk E-mail : [email protected] C O N T E N T S page Executive Summary Introduction 1 Background 1 Scope of Study 1 Chapter 1 -Principles and Approaches in Extradition Treaties Signed 2 by China with Foreign Countries Legal Basis of China’s Extradition System 2 China’s Domestic Legal Norms 2 International Legal Norms 3 Basic Principles and Contents of Sino-Foreign Bilateral Extradition 8 Treaties Basic Principles 8 Basic Contents 9 Extraditable Offences 10 Circumstances under which extradition should be refused 12 Circumstances under which extradition may be refused 14 Principle of Non-extradition for Political Offences 15 Principle of Non-extradition for Death Penalty 21 Chapter 2 -Arrangements for the Surrender of Fugitive Offenders 24 between Hong Kong and Foreign Countries Fugitive Offenders Ordinance 24 Surrender of Fugitive Offenders 24 Persons Liable to be Surrendered 25 Relevant Offences 26 General Restrictions on Surrender 26 Procedural Safeguards 26 Treatment of Persons Surrendered from Prescribed Place 27 Transit 28 Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters 28 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The Legislative Council Secretariat welcomes the re-publication, in part or in whole, of this research report, and also its translation in other languages. Materials may be reproduced freely for non- commercial purposes, provided acknowledgement is made to the Research and Library Services Division of the Legislative Council Secretariat as the source and one copy of the reproduction is sent to the Legislative Council Library. -
One Country, Two Systems" in Practice : an Analysis of Six Cases
Lingnan University Digital Commons @ Lingnan University Centre for Public Policy Studies : CPPS Working Centre for Public Policy Studies 公共政策研究中 Paper Series 心 8-2001 "One country, two systems" in practice : an analysis of six cases Yiu Chung WONG Lingnan University, Hong Kong, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.ln.edu.hk/cppswp Part of the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Wong, Y.-c. (2001). "One country, two systems" in practice: An analysis of six cases (CPPS Working Paper Series No.114). Retrieved from Lingnan University website: http://commons.ln.edu.hk/cppswp/98 This Paper Series is brought to you for free and open access by the Centre for Public Policy Studies 公共政策研究 中心 at Digital Commons @ Lingnan University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Centre for Public Policy Studies : CPPS Working Paper Series by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Lingnan University. Working Paper Series Centre for Public Policy Studies Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences N o .114 (8/01) CPPS ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS" IN PRACTICE: AN ANALYSIS OF SIX CASES by Dr. Wong Yiu-chung H 62 _W68 n o .114 Lingnan University Hong Kong “One Coimtry, Two Systems” in Practice: An Analysis of Six Cases Dr. Wong Yiu-chung August 2001 © Wong Yiu-chung Dr. Wong Yiu-chung is Associate Professor in the Department of Politics and Sociology, Lingnan University, Hong Kong. Centre for Public Policy Studies Lingnan University Tuen Mun Hong Kong Tel: (852) 2616 7432 Fax: (852) 2591 0690 Email: [email protected] http://www.LN.edu.hk/cpps/ CAPS and CPPS Working Papers are circulated to invite discussion and critical comment. -
One Country, Two Legal Systems (Crowley Report)
ONE COUNTRY, TWO LEGAL SYSTEMS? TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................................................1 A. Overview .....................................................................................................................................3 I. PRESERVING THE RULE OF LAW.............................................................................................4 A. The Rule of Law..........................................................................................................................5 1. General International Standards...............................................................................................5 2. The Sino-British Joint Declaration ..........................................................................................7 B. Implementing International Commitments: Hong Kong and the Basic Law ............................8 C. The Right of Abode Decisions ..................................................................................................10 1. Background ............................................................................................................................10 2. The Court of Final Appeal’s Decisions .................................................................................12 a. Article 158: The Reference Issue......................................................................................12 b. Articles 22 and 24 of the Basic Law..................................................................................15 -
Six-Monthly Report on Hong Kong July-December 2005
Six-monthly Report on Hong Kong July-December 2005 Presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by Command of Her Majesty March 2006 Cm 6751 £ 6.00 © Crown copyright 2006 The text in this document (excluding the Royal Arms and departmental logos) may be reproduced free of charge in any format or medium providing it is reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading context. The material must be acknowledged as Crown copyright and the title of the document specified. Any enquiries relating to the copyright in this document should be addressed to the Licensing Division, HMSO, St Clements House, 2-16 Colegate, Norwich NR3 1BQ. Fax 010603 723000 or e-mail: [email protected] FOREWORD This is the eighteenth in a series of reports to Parliament on the implementation of the Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong. It covers the period from 1 July to 31 December 2005. During the reporting period, constitutional reform and progress towards full universal suffrage once again dominated the political debate in Hong Kong. The SAR Government put forward proposals to reform the methods to elect the Chief Executive in 2007 and Legislative Council in 2008. We considered these proposals offered an incremental step in the right direction. However, the Legislative Council rejected the proposals on 21 December. Nevertheless, the British Government remains firmly committed to democratisation in Hong Kong. We believe that Hong Kong should advance to a system of universal suffrage, as envisaged by the Basic Law, as soon as possible. -
中國石油天然氣股份有限公司 Petrochina Company Limited
Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing Limited and The Stock Exchange of Hong Kong Limited take no responsibility for the contents of this document, make no representation as to its accuracy or completeness and expressly disclaim any liability whatsoever for any loss howsoever arising from or in reliance upon the whole or any part of the contents of this document. 中國石油天然氣股份有限公司 PETROCHINA COMPANY LIMITED (a joint stock limited company incorporated in the People's Republic of China with limited liability) (Stock Code: 857) PROPOSED ELECTION AND APPOINTMENT OF DIRECTORS The board of directors (the “Board”) of PetroChina Company Limited (the “Company”, together with its subsidiaries, the “Group”) is pleased to announce that the Board has proposed to elect and appoint Mr. Liu Yuezhen, Mr. Duan Liangwei, Ms. Elsie Leung Oi-sie, Mr. Tokuchi Tatsuhito, Mr. Simon Henry, Mr. Cai Jinyong and Mr. Jiang, Simon X. (collectively, the “Director Candidates”) as directors of the Company (collectively, the “Proposed Appointment of Directors”). The Proposed Appointment of Directors will be submitted to the shareholders of the Company (the “Shareholders”) for review and approval by way of ordinary resolution at the 2019 annual general meeting of the Company (the “AGM”). In accordance with the articles of association of the Company (the “Articles of Association”), the Board shall be composed of 11-15 members elected by the Shareholders' general meeting and all directors will hold office for a term of three years. A director may be re-elected upon the expiry of his or her term. The terms of several directors of the Company, namely Mr.