DOCSLIB.ORG

Time for Reorientation: a Review of Recent Research on the Arab-Israeli Conflict

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Time for Reorientation: a Review of Recent Research on the Arab-Israeli Conflict Discussions and Reviews Time for reorientation: a review of recent research on the Arab-Israeli conflict Ania Francos, Les Palestiniens Paris: Julliard, 1968. Pp. 318. Fr. 20.70. Yehoshafat Harkabi, Fedayeen Action and Arab Strategy London: Institute for Strategic Studies (Adelphi Paper No. 53), 1969. Pp. 43. 5s (75¢). To Make War or Make Peace (New Outlook Symposium) Proceedings of the International Symposium on Inevitable War or Initiatives for Peace. Tel-Aviv: New Outlook, 1969. Pp. 288. I.L. 8.00 ($2.50). Hisham Sharabi, Palestine and Israel: The Lethal Dilemma New York: Pegasus, 1969. Pp. 224. $6.95. Nadav Safran, From War to War: The Arab-Israeli Confrontation, 1948-1967 New York: Pegasus, 1969. Pp. 464. $10.00. JOSEPH D. BEN-DAK Center for Research on Conflict Resolution. Universitv of Michigan Voltaire’s somewhat facetious criticism of extension of traditional work on the Middle certain Biblical texts, &dquo;dans un livre saint un East. Orientalists, staunch adherents of the peu d’exactitude ne nuirait pas,&dquo; can be ap- historical-philological approach, wrote dic- plied to current writings on the Arab-Israeli tionaries and grammars alike, &dquo;through a conflict. A good amount of the work is an very considerable amount of additions and ~ ~ z translations of texts, to histories of wider or 1The author wishes to acknowledge his indebted- narrower scope&dquo; (van Nieuwenhuijze, 1965, ness to Ziva Reuveni and Rosalind without Daly, p. 1). The taste of a wider public was served whose this review would have been help impos- which into sible. Daniel Heradstveit and Johan Galtung (Oslo) by travelogues gradually expanded have been instrumental in suggesting the type of general descriptions of regions or countries: approach argued for in this review. descriptions in which a preoccupation with 102 politics in the Western sense of the term has (in the sense of possible generalization be- tended to increase and in which palatability yond language or culture area, etc.), and to the Western lay public has often but not quantitative in orientation. always been matched by accuracy or verifica- The main problem with this criterion, how- tion on the spot (ibid.). ever, is that in the service of peace one must also try to find value in any contributions l. Current Work on the Conflict: that deal with the Israeli-Arab conflict, inas- Some Lugubrious Thoughts much as the works can offer innovative redef- inition of the issues involved, strategies for The most typical and predictable trend in &dquo;defreezing&dquo; the situation, and perhaps more work on the conflict has been the present balanced understanding of the factors in- of a literature which over- growth polemical volved. The works under review make little emphasizes background dimensions, substan- progress in any of these directions, though: tive matters, and the value of social justice all of them are redundant to an extent and while buttressing the case for one party or only the last one has some qualities of the another. This has been particularly and pain- kind of work we envisage on the Arab-Israeli fully true for efforts entitled with supposedly conflict. However, each one of them carries &dquo;scientific&dquo; labels and originating from &dquo;re- with it certain advantages over earlier work, search&dquo; centers (e.g. Kadi, 1966; al-Khalidi, and I will attempt to extract a few of these 1958; Sayegh, 1961, 1965). The three wars points and interrelate them to a suggested and accelerated (1948, 1956, especially 1967) frame of reference for further research. Be- the rate of of in West- publications &dquo;quickies&dquo; fore doing this, I will briefly review each of ern countries and the Middle East. of Many the works within what we consider to be their the books which have been published since sociopolitical context. the 1967 war in the US, while not easily lend- ing themselves to the categories of research 2. A European Work in Search articulated above, have been more sophisti- of Social Justice catedly biased, the case being made more often than not for Israel (e.g., Love, 1969; Francos’ book is typical of the anti-Israel Prittie, 1968; Kimche and Bawly, 1969). left in France. Behind her entire argument Such streams of publications are not likely runs a thread of personal history. Quite often to dry up in the foreseeable future. Yet some in the case of Jews it is related to the Holo- gradual change has already been coming caust, and nearly always a resemblance is about in the broad picture of Middle Eastern found between US-dominated Vietnam and studies through the introduction of such dis- Israel. Francos is a Jew whose parents had ciplinary approaches as modern sociology as emigrated to Palestine in the 1920s only to well as some honest attempts to cope with return to Europe, disillusioned, several years questions of cultural relativity-typified by later. They were both killed at Auschwitz. Her the works of Berger and van Neiuwenhuijze immediate experiences before spending three (1962 and 1965). Thus one kind of difficulty years with the Fedayeen’ (in Syria and Jor- in our job is relating the five works in review to certain needs of inquiry in the field of con- 2I shall use Fedayeen interchangeably with Palestinians. The name Fedayeen (i.e., in Arabic, flict management, reduction, or resolution. "those who sacrifice themselves") was introduced It should be obvious that we are referring to the Israeli-Arab conflict by Egyptian authori- more interdis- essentially to even advanced ties in 1955 as the official label for irregulars dis- ciplinary approaches, comparative in nature patched into Israel on subversive missions. In this 103 dan) were in Algeria and Cuba. Hence her obtain a deeper insight into a much less psychological need to articulate the oppres- studied dimension, namely, the Palestinian sion of the Palestinians is understandable. interaction with the various host societies. Her position reminds one of Rodinson’s inter- A second important focus in Francos’ re- pretation of the Arab-Israeli conflict as &dquo;the search is on events shaping the history of struggle of an indigenous population against the Fedayeen, particularly the Karameh af- the occupation of part of its national terri- fair (in March 1968), suggesting implicitly tory by foreigners&dquo; (Rodinson, 1969). The that the steady increase of the Fedayeen de- book is a personal account with considerable pends at least partially on opportunities to frankness. It is valuable in that it captures the stand out, brave and able, against the Israelis. way that Palestinians think, and especially Galle (1968) dismisses Francos’ study as a their reality. She does not attempt to analyze &dquo;propaganda tract.&dquo; In my opinion he does the situation beyond suggesting that the Pal- so because of his preference for balanced pre- estinians have a case. It is precisely because sentations (see Galle, 1968 and 1969). Ob- of her bias that some of Francos’ criticisms viously, one cannot compare Francos’ work are valuable. For instance, she attacks some to Rouleu et al. (1967), a dialogue between Palestinian leaders for the luxuries they en- two much more informed journalists guided joy and evaluates Shukeiry’s tactics-notably by an experienced moderator (see Kapeliuk, through an examination of his Palestinian 1969). Francos’ book is more in the style and Liberation Organization and its manipulation the mood of Givet (1968), where questions of by Arab governments to control the Pales- anti-Israeli attitude are further expressed only tinian problem. Her revealing analysis of the to demonstrate the confusion as well as the friction between Arab bourgeoisie and Pales- difficulty in relating the complex Israeli-Arab tinian refugees, as well as tensions she de- relationship to Jewish consciousness in the scribes in Arab establishments vis-a-vis the European left. growing strength and salience of the Fedayeen -all of these discussions may help to clarify 3. An Israeli Strategical Perspective certain moods and strategies chosen by the If one takes Francos to be total emotional- Fedayeen. ity, Harkabi (1969) is nothing but rationality. There are nuclear points in Francos’ anal- Harkabi was the Israeli chief of military in- ysis that deserve more articulation and lend telligence from 1955 to 1959. Since then he themselves to more An il- systematic study. has been concerned with the lustration is her conclusion that Palestinians academically Arab-Israeli conflict. His doctoral disserta- have been developing ideological predisposi- tion (1968) is the most lucid, systematic study tions and social organizations different from of Arab ideology in the conflict. Western those of the populations and countries in readers, however, had already been presented which they reside. Beyond the simple proposi- with fragments of his analysis of the Arab tion that there are Nasserites in Egypt, Baath- collapse in the Six Day War (Harkabi, 1967) ists in Syria, etc., it appears that, concomitant and a general brief summary of the confronta- with the process of communicative &dquo;unifica- tion (Harkabi, 1965). More than anyone else, tion&dquo; Palestinians, one also needs to among Alter (1968) succeeded in putting both the background and the motivation of Harkabi’s discussion we do not deal with Palestinian refugees work in a nutshell. (actually the majority) who are not associated with the organizations currently active against Israel and There is an enormous lack of symmetry in the Zionism. positions of the two antagonists. The Israeli posi- 104 tion on the Arabs over the years has on occasion that criticize the chosen path of guerrilla war- been stupid, blundering, unfeeling, but it has also fare, and spell out the differences between showed aspects of common sense, even humanity, Palestine and Algeria (or other revolutionary especially since June, 1967, and, by and large, one wars)-an exercise not prevalent at all in can say that its guiding principle has been en- Arab for an lightened self-interest.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 'A Grave for New York' and 'New York
    A Grave for New York and New York 80: Formulating an Arab Identity through the Lens of New York Michelle Hartman From the skyscrapers of mid-town Manhattan to the Brooklyn Bridge, from the Statue of Liberty to the prostitutes of Time Square, from Harlem to Wall Street, images of New York City are some of the most potent representations of the United States around the world. This paper explores how two Arab authors use New York City as a lens through which they for- mulate an Arab identity in and for their literary texts and I am concerned in particular with the way in which gender and race are used in these formulations. The two works I discuss are Adonis’s Qabr min ajl new york (A Grave for New York)1 and Yusuf Idris’s New York 802, published in Arabic in 1971 and 1980 respectively, and both written in Arabic, for an Arab audience. There is no doubt that either work is anything but a scathing critique of New York, used as a metonym for the United States, and in particular its claim to technology and ‘advancement.’ Both pieces clearly advocate resistance to American hegemony in the world and harshly condemn the capitalist greed with which the United States has become syn- onymous throughout the world thus manifesting the political commitment of their authors and conveying a message of Third World solidarity. Michelle Hartman, Assistant Professor Institute of Islamic Studies McGill University, Montreal, Canada 223 Works that deal with relationships between Arabs and Europeans or Arabs and Americans (assumed of course to be distinct categories) are discussed by scholars of Arabic litera- ture as part of the large body of literature dealing with what is usually referred to as the ‘east-west encounter.’ A Grave for New York and New York 80 both certainly fall into this cate- gory and both can also be read more specifically as works that deal with the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • {FREE} an Introduction to Arab Poetics
    AN INTRODUCTION TO ARAB POETICS PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Adonis,Catherine Cobham | 108 pages | 01 Sep 2003 | SAQI BOOKS | 9780863563317 | English | London, United Kingdom Read Download An Introduction To Arab Poetics PDF – PDF Download In , Adonis fled Syria for Beirut , Lebanon. Adonis's poems continued to express his nationalistic views combined with his mystical outlook. With his use of Sufi terms the technical meanings of which were implied rather than explicit , Adonis became a leading exponent of the Neo-Sufi trend in modern Arabic poetry. This trend took hold in the s. Adonis received a scholarship to study in Paris from — From he was professor of Arabic literature at the Lebanese University. In , he was a visiting professor at the University of Damascus. In , he emigrated to Paris to escape the Lebanese Civil War. In —81, he was professor of Arabic in Paris. In he moved with his wife and two daughters to Paris, which has remained their primary residence. While temporally in Syria, Adonis helped in editing the cultural supplement of the newspaper Al-Thawra but pro government writers clashed with his agenda and forced him to flee the country. His name appeared as editor from the magazine's fourth edition. Poetry, he argued, must remain a realm in which language and ideas are examined, reshaped, and refined, in which the poet refuses to descend to the level of daily expediencies. Adonis later started another poetry magazine, titled Mawaqif English: "Positions" ; the magazine was first published in , considered a significant literary and cultural quarterly. A number of literary figures later joined and contributed to Mawaqif , including Elias Khoury , Hisham Sharabi and Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish among others.
    [Show full text]
  • POL 612 Arab Contributions to Political Thought
    Course Outline | Fall Semester 2015 POL 612 Arab Contributions to Political Thought Program Core Compulsory Course Course Teacher/s: Dr. Mark Farha and Team Credit Value: 3 Pre-requisites: No pre-requisites Co-requisites: SOSH 601, POL 611 Course Duration: 14 weeks; Semester 1 Total Student Study Time: 126 hours, including 42 contact hours of lectures and seminars. AIMS This course has a dual aim: 1) to introduce students to major Arab contributions to political thought across history, and 2) to temper (if not transcend) the Eurocentrism of most modern courses in political thought. It also seeks to challenge and inspire students to aspire to make their own contributions to political thought, first by providing role models who have made significant contributions. No less important, however, is to provide students with a critical view of Arab political thought and pointing out the gaps and shortcomings that remain to be overcome. The course starts by highlighting major contributions to political thought in the classical age, including by figures like al-Farabi, Ibn Khaldun, and moveson to the contributions and debates in the era of Nahda by the likes of Tahtawi, Afghani, Abduh, Farah Anton, and Taha Hussain, among others. It then moves to modern intellectual contributions by figures like Edward Said, Sadiq al Azm, Adunis, Samir Amin, Anouar Abd al-Malki, Aziz al Azmeh, Hisham Sharabi, Nazih Ayubi, and Fouad Ajami, among others. The course also covers major themes which preoccupied modern Arab political thought, including the theme of political identity, nationalism, Arab unity, liberation, religious revivalism and secularization, sectarianism, democracy, social justice, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • Policy Strategies of Accommodation Or Domination in Jerusalem: an Historical Perspective Ira D
    Document generated on 09/25/2021 1:08 p.m. Journal of Conflict Studies Policy Strategies of Accommodation or Domination in Jerusalem: An Historical Perspective Ira D. Sharkansky Volume 15, Number 1, Spring 1995 URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/jcs15_01art05 See table of contents Publisher(s) The University of New Brunswick ISSN 1198-8614 (print) 1715-5673 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Sharkansky, I. D. (1995). Policy Strategies of Accommodation or Domination in Jerusalem:: An Historical Perspective. Journal of Conflict Studies, 15(1), 74–91. All rights reserved © Centre for Conflict Studies, UNB, 1995 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ Policy Strategies of Accommodation or Domination in Jerusalem: An Historical Perspective by Ira Sharkansky Ira Sharkansky is Professor of Political Science and Public Administration at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. With an age of some 4.000 years, Jerusalem is one of the world's oldest cities. Although there have been numerous changes in regime, prominent issues confronting the present city resemble those of times past, and certain continuities can be found in the policy strategies pursued by those who have governed Jerusalem. This article compares the strategy of the present regime with those apparent in previous periods from the sixth century BC.
    [Show full text]
  • The Imbalance of Empathy in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: Reflections from the (Simulated) Negotiating Table
    The Imbalance of Empathy in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: Reflections from the (Simulated) Negotiating Table Dan Zafrir THROUGH THE LOOKING GLASS Every academic year ICSR is offering six young leaders from Israel and Palestine the opportunity to come to London for a period of two months in order to develop their ideas on how to further mutual understanding in their region through addressing both themselves and “the other”, as well as engaging in research, debate and constructive dialogue in a neutral academic environment. The end result is a short paper that will provide a deeper understanding and a new perspective on a specific topic or event that is personal to each Fellow. Author: Dan Zafrir, 2017 Through the Looking Glass Fellow, ICSR. The views expressed here are solely those of the author and do not reflect those of the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation. Editor: Katie Rothman, ICSR CONTACT DETAILS Like all other ICSR publications, this report can be downloaded free of charge from the ICSR website at www.icsr.info. For questions, queries and additional copies of the report, please contact: ICSR King’s College London Strand London WC2R 2LS United Kingdom T. +44 (0)20 7848 2065 E. [email protected] For news and updates, follow ICSR on Twitter: @ICSR_Centre. © ICSR 2017 The Imbalance of Empathy in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: Reflections from the (Simulated) Negotiating Table Contents Introduction 3 Empathy Starts with the Self 4 The Opening of the Israeli Mind… 5 … And the Closing of the Palestinian One 7 Empathizing with the Past to Establish a Future (i.e.: Policy Recommendations) 8 Conclusion 9 Reference List 10 1 The Imbalance of Empathy in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: Reflections from the (Simulated) Negotiating Table 2 The Imbalance of Empathy in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: Reflections from the (Simulated) Negotiating Table The Imbalance of Empathy in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: Reflections from the (Simulated) Negotiating Table Introduction mpathy is often regarded as a key feature of social life.
    [Show full text]
  • Eytan 20 Jun 1990 Transcript
    United Nations Oral History Project Walter Eytan 20 June 1990 r _. • ,<; .. iJ (()~ ~ NO~J-CIRCULATI NG ) YUN INTERVIEW lJ'" llBRf\R'LlBR;.\ t"!' . F( i Gr ~­~- . ·'·'::::··,':;·'WALTER·'·'::::··.':;·'WALTER EYTAN ~ ~lr.J\~lr.J\!! : -~-'~, "' .... JUNE 20, 1990"1990 .. ,'U"'~~U'"'t''''1''1'l '.,J:'-C)LL'[ I ~ ......."",1"':Ll J "'co""""',,",,,,,, _ NEW YORK CITY, NEW YORK INTERVIEWER, JEAN KRASNO TABLE OF CONTENTCONTENTSS FOUNDING OF THE STATE OF ISRAEISRAELL positions Held by Mr. Eytan • . 1,2,4 The Jewish Agency ••• • . ... 2-5,7,10,11 The New York Delegation ... 4,5 statehood and Partition •••. • . ...... 6-9 UN Special Committee on Palestine .... 6-8,12,28 General Assembly ••••••.•....•... • • • • . • . • . .7,8,11 Jerusalem •••••• .- ••.....•.... 8-12,26,28,40 The Fighting •••• • • . ...11,12,24,29,39,40 The British Role . .13,18,19,21 Declaring Independence .15-18 The Palestine Committee . ... ... 19-21 The Truce •• . ... 22-24 UN Mediation •••••• • • • • . .25,26,27 Armistice Negotiations at Rhodes . .27-41 UN Conciliation Commission ...35,44,45 Mixed Armistice Commission • .39,41 UNTSO . ... •••••••......... • • • • . 42 1 JK: For the record, Mr. Eytan, could you please explain thethe role that you played during the time around thethe establishment of the state of Israel approximately between the years of 1947 and 1949? When did your involvement with Palestine begin? EytanEytan:: My involvement with Palestine began much earlier, inin 1933. But in 1933 there was no UN and all thesethese questions that you are raising don't really apply. In 1947 I was in Jerusalem. I was a member of the political department of the Jewish Agency for Palestine.
    [Show full text]
  • PDF Herunterladen
    386 Die Welt des Islams 57 (2017) 386-403 Tuastad International Journal for the Study of Modern Islam brill.com/wdi Nationalist Patriarchy, Clan Democracy: How the Political Trajectories of Palestinians in Israel and the Occupied Territories Have Been Reversed Dag H. Tuastad Department of Culture Studies and Oriental Languages, University of Oslo [email protected] Abstract This article discusses how the historical trajectory of patriarchal norms in the political domain among the Palestinians inside Israel differs from that of the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, emphasizing the role of regular political elections in reducing the prevalence of patriarchal-based politics. After 1948, the power of old clan leaders increased among the Palestinians inside, whereas within the Palestinian national move- ment founded in the exiled refugee communities, traditional and patriarchal clan- based political organization was shunned. Today, clans are still important in local politics among the Palestinians inside. But rather than being controlled by old, patriar- chal leaders, a young, democratically minded generation have found their way into local and national politics through the clans. Within the secular Palestinian national move- ment, on the other hand, an opposite development has been observed, of an increas- ingly gerontocratic and autocratic leadership. Keywords Clan – hamūla – patriarchy – Palestine Liberation Organization – Israeli Palestinians – Palestinian Authority – gerontocracy – neopatrimonialism – democratization The influential
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Introduction the Palestine Liberation Organization Has Been Extensively Studied in the Social Sciences and Humanities Particul
    This is the accepted version of an article that will be published by Duke University Press in Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East: https://www.dukeupress.edu/comparative-studies-of-south-asia-africa-and-the-middle- east/?viewby=journal Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24506/ PLO Cultural Activism: Mediating Liberation aesthetics in revolutionary contexts Dina Matar, Centre for Global Media and Communications, SOAS University of London [email protected] Abstract This paper addresses the PLO's cultural activism, in other words, its investment in diverse spheres of popular culture, at the beginning of the revolutionary period 1968- 1982 in its history. Drawing on archival research of the main spheres of the PLO's cultural output, it traces how the PLO strategized popular culture to enhance its image, create a new visibility for the Palestinians and mediate a Palestinian-centric liberation aesthetic rooted in real experiences of, and participation in, the Palestinian revolution. As such, the PLO's cultural activism combined an agential understanding of what it means to be Palestinian with popular armed struggle, language and image to conjure power in grassroots action, turn attention to the Palestinians themselves and evoke enduring affective identifications with the organization despite various setbacks and the passage of time. The argument is not intended to romanticize the role of the PLO or popular culture in a golden age of liberation politics. Rather it underlines
    [Show full text]
  • 'Mowing the Grass': Israel'sstrategy for Protracted Intractable Conflict
    This article was downloaded by: [Bar-Ilan University] On: 27 February 2014, At: 05:21 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Strategic Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fjss20 ‘Mowing the Grass’: Israel’s Strategy for Protracted Intractable Conflict Efraim Inbara & Eitan Shamira a Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, Bar-Ilan University, Israel Published online: 10 Oct 2013. To cite this article: Efraim Inbar & Eitan Shamir (2014) ‘Mowing the Grass’: Israel’s Strategy for Protracted Intractable Conflict, Journal of Strategic Studies, 37:1, 65-90, DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2013.830972 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2013.830972 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.
    [Show full text]
  • The IDF in the Second Intifada
    Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade |Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | Shiri Tal-Landman המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 CONteNts Abstracts | 3 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | 7 Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | 27 Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | 39 Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | 49 Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | 63 Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | 71 Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | 85 Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | 101 Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade | 123 Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | 133 Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | 141 Shiri Tal-Landman The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and Strategic enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, ASSESSMENT on Israel’s national security agenda.
    [Show full text]
  • Modernism and After: Modern Arabic Literary Theory from Literary Criticism to Cultural Critique
    1 Modernism and After: Modern Arabic Literary Theory from Literary Criticism to Cultural Critique Khaldoun Al-Shamaa Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD University of London, School of Oriental and African Studies 2006 ProQuest Number: 10672985 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10672985 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 2 DECLARATION I Confirm that the work presented in the thesis is mine alone. Khaldoun Al-Shamaa 3 ABSTRACT This thesis aims to provide the interested reader with a critical account of far-reaching changes in modem Arabic literary theory, approximately since the 1970s, in the light of an ascending paradigm in motion , and of the tendency by subsequent critics and commentators to view litefary criticism in terms of self-a elaborating category morphing into cultural critique. The first part focuses on interdisciplinary problems confronting Arab critics in their attempt “to modernize but not to westernize”, and also provides a comparative treatment of the terms, concepts and definitions used in the context of an ever-growing Arabic literary canon, along with consideration of how these relate to European modernist thought and of the controversies surrounding them among Arab critics.
    [Show full text]
  • Lost Opportunities for Peace in the Arab- Israeli Conºict
    Lost Opportunities for Jerome Slater Peace in the Arab- Israeli Conºict Israel and Syria, 1948–2001 Until the year 2000, during which both the Israeli-Palestinian and Israeli-Syrian negotiating pro- cesses collapsed, it appeared that the overall Arab-Israeli conºict was ªnally going to be settled, thus bringing to a peaceful resolution one of the most en- during and dangerous regional conºicts in recent history.The Israeli-Egyptian conºict had concluded with the signing of the 1979 Camp David peace treaty, the Israeli-Jordanian conºict had formally ended in 1994 (though there had been a de facto peace between those two countries since the end of the 1967 Arab-Israeli war), and both the Israeli-Palestinian and Israeli-Syrian conºicts seemedLost Opportunities for Peace on the verge of settlement. Yet by the end of 2000, both sets of negotiations had collapsed, leading to the second Palestinian intifada (uprising), the election of Ariel Sharon as Israel’s prime minister in February 2001, and mounting Israeli-Palestinian violence in 2001 and 2002.What went wrong? Much attention has been focused on the lost 1 opportunity for an Israeli-Palestinian settlement, but surprisingly little atten- tion has been paid to the collapse of the Israeli-Syrian peace process.In fact, the Israeli-Syrian negotiations came much closer to producing a comprehen- Jerome Slater is University Research Scholar at the State University of New York at Buffalo.Since serving as a Fulbright scholar in Israel in 1989, he has written widely on the Arab-Israeli conºict for professional journals such as the Jerusalem Journal of International Relations and Political Science Quarterly.
    [Show full text]