A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE HISTORICAL WRITINGS OF IBN AL-ATHFR
THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
BY MAHMOOD AL-HASAN
Under the Supervision of Dr. S. MAQBOOL AHMAD
DEPARTMENT OF ARABIC & ISLAMIC STUDIES ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY, ALIGARH 1966 T'^8C
14 AUG13B7
T586 PREFACE
Tiais study was initiated nearly four years ago by the generous help of the University Grants Commission. In the beginning I di#tiot comprehend fully the complex nature of the problem wiiich later, I came to realize. The more I went into the depth and breadth of the problem, the more I found myself dedicated, zealous, though sometimes in utter despair. Nevertheless, I feel to some extent satisfied with the achieve ment not because I have done well and overcome heart-breaking difficulties, for it is not to be claimed that nothing is left unsearched in this field, but satisfaction in the sense that I took up an unexplored field for this undertaking. As a resuli of the study I am able to present something concrete, original and fruitful. This may serve as a foundation-for further inquiry and search.
The first chapter of the stud^'' deals: with the developmenl of Arab Historiography in Medieval period from Pre-Islamic times down to the end of the third century A. H. The second chapter discusses the Life and times of Ibn al-Athir. The third, fourtJ: fifth chapters examine the source of Ibn al-Athir's historical information. A detailed," exhaustive survey, inquiry and criticism has been presented in these chapters. Chapter sixth analys«.s ' the method of arrangement and presentation of the material in historical perspective. The last chapter evaluates Ibn al-Athir as a historian. 11^ tries to study the attitude, concept and historical thinkings of Ibn al-Athir. -li lt has become traditional to thank all those vho extend their help, whatsoever it may be in relevant of any hiiman effort. No other means has been evolved by human mind to express the feelings except through words, though words have their own limitation which convey the feelings and ideas. Therefore, I have to adopt the same instrument to express my own feelings. I am highly indebted to my noble Supervisor Dr. S.Maqbool Ahmad, whose genuine interest, scholarly guidance and unending sympathy, throughout the period sustaine not only my zeal in this work but also without which it would not have been poosible for me to do this intensive study. I am extremely grateful to him. It is a matter of pride to acknowledge indebtedness to Dr.Abdul Aleem, Head of the Department of Arabic & Islamic Studies for his intelligent and thought provoking suggestions which he gave to me from time to time. I thank the University Grants Commission for sanctioning financial help i\rhich enabled me to carry out this project with success. In the last my sincere thanks to those friends who helped me by their valuable suggestions. I am thankful to Mr. Azmatullah Qureshy who took personal interest in typing my thesis. CONTENTS
Page No.
1, Chapter I ARAB HISTOHIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 1
2. Chapter II THE LIFE AND TIMES OF IBN AL-ATHIR. . 68
3. Chapter III THE SOURCES OF IH'^ AL-ATHIR'S HISTORICAL INFORiUTION. "Pre-Islamic Section"
Al-Mubtada'' Section: 99 Pre-Islamic Arab Section? 116 Persian Section; 124 Greek and Roman Section; 137
4, Chapter I¥ THE PERIODS OF THE PROPHET, THS PIOUS CALIPHS AND THE UMAYYADS
The Prophet's Section; 147 The Section of the Pious Caliphs. 164 The Umayyad Section; 162 Africa and Andalus; 173
6. Chapter V THE »ABBAS ID- PERIOD 185
Africa and Andalus; 197 Sicily; 199 Al-Andalus; 201 •^Alavid dynasty of Africa; 206 "•Abbasid^; 208 FStHmids; 231 The Source of Tarikh al-Dswlat a 1- Atabuke'yja Muluk a 1- Musals 244
6. Chapter VI ; AREANGEMEI^'T At^D PRESEI^TATION OF THE; MATERIAL. 247 7. Chapter VII ; EVALUATION OF IM AL-ATHIH AS A HISTORIAN. 266
Bibliography 279 CHAFTEH I
ARAB MISTOBIOGBAPHY IN THE MIM.E AGES
The smrvey of the origin and the development of Arab MstoriograpJay, particularly, from pre-Islamic and early Islamic period is a task ©f exhaiastive and complicated study, because th« material mpon wMeh an investigation is to be based is imsiiffi- eient, defective and not very reliable. Farther, the material available of whatever kind is disproportionately concerned with the southern Arabs who lived comparatively a settled and civilize life. They established kingdoms and made wonderful progress in industry, commerce and architecture. They developed such a high society in which intellectual output would have been of enormous importance. Bat unfortunately, the major part of their history either has not been recorded or has not reached us. W® are unabl to know, on the basis ©f true historical evidence, even the near past of the Yemenite Arabs. Our source of knowledge about them is of tw© kinds, the first one comprises the HLmyarite inscriptioi the second comprises the traditions which were later incorporated into the works ©f ll&ahab b.Munabbah, »¥bayd b, Sharlva, Hamadhani -1 and of Nashwan al-flimyari. The language of the inscriptions is generally called HLmyarite which was also termed as Musnad by the Arabs.
1. A. licholson, A Literary History of the Arabs, p. X7II. published, 1966. - 2 -
TMe Hifliyarite iascriptions which are oftea mentioned in ?^l~Iklil and rediscovered in recent times by a h©st of Western travellers and distinguished scholars are most valuable from historical point of view* *These inscriptions recently discovered and deciphered are, in all 3000 in number, extending in date as far back as the seventh century B,cr* It is inferred from these inscriptions that four principalities came into existance between 1200 and 627 B.C. They reveal ; us a hazy historical picture of the eighth century B.C. till seventh century A.D., and some of thea describe the virtuous and vicious acts and throw light on the system of land revenue, fortification and battles. Most of them bear religious character except few which were meant to comm^aiorat great and heroic deeds. It is relevant to note that there is an inscription which bears the date 113 B.C. which indicates that the Arabs had an idea ©f time-reckoning. It also reveals the consciou ness of history among the Arabs.
But here two questions arise} was the HLmyarite language alive during the sixth century A.D. and did the Arabs, living in the seventh century A.D., know the Himyarite language? The first question, in fact creates doubt and we cannot hold a positive • opinion; becausife.if it was alive during the sixth century, it woul not have completely disappeared at the inception of Islam. There must be some evidence of the existence of some persons knowing the
1. Hltti, History of the Arabs^ p. 61. - 3 -
language and msing it for praetical purposes. But we know there is not a single evidence which can support that the language was in use at that time. Further, we possess a book of Ahraha, the Yfimflnite governor,1 which bears the date 566 A.D. and was not written in the Himyarite character. This suggests that the language had beea dead since long before Islam.
The above mentioned reasons do not enable ms to accept the claim of Wahab b. Munabbak, Shabi, Ubaid b. Shariya, Muhammad b. Kab al Qurzi and Ibn al-Kalbi that they knew the language very well. Their claim may be characterized as an extravagant pro nouncement of their scholarship. This doubt is further strengthr- ened, owing to the fact, that •'neither the names of the Himyarite monarchs, as they appear in the lists drawn up by Muhammadan historians, nor the order in which names are arranged can pretend to accuracy. If they are historical persons at all they must hav( reigned in fairly recent times, perhaps a short while before the rise of Islam, and probably they were unimportant princes whom; the legend has thrown back into the ancient epochs and has invests with heroic attributes. Anyone who doubts this has only to compai the modern lists with those which have been made from the materia] 2 in the inscriptions.* It is relevant to quote a famous historian
1, The book was discovered by Glaser. Dr.Jawwad "Ali, The sources of Tabri's history. Al-Ma,im^'al-!Elmi,. Vol. I, p. 146, i960. 2. Nichalson, A Literary ELstorv of the Arabs^ p. 9. - 4 -
al-HamadhanlT who freqmently inserts such traditions in favour of having aequintance with Himyarite character by the early Arab scholars. He states that most of the people who claim to have knowledge of Himyarite character are groping in the dark auad have 2 not trme knowledge of it. Himyarite character 0£ whose examples 3 - 4 are presented in Al-Fihrist and al-Iklil was no more mnderstood - • 5 by any Yemenite scholar.
Although we are deprived of recorded material which can throw light on the historical consciousness of the Y^enits, a lo1 of oral traditions and Folk lor ©5" have been preserved for us. They were committed to memory by the Yemenites and were recorded and expanded by the scholars in the second century A.H. The events related to the seventh century A.D. are comparatively recent and near to the period in which the literary activities received impel
Hit tj^^j^ CJ< J • *-:*^j 0< "^"^^ Cy- *^' -^ Cx -V-*** CJ< *^^ ^ O-i >v^ j^ fy\ L^LAL
He further records s 'i*-* o*l;5 tS^ ^Jl^J'^\ -WJ>4 ^^ j,j>s» o^-*^"
al Hamad^ani, Al-Iklll^ Vol. 10, p. 1®.
Al-Hama^ani, Al-IkUlt P« 2. 3. Ibn-Madim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 6. 4. Ibn al-Hamaiiiani, Al-Iklllj Vol. 8, p. 122-23, ed. Nabih Amln -^Fc^sis PMneetoh, 194©. 6. Prof. Gibb, Ency. of Islaia_^ Suppl,_ ** Tarikh", p. 233, -Abd al-Malik b. HI sham, Kitab al-Ti;iah Fi Mmluk al Himvarj p. 56. - 6
It is a fact that some Y€te6nite class did remember their heroic deeds. These actions would have been of political and ciiltmral nature and they might have been considered as a common asset and heritage. There are some historical evidences which prove that the Yemenites possessed high cmltmre and civilization during these da/s* so it was natural for them to have vivid memory of their past.
Uhen Islam spread throughout the Arabian Peninsula the Northern Arabs achieved political supermaey over the south. This political situation caused a social and cultural strifes between the descendants of Adanan and Qahtan. These strifes broke out into ma^or conflicts during the reign of the 'Umayyads, and did not confine only to the areas of political and economic interests but their influence extended to the sphere of learning and cultur< The Arabs of the Morth, proud of their past and contemporary poll- tical superiority, began to record their tribal traditions. Thus the literature of Avvam and Ansab were the direct products of thii new situation which received further encouragement by the Imayyads in later times. The. literary initiative of Northern Arabs stirred the minds of the southern Arabs and paved the way for literary creation. The Ifemenites who had, since long, an estab lished cultural and civilizational traditions and, in fact, excel] their counterpart, started to collect and record their remini scence which were incoporated into the works of ¥ahb b.Munabbah, ¥baid b, Shariah. Ibn al Kalbi and of Al-Hamadhani. - 6 -
Beside; . the extant traditions, tiie Ifeaftaites invented stories and fictions in order to establish ctiltmral, political and military superiority over their rivals. It was the main cause for the production of the Y&afinites folklores. One of the reasons to hold the above opinion is that a striking similarity exists between the Ayyam literature and that of Y^to&aite folk lores. It is a distinct feature of Ayyam that each **Yum'* battle- story contains a good portion of verses which are. in most cases, relevant to the incidents, but sometimes^, the verses have nothing to do with the main theme. The same pattern is followed in the Y&nfinite folklores. This identity suggests that these folklores were not only the production of Islamic period bat they .were created in the fashion of the Ayyam literature.
Contrary to the Y&afinites, the Arabs of Mra known as Manadhira had written documents and treatises pertaining to their genealogy, social affairs, military adventures and biographies of 1 their chieftains. It is held that some of the historians of the Islamic period utilized them, especial HLsham al-Kalbi saw the records which were preserved in the temples of Hira. But nothing survived which could throw light on historical thought of the Arat in Hira.
The Arabs who lived in Hijaz, Najd and Tihama did not have written records of their past. But there were oral traditions
!• Bncy. of Islam^ Vol. 2/, 689. - 7 - which were related to believes, rituals, social customs^and ins titutions. The. traditions centred round the tribal wars and feuds which reflected their moral feelings and the sense of Muru'ah. Every tribe expected each of its members to memorise the glorious deeds performed by their ancestors. Thus every tribe owned oral literature and tried to keep it safe, pure and intact. These traditions were kept in mind through prose, but a consider able portion of verses were also introduced because poetry was considered as the most effective means to memorise the accounts. These verses were invented and supplemented with the main theme without considering the co-relation with the actual event. Some times, these verses were added in the middle of the story and upon sometimee,at the end of the account. It all depended/whether the inventor participated in the war or not. In the former case the participation was; by all means, quite possible,and in latter, his absence from the war may be considered self-evident. Anyhow these verses made the whole body of a "Yaum** very powerful and lively. After lapse of time people accepted them as a real and indispen sable element of the "Yaum." They were transmitted generation after generation and thus the Ayyam literature was orally preserve a There ia^chance of the spurious and forged elements to have been added to the Ayyam literature and concrete evidences of forgery have been pointed out. But we cannot deny the historical importan which it has already achieved as the only source of our knowledge •V O ** abomt tke pre-Islamic Arabs. It Is due to this fact that the men of letters have been attaching great significance , to Ayyam. literature.
The Ayyam literature which was a collection of oral tradi tions and common property of a tribe was commiTted to writing durin the second century A.H. and genealogists, lexicographers and historians took equal interest in it.
Beside the Ayyam, the Ansab was another very important subject which engaged the attention of the pre-Islamie Arabs. Every tribe paid extreme attention in preserving its genealogical line. Strict and careful means were employed in keeping it pure and correct. In this effort, the main consideration involved was the feeling of superiority and a sense of pride against other
1. Abu Zakariyia Yeiiya al-Tabriz!, Al-Hamasa, Vol. 1,1. He writes
Abd al-Rahman Jalal-al-Hln al-Suuti writes ' '
J ABI JJ-*;
Al-suStI, al-Muzhir, Vol. 2, p. 470. "^ Cr^^h V»-^-*^.J^ - 9 - tribes. Therefore every tribe considered its fTindamental respons bility to attach highest importance to the common heritage which was the abiding force between the individuals of a tribe.
An important question arises in this connection J Did the Ayym literature and the Ansab implicitly or explicitly imply the existence of a historical sense on the past of the pre-Islamic Arabs? The Ayyam literature was not intended for historical material but its main object was to entertain the listeners and provide them with recreation. However we are not in a position to state that they had no relation with the fact; they had, and many big events had actually happened. But they lacked continuit: and were devoid of time-reckoning. The style and form of the Ayyam literature has influenced the form and character of Arab historiography and became an indispensable part of Arab historical literature.
On the other hand, genealogical literature came into existence in order to preserve the purity of a clan. If genea logical pedigrees were foregotten it would have implied the destruction of social and political system of that particular tribe. For this reason genealogies, probably based on faint consciousness of history were carefully preserved.
The histories of the neighbouring nations. It is but natural to hope that the Arabs should have known even to a little extent, the affairs of those nations and countri< - 10 - wliich were their immediat© neigiiboiars. The border of Bomaa provinces in Asia met the north-west of the Arabian Peninsula where the Arabs settled down for many centuries and established relation with them. But it is surprising to note that the infor mation about the Romans, which Arabs possessed does not bear a very historical character. This can be inferred from the materia recorded in historical books.
On the other hand, the Persians had direct contact with th of Arabs. Their relation, throughout the ages, was/varied nature and comprehensive character. But in spite of this fact, the information which the Arabs possessed and recorded in their books are not very reliable. Especially those which belong to pre- Sasanid: period. It shows that the Arabs had accepted whatever they heard or was supplied to them. The reason of accepting, whai ever was available, was that they did not develop a critical sense They lived in such^primitive age in which superstition and ereduality ruled the mind. This was one of the reasons - that provided conducive environment for the fiction to enter the oral literature of the Arabs. Besides, the historical books which were translated into Arabic during the Abbasids did contain legends, tales,which became a part of historical literature.
Advent of Islam. The advent of Islam was a very epoch-making event in Arabia It opened a new era not only in the history of Arabia but in the history of the world as well. It revolutionised social, political 11 ecoaomle ^and moral life of the Arabs, and the whole Arab cultare underwent a great change and reformation. This revolution took place in physical arena as well as in mental sphere of Arabia. It is a fact that Islam was a new message to the Arabs and the Holy Qmr'an preached new faith, new values and new Ideals to them. The Qur'an viewed the world and its past achievements acqiaired by the human will from a new angle. It attached new importance t© the past events. It did not review thoroughly the past history of the nations because it was not a book of history, but some famous events were selected and mentioned. They were referred to by the Qur*an in order to bring into light the moral values involved in them. To achieve this objective, the Quran has men- tioned some nations of the world and the big events which occured, This way of the Qur'ahic thinking induced the Arabs to inquire -» about the nations and the happenings.
Another contribution, which the Qur'an, by its universal and global attitude, made to the Arab mind, was an introduction of universalism, which the Arabs, for the first time, came to know. The Qur'an preached basic eternal concepts with which a number of prophets were sent to the different nations. This approach of the Qur'an was a successful attempt to enlarge the mental horizLian of the Arabs.
The Qur'^ic universal view of history \mderlying the narratives of Prophets found a good response from the Arab mind. They began to inquire into the history of the past nations and - 12 -
Prophets. This was a first step towards taking interest into the history of Prophecy itself, which showed to Arab mind a world in which many nations lived with their rise, fall,, vice and virtues The history of the Prophecy which achieved important positions ii literary activities during the first century A. H. was the direct result of this new consciousness inspired by the Qur'an.
Since the Qur'an is a book of guidance for the moral and the spiritual life of a man; it has preached certain basic princj a pies for the guidance but it was not enougi^/living example of those principles was needed who could well practice them in his life and could show the actual manifestations of those teachings, For this no one was better than the Prophet himself. He tried with great success to live up these ideals which are prescribed by the Qur'an. Moreover, the life of the Prophet was considered as an explainatory supplement to the Qur'an. Therefore it achievs . great importance for the Muslims.
With the advent of Islam the Arabs felt their unique role in the context of the world history. They realized that the time had placed them in an eventful and revolutionary process through which they had to pass and to play an important role in tJrie worL The excellent political achievements which they gained in terms of military conquests awakened historical consciousness in their minds which provided a great mementum for the development of Ara' historiography. For the conquests which they .scored against th well'organised and mighty power of the world were not ordinary ij the significance and results. At this juncture, when the - 13 -
Persians and tke Bomans kneeled before the Arab sword^ this womld have striik the Arabs with wonder and awe. It would have been a novel experience to them which would have induced them to produce historical literature which could perpetuate their heroic achieve ments..
Umar-the second Caliph fixed the year in which the prophet migrated to Madina for time-reckoning. Before this, the Arabs did not follow any set pattern for the fixation ©f date. This decision of Umar directly facilitated for maintaining the records in historical continuation.
The political expansion of the Arabs resulted into the growth of a new social and administrative; institutions. At the A.H. very beginning of the first century/when military operations were and being conducted successfully in Persia^ , Iraq,/ Bgypt, it becaime imperative to establish "livans'* so that the number of soldiers, the clans to which they belonged, might be registered with a detailed family background. It had become essential because the salary of a soldier was to be fixed according to the status of a 1 tribe to which that soldier belonged. This situation stimulated
1. The policy of distributing allowances also was changed during the reign of ¥mar. Mow the scale of allowance was revised and fixed according to the gradation of accepting Islam. Those who first accepted were granted more than the lat^r acceptees. Those who embraced Islam and migrated to Medina were given more allowances than those who embraced Islam after Hijra. Further, the preference was given to those who fought as a muslim in Badr against those who accepted it after Badr and so on and so forth. - 14 - for tbe feeen study of the genealogical pedigrees* A number of scholars started to take interest in this field. They collected large information, siftect it and later recorded it. Thas genea logical literatare came into existence which enriched and expanded the activities of historiography.
The system of Islamic government, particularly its finaaci organization also proved as one of the factors in speeding up the pace of history writing and its development. For the value of income received through the conquered lands varied from one coun try to another. It all depended on the mature of its annexation. The political and social dealing with the conquered nations were not siEiilar too. They differed with the situation arose at the time ©f the conquest. This, along with the financial system,led to search into the history of the conquests.
The above survey which aims at tracing out the origin and the development of Arab historiography bears eloquent testimomy of two distinct intellectual currents flowing side by side in the field of Arab historiography. One represents Islamie trend, is namely, Muhaddithiiia while the other/based on tribal outlook whic was expressed through Ayyam literature. These two trends in fact represented two separate intellectual currents which existed in Islamic society. Each developed itself at different centresj as Medina becsone the centre of Muhaddithin's thoughts while Klfa and Basra became the centre of Ayyam trend. These cities gradually became famous as the centres of all cultural and civilizational activities throughout the Islamic world. - 16 -
After the death of the Prophet a gromp ©f scholars began to take interest into his sayings and the actions which were the considered as the somrce for/guidance of life and legislation. The interest in Hadith continued to develop* and the class ©f Muhaddith which consequently emerged out started to record Hadlth material. People took interest in ... the Ghazawats ,so that the feelings of pride and greatness would have been aroused by recalling the deeds of the Prophet and his companions.
Maghazi means the wars in which the Prophet participated in person, but this definition does not strictly apply to the material recorded in the bocks of Maghazi. Because there i^re and are many books which have included every aspect of the Prophet's life since the beginning of the Kevelation. The stady of Maghazi was started as a supplement to the study of Hadith according to some scholars but many differs with this opinion. They think that Maghazi literature flourished independently. It was not originated as a part of Had!tfh. Besides, it is interest ing to note that the early writers of Maghazi were also intereste in Had!th and they applied the same rules in determining the authenticity of a Maghazi tradition and attached importance to the criticism of the transmitters.
The political, social and religious factors, discussed so far, became a compelling force for the origin of Arab his toriography. We notice that a beginjaing in recording oral traditions during the reign of MuSwiyah has been made. Bat we -. 16 - do a©t know exactly whieii was the first Mstorieal book written by the Arabs. A group of scholars is to be considered as a possible forerimners in this field like Ziad b. Abih 63 (672) A. H. Babal al-Nassabat al-Bikri (60; 679 A.H. } Abd-allah b. ibbas 68 687 A''+ _ A.H., and tibaid b. Shariat' al-Jurhaml 70 689 A.B. Ibn Nadim records that Ziyad wrote a boek on the Mathalib al-Arab. Perhaps it contained geographical information of which nothing is preserved. A book of Babal called *A1 Tazafmr wa al-Tanasmr", - 2 is also mentioned by Ibn Madim. It is thought that the book contained literary information. Abd- Allah b. Abbas also compiled some works which were utilized by later historians but no parti cular book has survived.
0 • ^- Ibaid b.Shariah was a distinguished scholar and story telle He was called by Mu'awiyah to join his court. ¥baid readily agreed to the request and reached Eamascus. He lived with the Galiph
1, Ibn Nadim, Al~~Fihrist, p. 68, 69.
^J ^\ ^^ 3J' iJj^^ t>.' (>^' Of' -^*^* -^l/ tP=^' u-i -^^-^ J^" " iu.\ /^. JLJ L\J cJlUl 2, Ibn ladiffi, Al-Fihrist, p. 89. 3, Ibn Sad, Al-Tabaqat, Vol. 2/123. - 17 - for many years and delivered disc©mrse to Mm. Mafavdyala asked one of Ms secretaries to eompile the discourses under the naae of Ubaid b. Siiariah,
n The book of Ubaid holds great importance in connection wit the development of Arab Mstoriography. It throws light on cultural condition in wMch the Arabs lived during the very early of Islamic era. TMs can be witnessed in the stories, genealogy and names etc. ^@ notice that he mentions a name in Arabic wMch follows its e<3;uiValentin Hebrew ^p sypiac The authorship of the n book as is attributed to Ubaid is denied by the learned F.Krenkow SLs argument is based on the evidence drawn from the contents of the book itself. He goes even t® the extent ©f denying ths existance of Ubaid. He holds that the book was written h^ Ibn Hisham, Al-Berqi or Muhammad b. Ishaq, in order to supplement Kit — — » 3 al-Tljan of Abd al-Malik b. Hisham. The above mentioned bocks were compiled at the very early of Islamic period and preceded the books of Sira and Maghazi. The Arabs beside,; religioms motives, looked upon the Prophet as a
1. A^art of the bocA entitled, Akhbar Ubaid b.Shariat al^Jurham: Fl Akhbar al Yemen w Ashaariha w Ansabiha was discovered and published from Hyderabad in 1347 A. H. 2. Akhbar Ubaid b. Sharia;, p. 316, 313. 3« F.Krenkow, The two oldest books on Arabic folklore. Islamic Culture, Vol. II, 1928, p. 234-36. - 18 - hero who united them and created smch a sMitable phen^imeatsja in which they found themselves able to conquer their neighbouring lands J therefore when the Prophet died, the new generation "S^biii started to record the history of the Prophet and his campaigns. The first names in this respect are of Abban B. W^j^an and Urwah b. Zubair. - _ 1 Abban b. li^an b. ilffan 106-96 (723-713), was a scholar o; Hadlth and jurisprudence. It is held that he was the first compiler of Maghazi. He transminited his information of the campaigns to Mughirah b. Abd-al Rahaman. Ibn-S^d reports that Mughira has received Maghazi from Abban. Bat from the available information it is inferred that Abban's account of Maghazi was no preserved in the books of Sira and consequently it fell into oblivion.
1. He was born not later than 20 A. H. because in the year 36 A. H he was grown up enough t© take part in the campaigns which iisha, Talha and Zubair undertook for avenging the murder of ^' Uilpan. * In later years, he took no part in politics and . lived a peaceful life. But it is recorded that ^Abd al-Malik iappointed him governor ©f Medina in 76 A. H. ^^ the recommen dation ©f Abban's predecessor. Abban held the post for seven years till 83 A.H., when Abd al-Malik deprived him of the post* During the term of office some distinguished men like Jabir Ibn Abd allah, Muhammad b, Hanafiya and Abd allah Ibn Jafar died in Medina and Abbah performed the funeral services. The date of his death is variously reported. But 96 or 106 A.H. may be taken as more appropriate dates." Josef Horowitz* The earliest biographies of the Prophet and their authors "Islamic Culture", Vol. 1/636-37, 1927. Ibn Sad. Al-Tabqat Vol. 6/112-113. - 19 -
Ijrwah son of tJae most distingulslied eompaiaion of the Prophet was among one of tiie four Jurist of Medina. He was exclusively interested in HaditM and Magiiazi. His love for knowledge has been eonfiiBied by Hisham the son of Urwah. He reports, "after burning the book of 51 qh on the day of Harra" he used to say in regret, had he not spoiled them they would have been dearer to him than his family and the wealth. He kept him self ^iQof from polities and had good relations with the Umayyad cG-'urt in Ete.muscrus? He has written the first book of Maghassi whose fragments^ are still extant in the works of Ibn Ishaq, Wakidi, Tabari, Ibn al-4iMr Bjod Ibn Kajj^r. These are the oldest materi on the topic.
^ 5 Irwah did not confine only in recording the accounts of the Ghazawat but he included information pertaining to other ''.'/: aspects of the prophet's life. For instance the beginning of the 1. Al ihahabi, Tarajim al-Re;jal, p. 40-41, mbari, Srikh al- Rusul w-al Uvilukf Vol. 3/177©, 2. Al-Bala^mrl, Ansab al-Ashrif, Vol. 6/370. 3. HaTji Khalifa, Kashaf al-Zonin, Vol. 2/1747. 4. Al-Tabari, Ta'rikh al-Susul w-al Mulik, Vol. 2/1180,1284,83. 5. Urwah b.Zubair b.al Uwwam was borh either in 23 A.H, or 29 A. He was brought up into a family of high status of Medina. Hadith and Maghazi was the field of his interest. He loved poetry and developed good tast ^ of t it. The niimber of his teachers is very large and his students were also innumerable He died in 93 or 94 or 96 A.H. according to various reports." Al-d^ahabi, Tarajim al-Bejal, p.40-48, Abu Nuaim, HLlyat al- Awliya Vol. 2/178. Siar Alam al-Nubla Vol. 3/8 Safwat al- Safwa, Vol. 2/47-49. - 20 -
Revelation, the event of Migration to ^absiia were narrated too. TMs suggests that his book contained different aspects of the Prophet*s life. Most of the traditions pertaining to Ghazwat were in form of despatch's sent to the Caliph AM al-Malik in comp li anc e ^i th' hi s qufes tionfiai re.
One of the characteristics of ¥rwah's writings is that he does not always follow »Asnad* chain in describing the event. Some of the letters sent to Abd al-Malik were written 1 without the chain. Sometimes ^he has mentioned the chain; for example the traditions concerning the beginning of the Bevelatioi and the migration were stated with chain. Perhaps the ^Asnad" chain was not strictly observed during the time of Urwah. He has written in lucid, simple,and effective language.
f\ 0 The source of tirwah is very original namely Aaisha, and his family. Most of the accounts related to Zubairids are recorc on the authority ©f Urwah. Further it is to be noted that Urwah acquired some original documents written and sent by the Prophet to the people of He jar, Zaraa b.dhi ya2aa and Abd allah b. Jahash. 1. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-fiusul w-al-Muluk, Vol. 2/1180. 2. Ibid, Vol. 2/1147, 1148, 1164, 1237, 1242. 3. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Sasul w-al-Muluk, Vol. 7/811 Abu Nuaim, Htlyat al-Awliya, Vol. 1/8©, 331, 333, 336. 4. Al-Balad^uri, Fotuh al-Buldan Vol. S, l^rikh al-Ru.sml w-al- Muluk, Vol. 2/118G. - 21 -
It is also to be remarked that Urwah oecasioaally quotes verses because ke was lover of poetry and liad good taste of it. Beside Maghazi, Urwah was interested in the history of the pious Caliphs. For example Al-I^abari has recoiled the aecotmt of Qadasiyia and "" 1 yermuk on the authority of Urwah. n After Urwah the famous biographer Muhammad b.Muslim te. « - , 2 ^ Shihab al-2i;ahri (741-124) deserves mention, ife was pupil of Urwa and the first transmitter of his Maghazi as well. He made relen tless efforts to acquire Medaai traditions and then recorded them! After studying his traditions, one may note that al-Zuhri was the first who has given the "Sira"* dlstihet , form and characters. He has started the book with the few accounts of pre-Islami© period pertaining to the prophet's life. Then important events of the Prophet*s Mecean life are narrated. This precedes HLjra, conques
1. Tarikh-ul-Rusul w-al-Muluky Vol. 1/1186. 2. The date of his birth is variously reported. Mizzi says that he was born in 60 A. H. while Khalifa, Ibn Bakair and MaqMi hold 61, 66 and 68 respectively as the dates of his birth. • He died in 123 or^124 A.H.« Al-Ohahabi, garajiffi al-BjJal, p. 73-74, Al-Bukhari, Tarikh al-Kabir, Vol. 1/220-21. the 3. He wrote a book on the biography of the Prophet by/advice of Khalid b. '^Abdullah al-Qusari. He further suggested him to write a book on Morth Arabian clans. He started it but was never completed, Asfahani, Al-Aghani, Vol. 19/69. "Qurra b. Abd al-Rahman refers to the same book when he states",
TaraJlm al-ReJal^ p. 68. - 22 - of Mecca, and description ot the deligatioas sent abroad or received by tMe Prophet. Before mentioning the Prophet's illness and death, he has furnished other accounts about the life of the Prophet and he is particular to the dates. Beside the Sira, some 1 other books are reported to have been written by ll-Zuhri. But it is regretable to note that none of his books has survived. The available material of his vrritings is only to be seen in the -mrk of later historians.
Some writers of later period have collected the Ahadith of Al-Zuhri from Had!th books based on Zuhri's records and arrani 2 them in a book entitled Al-Zmhriyat.
The available material from the works of Sira suggests that al-Zuhri did not confine only to Maghazi but he included the whole life of the Prophet. The elements of Israiliyat were also a included into the accounts. One of the most characteristics of
1. Al-Zuhri mentions |hat he has written a book entitled Asn^ ^I'Kimlta. for his grandfather. Tarikh al-Basul w-al-Moluk^ Vol. 2/428, 1269*. Sakhavi attributes another book named •^Mashahid al-Nabi" to'our Zuhri. This book was transmitted hy Yunus b, Yezid, Mashat al-Tadvin, p. 60. 2. Josef Horovitze, the earliest biographies of the Prophets anc their authors, Islamic Culture, 1928, Vol. 2/49-60. 3. Abu Nualm, fflliat al-Awliya, Vol. 3/360. - 23 -
Al-Zuiiri^s Maghazi is that, for the first time, Me has assimilate several reports about the sa^me event, into a single body inelmdia all names of the authorities. This was a bold step of Al-Zuhri which may be considered as a great contributioh in the field of Arab historiography. This method was followed by later historian when they had to investigate historical informations and arrange 2 them. It is also to be observed that al-Zahri wrote a boek en Ansab for the first time which was later utilized by Musap b b. 3 — Zubair in his Masb-Qurash. Al-Zuhri has, sometimes, followed 4 5 Asnad and dropped it at some places. He has introduced verses into the accounts.
Al-Zuhri did not like to conceal his knowledge and destri- 7 buted his books among the people. He takes pride in diffusing R knowledge. The style of his writings is very simple and beautifu
1. Ibm Hi sham, Sira Vol. 3/309. 2. Rr. Abd-al-Aziz al-lsouri, Drasat An Muarrikhin Al-Arab.-f 3. Abu Abd-allah; Musab b.Zubair, Masb-Qureish, ed. Provfn^ial, 1963, Cairo. 0 4. Abu luaim, Hilyat al-Auliya, Vol. 3/366. 6. Ibn Hi sham, Sira, Vol. 1/12, 22. 6. Ibn Hi sham, Sira, Vol. 4/69. 7. Al-Bhahabi, Tra^iim al-ReJal^ p.69, ed. Ir. August Fischer Leid'en 1890. 8. Yunus has been advised by al-Zuhri in the following wordss
"L^IJSI ^Jf• L^---«f^ J15 LPjJ* U c-JSi (..j^l Jjlftj oA^l cS^-^'J^n o Abu Nuaim, Hilyat al-Awliya^ Vol. 3/366. - 24 -
Ur-wah and Al-Zmhri have made valmable contrlbatlon to the development of MstorlograpJby. Their books can be considered as poineering works in the field of historical literature. In addition to this, a gromng interest of the commentators in the Qmr'an also played an important role in furthering the progress'©f historical literatmre. Foremost of the Qur'anie ^ the Smras have close relation with the affairs of/Muslims. There fore it became essential to record those events which had especial relation with a particular Smra. Moreover, the admini! trative requirements such as organizing the offices and syste matizing taxes urged the government and the people to record all the relevant material. A growing respect t© the ¥laas in the society also became a great stimulous for the acquisition of knowledge. The traditions of Urwah and Al-Zuhri which still partly survive, give us reason to think that spontaneity and simplicit were tw© distinct characteristics of their writings. We rarely find exaggeration which became an essential characteristic ©f the writings of later historians. It is also to be raaarked tiii we do not notice the fatalistic view which dominated the minds of the Uinaifyaii scholars.
Wth the death of Al-Zuhrl, a new generation comes fortii in which Musi, Ibn Aflaba, Mamar b. I^shid and Muhammad b. Ishaq are to be mentioned. They have enriched the biographical literature. - 26 -
Musk Ibn kgaba Ibn AM Ayyasii (758 A.B. - 141 1. H, > was oi of the scholars of Maghazi. He compiled a book ©n the STibject which was handed dowa to the coming generating by his nephew 1 Ismail b. Ibrahim (158 A.a.- 774 A. H. ). The book does not snTvi^
2 '• except its excerpts which contain, one or several Ahadith from each of the 1© (Ajza) parts of the book. It is preserved in the Prussian State Idbrary ©f which the original text with Geraian 3 translation has been published by Bdvord Sueha-V in 1904. From the available extracts it is inferred that he did not confine only to Maghazi bnt /';he dealt with the topic of liLjrah. Ibn Sad - -4 has mtilized it through his teacher al-lkqidi. The latter one has also barrowed various accounts from the book and recorded _ 6 thea in his Kitab-al-Maghazl. The fragments, scattered through out the pages ©f M-Taba'qat? and Mtab aJr-MaghagJ clearly show that Aaabas Maghazi did contain the lists of the immigrants to Habsha, of the participants in the pacts of Ag;aba, and of those
1, Ibn Sad, Al-Tabag^tT Vol. 5/31. 2, Aloy Springer was assured in Bamascus that a copy did exist of which he was, however, unable to obtain a sight, Josef Hbrovitze, The earliest biographies ©f the Prophet and their authors. Is lamia Culture, Vol. 2/165. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibn Sad, ALTabaart^ Vol. 3/241, Vol. 8/10,11,171,190,191. 6, Josef flbrovitze, the earliest biographies of the Prophet and their authors. Islamic Culture, Vol. 2/166. -. 26 -
1 c who took part ia the battle of Badr. Aflaba turned to this partic\ilar topic in order to present the list of the real part icipants because he saw that Sharahbil b. Sad enlisted false 2 naffles as the participants.
Ibn Sad and Al-Tabari are among those who derived infor- mation from the book of Maba. Most of the information which were copied by TabarT are in connection with the period of the 3 o pious Caliphs and the Umayyadi It is also mentioned that Aqaba - - 4 took interest in the history of JakLliya too. The above discussion presents the following points. Firs- of all, he has furnished the lists and turned his attention towards the history of the pious Caliphs and at the same time he recorded information pertaining to some of the Umayyad Caliphs. Secondly he was very strict to Asnad contrary to his predecessor; 6 Some ejcceptions are also found. He utilized the wjrks of former 0-7 authors like Ibn Abbas and at the same time original documents
1. Ibn Sad, Al-Iabaaat^ Vol. 2/1, 3/1. 2. Ibn Hajer, Tahzib al-Tah^b^ Vol. 10/361. 3. Ibn Sad, Al-Tabaaat. Vol. 4/283, Al-Tabari, Tarikh-al- Busul wual Mulukf Vol. 3/1861, 2014, Vol. 6/2766, 2981, Vol. 6/3173, Vol. 7/397, Vol. 8/1231. 4. Abu al-Farj, Al-Aehaniy Vol. 3/16. 6. Al-Tabari, Tarikh-al-Rusul w-al-Maluk^ Vol. 1/260, 1801, 2014. 6. Ibid, Vol. 1/2766. 7. Ibn Sad, Al-Tabaaat, Vol. 6/216. - 27 -
1 2 were consulted too by Mm. Ife has recorded verses in Ms book 3 and it had chronological dates.
n Another biographer in line is Mamar Ibn fiasMd who was 4 born at BasraAbomt 96 A.H. (714 A.©.). He spent major part of Ms life in search of knowledge and died wMle h® was in 1®^$:^ .5 o in 1S4 A. H. (770 A.B. ). Ibn Nadim reports that Mamar wrote a • - 6 book named Kj„tab al-Maghazi. His book has not survived except in fragments wMch are preserved in the books of Al-i|feq,idi, Ibn Sad, Al-Baladhuri and Al-Jabari. It can he inferred from the fragments.^ that Mamar did not confine Ms interest only to Maghazi but he paid attention to Bibilical storie;S wMeh Tabari, later, has included in Ms Ta'rikh. He has also recorded few accounts of pre-Islamie period concerning the Prophet. Mamar has recorded some accounts about UiliHian and jviuawiyah^ wMch are preserved in the books of Ibn Sad and Al-Tabari.
1. Al-Baladhairl, Fotuh al-Buldanf p.80. *'He quotes verbatim a letter addressed by the Prophet ,to Mundhir Ibn Sawa" Josef Horovitze. The earliest biographfes of the Prophet and their authors" Talj^rgia Culture^ 1928, p. 167. 2. Ibn Sad, al~Tabaaat^ Vol. 3/241. 3. Josef Horovitze, The earliest biograpMes of 'the Prophet and their authors Islamic Culture Vol. 2/167, 1928. 4. Ibn Ha jar, Tahzib al-Tahzib^ Vol. 10/243. 6. Ibid, Vol. 10/245. 6. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihristy p. 94. 7. Josef Horovitze, "The earliest biograpMes ®f the Prophet and their authors* Islamic Culture^ Vol. 2/162-63, 1928 A.B. MMtamar Sulalmam b. Tarkkan al-Tamimi was a resident of Basra. He died in 143 A. H. (760 A.B. )• Though he is not men- tioned as anauthor in the books of early writers,; eventheh;.he is frequently referred to hy Al~Tabari. Yon Kremer discovered a manuscript containing the Maghazi of Al iSqidi of which the last portion is a frapi^nt. ®f Tarkhan*s Maghazi. It is entitled I^LUl JjL US l:>z^^\ ij^\ ^j^ieij begins from the page 36o 1 and ends at 437 page.
Kte are unable to judge from the extsmt part whether he included the history of Jahiliya, the history of the Prophet in Mecca, in his book or restricted himself to Maghazi alone. Though the world S^^l induces us to think that probably he included the Meecan period of the Prophet's life. Al-Tabari 2 quotes two traditions each refers to the creation of Adam and — — 3 to the burning of Ibrahim. No more tradition is copied by Al-Tabari until., the period of Bthman wherein Al-Tabari again 4 quotes some aec®unts of Al-Fltna.
1» lorn Kremer, Kitab al-Maghazi, of Al-lfeqidi, p. 438. 2. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul w-al Muluk, Vol. 1/91. 3. Ibid. Vol. 1/266. 4. Ibid. Vol. 6/2963. - 29 -
7 The most eminent and the thiM in line of Al-Zmhris deseiples is Mmhammad Ibn Ishaq (464-1. , A.B, ,8ig.i.\S 1. lasar the grandfather of the author was probably a christian Arab who was taken prisoner at the fall of Ain al-Tamr in Iraq in the year 12 A.H. He was sent to Medina where he embraced Islam and consequently was set free. He had three sons among whom Ishaq was the father of Mmhaoamad. Muhammad was probably born in 86 A.H. He was interested in Hadith from the very early of ^his age. He repaatedly visited to learned scholars like Aasim Ibn'^Jmar, Abdallah Ibn Abi Bakr and Al-Zuhri. He undertook vast ;J©urney of Alexandria, Kufa, Al-Jazira, Rai and Baghdad where he died in 150 or ISl A. H. He was buried in the Khaizuran Cemetery, Yaqut al-Hamavi, Irshad-al-Arib Vol. 6, p.399-401. Josef Horovitze, the earliest biographies of the Prophet and their authors, Islamic Culture^ Vol. 2/169-172. Bacy.of Islam, Vol.11,p.389 39. 2, Josef Horovitze, The Earliest biographies of the Prophet and their authors, Isl^i^i o Culture^ Vol. 2/169-172, 30 - witb the creation of Mam till the present day.** Ibn Ishaq obeyed the order, wrote the book and brought it to the Caliph. After seeing the book, Mansur said to him, "0, Ibn Ishaq, it is too lengthy, go and abridge it,* The Caliph kept the big one 1 in his library* But Johann Fuck does not accept the view in his a excellent monograph Mmhammad Ibn Ishaq. After/thorotigh discussion based on strong arguments, he is of the view that the book was written in Medina instead of Baghdad ot Al Hemas - 2 before the author came to the court of Mansur. The original book-Kitab al-Maghazi was divided into three parts-al-Mubtada, Mubath and Maghazi. The first part dealt with the history of the Prophecy, the second dealt with the youth of the Prophet aad his career in Mecca^while the last one treated of the Mefiani period. The first section of the book was to a great extent, del.Sted by Ibn HI sham, though al-Tabari preserved in major portion of it in his history and/the great commentary of the Holy Qur^an. Al Azraqi has recorded informations pertaining . 3 ^ to the history of Mecca from the first section. Ubaid b. Sharia also copied some traditions from the book. 1. Ibn Hi sham, Si rat, p. 6. 2. Josef Horovitze, The earliest biographies of the Propi:^et and their authors. Islamic Culture^ Vol. 2/172-73, 1928. 3. Abu al-Walid Muhsuamad b, Abdullah Al-Azraqi Akhbar Mecca, Vol. 1/21,30, 38,65, F. Itostenfeld, Beirut, 1964, - 31 - Tke first part of tke book was dibvided into four seetions, the first contained information fromu the creation of the world till isa. This part almost has been neglected by Ibn HistiaiB. He does not copy from this section. For the source of this section Ibn Ishaq has relied on the Qur*ak, the traditions of Wahb b. Munabbah and those of Ibn Abbas, Statements of Jefsrish and Christian scholars^ and traditions from Behilical texts were also included. The second part of Mmbtada contained the account! of the immediat® ancestors of the Prophet and the Meecam cults. 1 It is to be mentioned that Asnad is rarely found in this part. The second part-Al-Maba^h comprises the prophet's life in Mecca, migration and., probably,first year of his life in Medina. The number of Asnad increases in this section. Ibn Ishaq chiefly relies on his Medani teachers whom he has mention" in order. Original decuaents have also been furnished which distinguish Ibn Ishig. from other biographers. He has recorded a number of lists of those persons who embraced Islam by the preaching of Abu Bakr, of those who migrated to Habsha and later 2 returned. Many other lists have also been furnished. The third part begins with the history of the Prophet's life in Medina till he died. He has strictly observed Asnad in this part. His 1, Josef Horovitze, "The earliest biographies of the Prophets and their authors*" Islamic Culture, Vol, 2/176. 1928. 2. Ibn Hisham, Sirat, Vol. 1/86, 111-114, 116,157. - 32 - Ms . '-. authorities are/Medani teachers among whom Al-Zuhri. Asim b. Umar and Abd allah Ibn Abu Bakr deserve special mention. He has the _ 1 again furnished the lists in/Maghazi section. He furnishes a li; of those who fought at al-Badr, of those who fell at Uhud, of who those/took part in the wars of the Trench, Khaibar, Muta and Taif. The list of iauaigrants who returned from Habsha is again 2 furnished. Johann Fuck holds that fifteen students of Ibn Ishaq 2 - - - transmited his book. Ibn Hisham relies on Al-Bakai, while al~Tabari, for the major part, on Sulaiman b. Al-Fadal (191 A. H. „ - 4 806 A. D. ). Ibn al-Athir in his Usud-al Ghaba and Ibn Hajer in - 6 al-Asaba; have relied on Yunus b. Bukair. The original text does not survive. One remarkable element which Ibn Ishaq introduced into his Maghazi is a considerable number of verses which are^ in most cases fabricated. He has furnished them without scertaln- 6 ing their veracity. 1. Ibn Hisham, Sirat, Vol. 2/39-60, 102,103. 2. Josef Hbrovltze, The earliest biographies of the Prophet and their authors, Islamic Culture, Vol. 2/176. 3. Josef Horovitze, The earliest biographies of the Prophet and their authors, Islamic Culture, Vol. 2/176. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Usud al-Ghaba, Vol. 1/11. b, Ibn Hajar, Al-Asaba, Vol. 1/62, Calcutta, 1866. 6. Al-Tabari, Tarlkh al-RuiRul w-al-Moluk^ Vol. 1/236. - 33 - Ibn Isiiaq may be considered as a eonfltienee in wMeh all the three historical cmrrentscame to submerge. The Khabar characteristics which were represented by Wahb b. MimaMlaala, Ubaid b. Shari&h and the Y&iSni , .'scholars inflmenced Ibn Ishaq, He incorporated Yemenite stories and legends in the first part of his Sira. Further, the characteristics of the historical writers of Medina which were developed by the Muhaddithin, and the jurists of Medina were embibed by Ibn Ishaq. The Medani school has laid a great emphasis^ on Asnadi^ and gave basic importance to scientific evaluation of the material. Moreover, it enlarged the scope of its interest which was in the beginning confined to the Sira and Maghizi, and included the history of the pious Caliphs and the Umayyaqj^. The third school established in Iraq and later represented by Msaana and Abu Mikhnaf seems to have influenced the historical thinking of Ibn Ishaq. The Iraqi school was founded on a wide concept of history in which jahiliya and Islamic trends met together and received eaqual importance. Especially the history of the Caliphs attracted more attention which has given Iraq the most prominent place for the history of the Caliphs. It is due to this reason that we find detailed accounts of Iraq in historical books. Ibn Ishaq has shown a keen interest in incerting verses within the account and takes interest in the history of Caliphs too. It is reporte that he wrote a history entitled kitab al-Khulfa which is, lost except few sentences which are preserved in the history of Al- Tabari, 1. Ibn-Nadim, Al-Fihrist, p. 92, laqu*, Mujam al-Maba, -fet. Vol. 7/401, - 34 - From these sen tenses it is inferred tiaat tiie book contained the accounts not only of the period of the pioms 1 Caliphs hut of the Uaayyads too. Ibn Ishaq has been criticised due to his certain defects. For example, it is held that he relies too much on^Ahlal-Kitab.** Secondly he records spurious verses in large number. He has committed many mistakes in describing genealogical pedigrees,* because he does not assess and evaluate the authenticity of the sources and perhaps he was himself conscious of the negligences. - lO Another author of great repute is Abu Easha.ral-Sindi (776-77 A. D. - 17G A.H. ) whose Maghazi has been preserved in fiiragments;s by Al-Waqidi and Ibn Sad. AbuMashar belonged to Sind the which was at that time under/Islamic rule. He was sent to Medina as a slave and was;!^ sold there. He, later, came under the possession of tiam Musa hUd" Mansur a bride of the Caliph Mansur. This lady set him free. Khalifa Mehdi took Abu Mashar from Medina to Baghdad and patronised him. He died in 170 A. H. 3 (786 A. D. ). and was buried in the great cemetery of Baghdad. His funeral prayer was led by fferun. 1. Al-Ilabari, Tafikh^al-Busul w-al-Mulmk, Vol. 1^1823, Al-Baladhurlf Fotuh al-Buldan, p. 278,312, 327. 2. Josef Harovitize, The earliest biographies of the Prophet and their authors, Islamic Culture, Vol.2/496-97. 3. Ibn Wadim, Al-Fihrist, p.93. Ency. of Islam, Vol. 1/100, - 36 - Ibn Nadim states that Abu Mashar wrote a Kitab al-MaEhazJ which contained the material pertaining to the whole life of the Prophet. Beside the Maghizi, Abu M shar wrote a Tarikh which terminated at 170 A. H. shortly before his death. Abu'Abdallah Muhammad Ibn Umar al-Waqidi (823-748 A. D./ 207-13G A.H. ) takes a big step towards the development in the 2 field of historical studies. He wrote a number of historical books of which the majority has lost. His Kitab al-Maghazi is completely preserved. The first third portion of the text was discovered by Vone Kremer in DsunSscus and was published from Calcutta in 1856. An other incomplete and one complete manus- 3 - - cripts of the book are preserved in British Museum. Al-Waqidi collected the material from his Medani teachers wiK) were either 1. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul w-al-M^lmk^ Vol. 10/679, Ibn al- .IJUamid, Shazarat al-4hahab, Vol. 1/278. 2. He was born at Medina in 130 A. H. and had surname- Al-WaqidJ ^ter his grandfather al-Waqidi. :He was Mow la of Abdallah Ibn Burad Aslami.^ He professed Shie' doctrines. He migrated to Baghdad where he was appointed Qadi in the eastern suburb and later^s Mamun conferred upon him tb^, samt honour in Asfekir al-Mehdi in the Suburb ©J? Baghdad. Mamun 1: him in great respect. After death^he left behind a library of six hundred chest full of BootsI These books were sold for two thousand Drjnaars. Ibn Ishaq, records that t^o servants of Al-Waqidi used to write day and night. He wrott 28 books among which most of them belonged to historical subject. Al-Fiii^ist, p.98 laqut, Irshad al-Arib, Vol. 7/68, 3. Josef Hbrovitze, The earliest biographies of the Prophet and their authors, Islamic Culture, Vol. 2/617, 1928. — 36 — natives of Medina or settled tiiere, TMs means that al-Waqidi represents Medanl sciiool and because of this fact the accounts concerning the life of the Prophet in Medina, are very lengthy and comprehensive. Al-Waqidi avoids to furnish verses in his book. He has mtiliged documents, records of tiB edicts and treaties issued by the Prophet from time to time. Al-Waqidi has acquired these official material from his predecessors. Be has persued a fixed order in presenting the material, ibr instance,he records chronological dates of setting ©ut of the 1 expidition from Medina and of its return. Then he describes the accounts of the campaigns. He quotes Quranic Sura in 3 connection with event to which it referred. He furnishes the list of those persons who were appointed administrators of 4 Medina in the absence of the Prophet from the Capital. Al-WaqidI was extremely conscious of Asnad and^ unlike Ibn Ishaq, he was strict to it and tried by all means to a 1. Al-Wiqidl, Kitab al-Maghazi, p.2-7, ed. Von Kremer 1866. 2. Ibid, p. 11. 3. Ibid, p. 43, 126-133. 4. Ibid, p. 181. j\j~^ i^uiii 2-L. jjl ^_^ jjj^\ Jis- ^r^^ 4i,Li LI *iil Jj<«j ,i»iiu*»/; Jl5" Al-Waqidi further reports the appointment of Ibn Umm Maktum, Al~Waqidi, Kitab al-Maghazi, p. 184. - 37 - certain Asnad. Moreover he investigated the dates of the events in which they accured. Another distinct characteristic of his Maghizi is that the element of Qissa was not allowed to ent.6r ; in. It is remarkable that he visited battle field to ascertain the information and thus he prepared the lists of the partici pants in the Battle with careful examination. The list of Al-Waqidi*s books shows that he wrote books o: other historical subjects like Al-Ridda, Maqtal Uthman. Sif fin^ Jamal, Fotuh al-Sham and Fotuh al-Iraq, The most important book 61 Al-Waqidi was al-Tarikh al~Kabir which contained important events of Islamic history in annalistic order and at least, it 1 terminated at the year 179 A. H. Though the book does not sur vive,^ its fragments have been preserved by Al-Tabari in his book. Another important book of Al-Waqidi was Kitab-al-Tabaqat which has become model for the similar work of his student Ibn sad. Ibn Sad has enormously copied the accounts from the book of Al-Waqidi. A remarkable compiler of the Prophet's biographies is 3 Muhammad Ibn Sad (844-784 A. D. - 230-168 A. H.) known as the 1. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul w-al-Muluk,. Vol. 3/639. 2. Ibid., Vol. lG/639. 3. Muhammad Ibn Sad Ibn Mani was born at Basra in 168 A. H, 784 A. D. He later came to Baghdad where he met al-Waqidi and developed a good relation with him. He compiled the famous book Al-Tabaqat of his teacher al-Waqidi. He died in 230 A.H. - 844 A.D., Ibn Nadim, Al-gihrist^ p. 99. - 38 - secretary of Al-Waqidi. Ibn Nadim mentions that Ibn Sad wrote a book Kltab Akkbar al-Mabi. The study of Maghazi and biography of the Prophet which was in the beginning confined in Medina, now extended to other parts of the Islamic world. A large niamber of books were writte] •••, _^. and A. H. in Yemen, Iraq/ Syria during the second century/which unforttmat< ly could not survive. The study of Hadith and its collection enhanced the •' interest in historical studies. For, Hadith consisted of the sayings and the actions of the Prophet which had close relation with the expriences of the whole Muslim community. Tlxerefore the experiences of the community also became the subject of interest for the jurists who were to formulate their laws on the experiences of tke Prophets* companions. Another element" which contributed to the development of historiography was genealogy which received great encouragement under the Umayyads. They revived the importance of Aasab and encouraged it for the political and social motives. The result of this encouragement was that a large number of Akhbarids, lexographers, and gene«tLo- A.H. • ' gists appeared in the second century/ They started to compile, according to the field of their choice, a huge information aboul pre-Islamic and early Islamic periods. 1. Ibn : wadim,.. Al-Fihri st. p. 99. - 39 - The first man who is of great importance in this respect is Abu Mikhnafi774 A. D. - 167 A. H. )• Though he had interest in "Sira" or^Maghazi^'yet he took especial interest in genealogy, Fotuh and Akhbir. The list of his writings comprises 33 books including monographs. These books are mentioned by Ibn Nadim which indicate his manifold activities and scholarly achieve- 2 ments. Though we know his books have not survived .. they were utilized by Al-Tabari and Al-BalaHhuri. It is to be noted that Al-Tabari for the accounts of Iraq and Civil Wars, has relied on the works of Abu Mikhnaf who did great labour in collecting the information from various original sources. Al-Tabari has pre- 3 served such original doGumeats in his history. For the accounts of Siffin, Abu Mikhnaf mostly confineded in his clan Azd, while Tamin, Tai and Kinda tribes served as a reservoir of information to Abu Mikhnaf. He has recorded such 1, Abu Mikhnaf lut b. Yehya b. Said b. Mikhnaf belonged to the tribe Azd of Kiifa. HLs family was famous in Kufa, Well- housen mentions, "Probably Mikhnaf b. Sulaiman, the leader of the Azd at the battle of siffin, was his ancesstor and the son of the latter, Muhammad and Abd al-Babman, ^his uncles, "Abu Mikhnaf was a friend of Muhammad b, Saib al- Kalbi whose son Ibn al-Kalbi is the transmitter..;- of Abu Mikhnaf«s writings. Al-Tabari utilized the works of Abu Mikhnaf tiirough Ibn al-Kalbi. Abu Mikjanaf died in 167A. H. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p.93, J.Wellhousen, The Arab Kingdom and its fall. 2, Ibn Madim. Al-Fihrist^ p. 93. -. • ) 3, Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Busul w-al-Muluk, Vol. 6/2807. - 40 - aecoumts wMch go back to Kufa, For example Abu Mikhnaf Jaas relied on Stiabi. Abu Mikhnaf represents Iraqi view in tke selection of the accounts and tie had sympathy with the Alwids, hut at the same time, he did not side any party while handling the material. A contemporary of Abu Mikhnaf was Awanah Ibn al-Bakam (764 A. D. - 147 A. H. ) who lived in Kufa - the capital of '•Iraq• - .2 He was interested in genealogy, history and developed a tast© of poetry. He wrote two books, Si rat Muawyja w Bani Umayyal; - >^ 3 and Kitab al-Tarikh. It is thought that the former one was the history of the Umayyad/in which the accounts of the dynasty were recorded in chronological order. The second book probably contained information pertaining to the pious Caliphs, al-RLdda and the Conquests. Though Awinah lived in Kufa, : he maintained I his close 4 relation with Syria. His tribe Kalb which was an ally of the Umayyads served as a medium through which he received private information about the Umayyads. Awinah has felt pride of the 1. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al^Rusul w-al-xMuluk,, Vol.6/2384,2886, Vol. 6/3160. 2. Manah died in 147 A. H. Ibn Nadim A records} 3. F. Rosenthal, A hi story,.of Muslim his'toriography, p. 79. 4. J.Wellhausen, the Arab Kingdom and its fall, p, XIV. 5. Dr. Aziz al-Dowri, Drasat an Mowal-Hekhin al-Arab.-|^^'i' - 41 - 1 relation of his tribe with the Umayyads. He generally prefers n Syrian traditions to the Iraqi, This opinion is inferred from those traditions which represent the Umayyad view-that is to say^a fatalistic tendency in interpreting history. The Umayyad rulers patronized this view for their political motives. The Medani and Iraqi traditions were also recorded by Awanah which 2 sometimes, go against the Umayyad Interest. This attitude of Awanah shows that he did not owe allegience to any group. The traditions of Jkwanah have come down to us through Ibn al-Kalbi, Madiini amd they have acquired them either from iwanah himself or through his writings. Na^r Ibn Muzihim was also from Kufa (827 A. D. - 212 A. H.) Since he was shei so his basic interest was in those topics whic were relevant to the Sheids. For example the events of Jamal, Maqtal Husain, Maqtal Hojer b. Mi, and Mukhtar were favourite topics upon which he wrote. His major works have been lost but the exttant book Kitab al-Siffln helps us in understanding ..his attitude. The list of his works furnished by Ibn Nadim shows that he had inclincation towards the Alavids. He has recorded 1. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-fiusul w-al-Muluk, Vol. 2/420. 2. Al-Bala^uri, Ansab, Vol. 6/19-21, Al-Tabari, Tarikh al- Rusul, Vol. 2/309-311. 3. Ya'qut mentions, - 42 - such traditions in his book which are against Miiawi^iya and they support the cause of Ali. The historical book of the storytellers and all the characteristics of this literature were assimilated into the . ^- - 1 works of Madaini (839-752 A. B./226-136 A.H. ). He collected extensively the works of previous authors and sifted them and after exacilning them, arranged in better form. The list of his books furnished by Ibn Nadim is very lengthy. It consists of at least two hundred forty five books. He wrote on every impor tant topic beginning with the biography of the Prophet till the the history of the Abbasid. Madaini surpassed all his predecessors in regard ^to his researph and critical approach towards the material. He applied Hadith method in evaluating the account and tried hard to teste "tfct® chain of an account. Therefore, he has been coa*- sidered more reliable than his predecessors and recorded more Medani traditions than others. He has preserved the accounts of Ba^ra in connection with the Kharjids, Futuh and of Mawara al- 1. Ali b. Muhammad b. Abdallah b. Ali Saif Abu al Hasan was one of the famous historians of the third century A. H. He was a client of Qurash family of Abd Manaf. He was born in 136 A.H, at Basra. He has been a student of the theolo gian Mummar b. Al-Ashath. Here he become interested in literature and history. He lived for a short period in Medina but later he moved to Baghdad where he was closely associated with Ishaq b. Ibrahim al-Musali in whose house he died in 226 A.H." Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 100-102 Bncy. of Is lam ^ Vol. Ill, p. 81-82. - 43 - Nahar. Almost all the accoimts pertaining to Basra and Khurasan in Tarikh al-Tabari have been taken from Medainis books. Madiini as; a scholarly historian adopts a balanced attitude in selecting and., treating with the material though he was sympathitic with the Abbasid.as Wellhausen mentions, "Ife takes up altogether the "Abbasid standpoint and from it describes the fall of the Umayyads and the rise of the blessed dynasty." But even then he was considered a reliable and had become a valuable source to the coming generations. The important of genealogy again had increased under tte new political situation, the Umayyad patronised its study- Records were prepared and - complete registers of the genectlogi- cal tables were prepared by the order of Walid al~thani. There were many reasons for a renewed interest in genefltlogical studies among which the economic one was very important. The distribu tion of monthly allowances which was based on tribal system, required a comprehensive register. The rehabilitation of the tribes in new emerging cities also speeded up the studies of genealogy because the problem of the settlement was planned according to individual tribe. It is also to be noted that the political conditions were being influenced by the tribal feuds. So it also contributed to the development of the genealogical literature. 1, Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom a^d jts 1*8.11, p. XV. Therefore, the political, ©eonomie and social forces provided great stimulous far a wide-spread interest in genealo gical literatiare. Tiie shaubiya movement also strengthened the 1 above mentioned forces. The genealogical material has been preserved through poetry. Poets prefaced their poems with introductory informa tions which was later utilized as a historical material by the historians. The first genealogist who attracts our attention is Abu 2 Yeqzan 80&-190. He wrote a number of treatizes on the subject but non of them exists. Some fregments are available in the works of later historians. 3 Muhammad b. Saib al-Kalbi (763 A. D.-164 A. H. ) and his son Hisiiam b, Muhammad al-Kalbi are two great figures of Arabic literature, who did excellent service to Arab culture and civilization. Muhammad b. Saib al-Kalbi had great interest in genealogy and history. He relied only on those persons who were expert of gene^ogy of their individual tribe. Besides, he 1. Prof. Gibb, Studies on the Civilization of Islam, P. 110. 2. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist, p. S4. Co JLJ->- v.-*-«J ^IS^ 4ft^ JH^-' WUJJ 4 l_4i)_»; Li,.«j>-ju f,^ (Ji->"wl-!»J W^A^I J^ iij 3j jSjiil 4^bj <^j*^\ c.; 1. Ibn Madim, Al-Fihristy p. 95-98. - 46 - It is relevant t© note that ELsiiaia migkt taave been well versed in Persian language. His approach towards the material was a scientific and critical, 1 Musab b. Zubair (860-847 A.D./2S4-33 A.H. ) was a great * scholar of Ansib, He wrote two books on the subject. HLs Al-Nasb al-Kabir does not exists while Masb Quralsh is extant. This book is considered as the best one on the siabject. HLs main authorities are Al-Zuhri, his father Z\ibair> and other family members. He rarely quotes other authorities. n •- 2 Hayiham Ibn Adi (821 A. D.-206 A. H. > did combine historical and genealogical literatures together, and his book Tarikh AsJaraf al-.;Kabir is an example of it. He prepared it according to genealogy. H© wrote an other book, perhaps first of its kind, Tabaqat al-.guoha wal-Muhadditbifi. Substantial account of local interest, particularly about Kufa and Basra, have been preserved in his two books. A third book is also mentioned by Ibn Wadiffi which was written by our Haytham. It's title was 1. •r^j jin^^ v-«.«^l t^bS u^^\ ^J^ AJJ 4«JLi?- ^y\ ^JJ dyS \jS lu. <3j_««;j 2 ^ "^ Ibn Nadim, Al-Flhrist, p. 99-100. " f*UJ JAI ^ J« v^bS'^ac-^^- •^ AT - latab al-Tarjkh Ala al~Si|Lifi» It deserves especial mention because it was perhaps the first book written in annalistic order. A remarkable branch of Arabic literature namely philology has also contributed to the content of Arab history during the second century A. H. Tribal tendency, fends and philological needs compelled the people to study poetry. The Arab scholars who were proud of having pure language superior to that spoken by the Muwalids, tried very hardly extensive study to keep it pure and chast. This interest in philological studies was enhanced by the growing cultural conflict between the Arabs and non Arabs which reached to it climax under the Abbasids. The philological studies were based on poetry. The poems were transmitted by the Bedwins who were the custodian of them. These poems were prefaced with introductory prose which explained the points of historical importance. These introductory portions contained historical and genealogical information. Thus, with the poems, introductory notes were studied and preserved by the - •" 1 philologists. Abu Omar b. al-Ula deserves mention. He was interested in this field, but his noted student Abu Ubaida 1. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 63-64. ^^L:J1 Xlj j-jt^Ij ub^^'-.j 4:^K/-JlJ v^-J^. u-'-^'f^* d^^ - 48 - (826-728 A.D,/210-114 A.H.) is well known representative of tMs particular Mstorio-philological seJaool. A Abu Ubaida received muck benifits from Abu Uaiar and lunus Ibn Habib. He travelled inside the country and establisht- ed wide contact with the Bedowins who handed over the traditions of their individual tribe to him. The importance of traditions were so valued that the transmitters began to migrate to the cities and settle there, Abu Ubaida collected almost all North Arabian traditions with great labour. He wrote a number of books on the history of the Arabs and on the beginning of Islam. Beside 7 his numerous treatizes which dealt with the Khargids, wars, jurists, and Muawalids, his monographs on the Ayyam were priceless treasure, and that they had been utilized by the later historians among whomu Ibn al~Athir may be mentioned. The movement of Shauabya no doubt was one of the strongest stimulating factors fbvthe development of Arab historiography. For the leader of the movement, in their historical studies and researches, distorted Arab history and thus they posed a serious challenge to the Arab mind which counteracted with the same vehemance and vigour. Arab scholars spared themselves for his torical studies on a large scale, and translation from Persia] lz». \-\r yi» - z j]^ . u-*.j. ^1 JUJI . ci-yL - 49 - G3»eek and Syriac langaages was started. But it is iaterestiag to note that those books wMch were translated from Greek eoncerned cultural material. Those works did not contain iais- torlcal information: which might influence the form and content* of Arab historiography. The historical literature produced after the second half of the third century A.H. represents new intellectual elements. Now historical studies does not confine only to one particular topic like 3ira, Akhbaj and genealogy but the whole activities of the "Ummat" came in its perview. The historians of this period began to utilize the Sira, Ak;hbar and genealogy with critical examination and assimillated all these materials into a whole body. The leader of the new trend was Jlhmad b. Yehya b, Jabir al-Bala^uri (892 A. D. - 279 A. H. ). 1 Al-Baladhuri wrote two very important historical works, Kltab Futuh al>Buldan and Ansab al~Ashrif. The first book contains the accounts of the conquests. He describes how one city after another was conquered. He collected the accounts from monographs which extensively dealt with that particular city. He has furnished information after a careful examination and does not like to record many traditions of different origin about the same event. He relies chiefly on those who belong to 1. Ibn Nadim, Al>glhrist, p. 113. * • - >• - 60 - tlie city of wMeii an aceount referres to. Another characteristic of th© book is that it preserves information of Social, cultural econoffii© and organizational importance. Ansab al-Ashraf is a general history of Islam. It has combined the characteristics of Tabaqat book and of Ansab. ill-3ala.^hiiri furnishes the biography of every Caliph which preceds the happenings occured in his period. The activities of the political parties have been narrated under the sub topics. HLstorical continuity is observed though with few exceptions. For instance Yazid has been dealt with before Uthmin. Al-Balajlijuri has critically handled the material before he recorded it. For instance, he remarks, " 'JL*-«I ^y uii>v»_^.l" _ ijluA fj ij[ jsljjl" which indicate that before utilizing the materia he examined it. Besides, it suggests that during his period the opinion of early historians was gradually receiving Importance. Al-3aladhurl records first hand information which has been received from those places where they occured. For example when he deals with the question of Al-StSra he primarily relies on Al-Zuhrij Al-wSqidi^who were the earliest transmitters of Medani traditions, then he supplements them with the traditions of Abu Mikhnaf. For the material of genealogy Zubair b. Bakkir is his chief source and for the accounts of Abd al-Malik b. Maiwan he relies on Madaini, Awanah b. al-Hakam and al-Waqidi. He quotes al-Waqidi. Madaini, Awanah and Medani sages for the accounts of Al-Hurra. - 61 - Al-Baladhuri assiataed the policy of neutrality in the conflicts of the Umayyads and the Abbasids ^hough he was associated with the latter. His information recorded in al- Ansah supports the opinion. His neutrality based on the concep tion of unity of the Ummat which surved as an ancher of -i his historical thinking. During the last quarter of the third century A.H., a new intellectual element enters into the body of Arab historiography. A new concept of Universalism developed in the field of Arab historiography, which assimillated all the three sections of historical forms and included the Persian, Greek etc. histories into its encompass. The Persian traditions .through translation entered into the corpus of Arab historiography. Ibn al-Muqaffa translated Khudaynamu into Arabic early in the first qmarter of the second century. This book was not completely reliable as Prof. Qibb says "The Khudaynama itself in its earlier sections consisted of Tales of mythical personages, priestly speculations, Avestic legends, and reminisenes of the Alexander romance, and even in the narratives of the Sasinid kingdoms tradition; was frequently overlaid by epics and rhetorical elements. Those his torians who wrote the histoilcal works with the awarness of this new intellectual element, were laq^ibi, DLnawari, Ibn Qutaba and 1. Prof. Gibb, Studies on the Civilization of Islamj p. 117. - 62 - a great profile Muhaafflad Jarir al-Tabari. Abmad b. All Yaqubl (897 A. D. - 284 A.H.) was an Arab historian and geographer. He was a dlseendant of Vfadih, free- — -1 dman of Salih and later of his father, the Caliph Al-Man^ur. He wrote a number of books namely Kitab al-Tarlkh al~Kabir and Kitab Asifll al-Buldan. His history begins with the history of the Patriarchs of Isrlil, then he furnishes with the story of Mdssiah and the ApoBtals, of the rulers of Syria, Assyria, and Babylon, the Indian and Romans, Persians, Northern peoples including the Turks, Chines, Egyptians, Berbers, AbysljcUansi, Bedja and Negros and in the last pre-Islamic Arabs. The second part begins with the birth of the Prophet and it comes to an end a t the da te 269 A. H. liqubi belongs to the class of literate^r§5. He had good administrative experiences and possessed high qualities of Culture. He acquired first hand knowledge through his wide- travellings which helped him in writing the histoilcal books. He was keenly interested in history and geography and has deve loped a scientific outlook. 1. His date of birth is not known. He spent his youth in Aaimenia and Khurasan where he was attached with tte Tahirid. He wrote Ms historical book during those days before leaving f®^ Sgypt."^ When Tahirid fell Yaqubi went_to Egypt where he died in 284 A.H. He wrote Kitab al-3t;ldan in Egypt, Yaqmt Irshad al-Arlb^ Vol. 1/166-67, Bncy. of Islam, Vol. IV/ 1162-63. - 53 - Ibn t^utaiba (883 Ai.D.-270 A. H.) was basically a mam of varied interest. He, like Abu Hanlfa Dinawari and Al-Jaiiiz covered the whole field of learnings. He has collected materials of lexical and poetical importance along with the historical one and has recorded them in his books. Ibing so, his main perpose was to fulfill the requirements of a worldly men of the period, particularly of the Khuttab whose importance was extremely felt. HLs Kitab al-Mar±f is an encyclopaedia of learning during those days. He begins his book with the creation of the Iftiiverse which is followed with the history of prophecy itself. Every Prophet has been fully described by the author. Then the genealogy of the Arabs was in short described which is followed by the time of the Prophet Muhammad. The history comes down to the period of Al~Mustaiyi billih. This follows geographical, literary and topo graphical informations. Even the religion, creed^and professions of the Arabs have been described. Ibn Qutaiba hasA utilized for every topic the revelant sources. For example, Israiliat section is largely based on the 2 3 also Torh itself though Wahb b. Munabbah has/been consulted. For f 1. Abd allah Muhammad b, Muslim al-Dinawary was born in 213 at Kufa. He spent his childhood and was educated there. He was for a time Qadi of Dinawar in the Province of Jabal. He died in 267 A. H. according to Al-Souti and 270 A. H. is also men tioned." Bughvat al-WasTt. p. 291. Bncy.of Islam^ Vol. 11/399. 2. Ibn Qutaiba, Kita'b al-Maarify p.6,9, ed. WUstenfield,,; ^^ Leyden, 1850. 3. Ibid. - 64 - 1 - -2 the section of Sira, the books of Muhammad b. Ishaq, Waqidi and Iba al-Kalbi have frequently been utilized. He has utilized als - 4 • - Kitab Slar Muluk al-A,iam the Arabic version of Khudainaaa. The source of other sections is not mentioned by the author. Here it is important to note that the historian does not follow *'Asaad." It means that the influence of the traditionists could no longer retaine its hold over him. Yagubi and Ibn Qutaiba both neglected "Isnad", Further, it is to be noted that both arranged the material in chronological order and they have shown remarkabl talent in it. Their approach towards history seems to be based on scientific outlook. A distinguished f#;'.gur© of this period is Ahmad b. Baud al Pinawari (891 A. D./282 A. H. ) whose only book Kitab Akhbar al- Tiwal survives. The book pays especial attention to the history 1. Ibid., p. 70. 2. Ibid., p. 69. 3. Ibid., p. 69. 4. Ibid., p. 320. 6. Abu Hanlfa Ahmad b. Baud was an Arab historian. He was born probably in the first quarter of the third century at Dinamar in Persian Iraq, He received education in philology from the father of Ibn Sikkit who was a jdfamous grammarian of Kufa. He lived in Asfahan for a while to make astronomical observations which were recorded in his Kitab al-Rasad. He stayed in his native town for the rest of his life and occupied with astro nomical studies in his observatory. The date of his death is variously reported but the 282 A. H. is generally accepted (896). Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p.78. Yaqut, IrashM al-Arib, Vol. 1/123-27. Al-Souti, Bughlat al-Weat^ p. 132. Ency.of Islam^ Vol. V977-78. - 66 - of Persian and to those topics which had especial concern with the Persians like Alexander. The Sasanids, the conquest of Iraq by the Arabs, the Battle of Qadasiya, the wars between Ali and Muawiya and the Kharjids have been fully narrated. The death of Bisain, the risings of the Azraqids and of Mukhtar, 0 the fall of the Umayyads and intrigues of Alids, particularly in Khurisin have been narrated with especial importance. Abu Hanifa was primarily a philologist and scientist. His critical outlook to have cautioned him not to bring in too much legendry material in his book. like his contemporaries, he has furnished unhistorical and literary materials too. The form and style of historical writings such as chronological and the Khabar form have still served as o.?'? recognized standard for the historians. The development of the Arab historiography and its characteristics achieved so far culminated into the great work of AbiTjafar Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari (922-838-823 A. D./310- 224-26 A. H. ). He has written the famous history Tarikh al-jBusul !• Abu Jafar Muhammad b. Jarir b.Yezid b, Qadir b. Khalid al- Tabarl was born probably in 839 (end of 224 or beg. of 226 A. H. ) at Amul in the province of Tabristan. From the very early of his childhood he started study. It is said the he learnt the Quran by heart while he was only u? seven years old. When he finished elementary education at his native town he proceeded to al-Bai and then to Baghdad. He wanted to study under the famous jurist Ahmad b.jlffenbal who died before he arri.#ved at Baghdad. After a short stay in Basra and Kufa he returned to Baghdad where he stayed for a while. Later, he moved for Egypt and during this journey he visited a number of Syrian towns for the study of Ifedith, After visit ing Egypt, he came back to Baghdad from whence he repeatedly -. 56 - v-al-Muluk wMcia iias assiffiillated most of the historical characteristics. The idea of world history which had since long time been working in the minds of those historians who lived in the last quarter of the third century, and many of them though not very successfully attempted to write historical hooks within that mental frame, was now made realized by Abu Jafar. Tarikh al-Rusul w-al-Muluk begins, after an introduction, with the problems of the creation, the definition of Line, and it goes ahead describing the history of Pelrlarch, Prophets, rulers of the earliest period. Then the history of the SasSmid is described with detail. After it comes the history of the Prophet Muhammad, the history of the pious Caliphs. The history of the Umayyad and the Abbasids follows accordingly. From the beginning (Continued from previous page) went to Tabristan. He died in 310 A.H. at Baghdad and was buried there. Abu Jafar was a great jurist, historian, Muhaddith, and lexicographer. He was interested in poetry, grammer, recitation, exegesis of the Quran. Even Mathematics and Medicine attracted his attention. He has written a number of books on history, jfefsir and jurisprudence but his two great works, Tarlkh al-ljusul wal~y.uluk and Jama al-Bayan 4n Tawil a 1-Quran are excellent contributions to the Arab literature," Abu Bakr Ahmad b. *'Ali, al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarikh al-Ba£hdad^ Vol.2/162-69 Yaqut al-flamvi, Irshad al- lEib,Vol.6/423-62, Al-Subky, Al-Tabaqat, Vol.2/135-36. Ibn al- Amad, Shazarat al-dhahab^ Vol. 2/260, Al-dhahabiy Tazkarat al- Huffaz. Vol,2/710-16. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayatal-Aayan. Vol. 3/332 Ibn al-Kathir, Al-3idaya wal-Nihaya. Vol. 11/145-47 Miftah al-Saada Vol. 1/206-6. Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani Lisan al- Mizan^ Vol.6/l0Cui03, Haji Khalifa, Kashaf al-zonun p.437. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.8, p.42. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 334-36. A.F. Vozliev, al-Arab wal-Ram, p. 242-83, Bncy.of Islam^ Vol. IV, p. 678. of the book upto the Islamic era, the material is arranged in chronological order but since the first year of HLjra the account have been described in Annalistic order. The source of Tabari's history falls into two categories - Oral and written. Among the Oral authorities are those teachers who imparted their knowledge to him. There are some teachers who permitted him to transmit their books. For the written sources, he relied on Abu MLkhnaf, Umar b, Shabba, Ziyad b.Ayab, lasr b.Muzahim, Muhammad b. Ishaq, Muhammad Hisam al-Kalbi, Al-Madaini, Saif b.Umar and Ibn Tafur. For the history of the Sasanids, he relied on the Arabic version of Khwadinamak or Khwadhynamagh. But the contemporary accounts of the Abbasids have briefly been recorded by the historian relying on the oral authorities. Al-Tabari being a great Muhaddith^ has strictly followed ^Asnad". He furnishes more than one version about a fact, if available, through several series of the transmitters, thus he provide various narratives about a fact which can be Judged and analysed from different point of view, which enables a reader to reach ;., the maximum truth. With the history of Muhammad b.jarir an era in the field of historiography comes to an end and after that historiography steps into a threshold of a new epoch. Many historians, of later period, have extensively relied on the history of Muhammad b. Jarir. CHAPTER II THE LIFE MP TIMES OF IBM-AI^ATHIE Before describing the life of Izz al-Din Ibn al-Athir, it is necessary to give a brief account of the period in which this historian lived. Certain politico-social forces current during the period had played an important role in shaping the mind and the thoughts of Ibn al-Athir, We cannot properly under stand his historical outlook, attitudes, leanings, and prejudices without first making a survey of the historial forces prevailed throughout the then politically torn Muslim world. The appearance of the Saljuqs on the soil of the Mamlakat of Islam in 429-700 A. H./1037-1300 A. D. was an event of great political significance. The Saljuqs were the descendants of -1 2 3 Seljuq b. Taqaq or Yaqaq or Daqaq - a chieftain of one of the Khans of Turkistan. He was powerful and influential in the cour His son Saljuq was born when he was in the service and was care fully brought up. From his appearance the sign of greatness and nobility was discernable which struck the king^ and consequently the king drew him near and showed all kinds of favour to him. 1. Ibn al-At^r, Al-Kamil. Vol. 9/162. 2. Sadr al-Din Abu Al-Hasan, Akhbar-al-Dawlat al-Saljugyia^ Edited by Mohd.Iqbal, Lahore, 1933, p. I. 3. T'arikh a 1-Paulat al-Sal.1uqyia. Fatah All al-Bundari. - 69 - He honoured Mm with a title - Sabashi-equivalent to the Commander of the army. But the wife of the king was jealous of the Saljuq and did not like the favour accorded to him in the court. A conspiracy was hatched against the life of Saljuq; who, due to luck and wisdom, sensed the plot. Therefore, with the whole kith and kin and the followers, he ^crossed into the neighbouring Muslim state where all of them embraced Islam, Saljtiq and bis A sons and grandchildren fought from the side of the Samanids against Mahmud of Ghazanah. HLs two brothers - Tughral Beg and Ghaghan Beg became so much strong that they attacked Khurasan and took over the chief cities, Merv, Nishapur, Balkh, Jurjan, Tabristan and Khurasan. The Jabal, Hamadan, Dinawar, Hulwan, Ray and Isfahan were conquered in 433 A.H. Tughral Beg entered Baghdad-the seat of the Caliphate as a conqueror and was proclaimed the Sultan. Thus within a few years the Saljuqs established a mighty empire comprising the whole Western Asia from Afghanistan to the frontiers of Byzantine prov inces in Asia Minor and to Egypt of the p^tamids. Their mighty hand once again infused a fresh life into the exhausted viens of the "Abbasides. But the \mity and glory brought about by the Saljuqs again fell into decay. The death of the great Saljuq monarch Malik Shah in 486 A. H.-1072 A. D. proved a /pointer to decline. After the death of Malik Shah, a number of principalities sprang up. Barqiyarq and Muhammad formed separate independent - 60 - states. But these young princes whose rule was based on military power consisting of the Turk slaves could no longer retain their states. These slaves who still retained their truculent and uncouth nature, replaced their inexperienced, luxuriant and cultivated masters all over the Saljuq dominion and according to Lane-Pool ^'in the ta'/elfth century the whole Seljuq empire, save Anatolia, was in the hands of the captains of their hosts, who formed distinct group of daynasties. The rise of the Atabeks, at the time of confusion and disruption in the political field which had caused a social and economic disorder in the whole empire of the Seljuqs, had gained; rase strength. While the 4tabeks/to power, the Byzantine army approa- ched the Syrian border on the coast of the Mediterranean,and a number of fortresses fell one after another in their hands. the This pressure was so powerful that no prince had/courage to checl it^ and on the other hand, the Fatimids were losing their poli tical and military influence. The Sicilian monarch gained the upper hand and the sporadic attacks of his army against Africa and its achievements weakened the air of the Fatimids. The Crusades started after the death of Malik Shah in 1098. Within a few years, a number of cities, were taken by the A. B. Crusaders. Jerusalem itself was captured in 1099/and only elevei 1. Lane-Poole, Muhammedan dynasties, pp. 160. - 61 - years later the greater part of Palestine and the coastal part of Syria wiBi^captured. The external military erpfiresdionwas not greater than 1 the internal chaes which prevailed within the Islamic society. The economic and social conditions were desperately hopeless. The Arab Bedvins freely intercepted the comjuercial caravans and looted them. Thus the routes and highi'/ays became deserted which proved a fatal blow to industry and ultimately to the prosperity of the people. The politico-economic devastation also influenced the religious condition. The intelligent and shrewed Batimids exploited this situation. Their secret and well-organized activities added another great danger to the safety of the people. All men of conscience and learning became the target of the Batinid terrors. Thus Islamic society faced a great danger. A statement of Ibn al-Athir to this effect is a geniune testimony to this. He records: "At t^e time when ' Imad al-DLn took over the couijtjfl-es, the Franks extended their territories, enlarged the army and increased their apprehension, ;-. c authority against the Muslims} their mischiefs became common, they encroached upon Muslim terri tory which was undefendable by the Muslims. The repeated attacks of Franks humiliated the Muslims} their Forays pressed on into Myar-Bikr as far as 'Amad, they spared^either the orthodox nor the heretics} in Mesopotamia, they despoiled the people of all the silver and valuables they possessed. As far as Harran and Rakka, they oppressed them with contumely and shame, and gave them daily to a drink the cup of death all the roads to Damescus were cut, save that which passes Rabla and the desert, and merchants and travellers were forced to - 62 - suffer the danger and fatigues of a long journey across the wastes, in peril of life and property from the wandering Beduins. The Franks even exacted black-nail from all the towns in their neighbourhood, and went so far as to send agents to Damascus to liberate Christian-slaves. At Aleppo they forced the inhabitants to pay tribute upto the half of their revenue — even to the proceeds of the mill at the Garden Cate."l This observation of Ibn al-Athir shows that the politica] and economic conditions of the Muslim of the period were in a deplorable state. It .: - often happened in the annals of the nations when any one loses its political glory, the whole social fabric shatters into pieces. But the timely rise of the Atabeks of Musal generated a new vigour and inspired new hope for political salvation of the Islamic world. They regained not only the lost territory from the Cruraders but displayed political sagacity when they paid first attention to the internal consolidation. They integrated 'Iraq, Musal, Sanjar, Jazlra, Harran and other Syrian cities under their own banner 3 thus not only political stability was restored but/external mill try pressure of the Crusaders was struk back with great success. The roads were repaired, the'caravan sarays' were built and postal services more adequately managed and looked after. The system of irriga. tion received priority and was highly developed. 1. Lane-Poole, Saladin and the fall of the Kingdom of Jerusulei (London, 18), P5^33-34. Ibn al-Athir, Tarikh al-Ifeulat al-Atabekiya^ p. 69-60. - 63 - The above mentioned condition was^ in later period furthei strengthened by another dynasty - the Ayyubids. But the course of the history took another turn. A new political phenomenon developed due to the Crusades and the invasions of the Manguls. The pressure of the Manguls was first felt in 12th century when the iyyubids had lost their unity and glory. Everywhere disruption, distruct and weekness permeated the mind of the irreconcilable Atabek rulers whose zeal and boldness had vanished. We can visualize tliis deplorable situa tion which echoes in the works of Ibn a 1-At Mr, Ibn Khallikan and Yaqut, The former mourns thus: "I pray to God to bring easiness to Islam and the Muslim, because they are helpless and without protector. These "Tatars" have overpowered them owing to the absence of any strong power. It has happened so bee^useKhuarzamShah conquered all the countries and killed their rulers. Thus he has become the only powerfull Monarch in the Islamic World. But, when he himself was defeated by "Tatars" nomremained to resist the prelure." in The prevalence of such a political condition/the Islamic world again provided a chance for the Batinids to intensify theii subversive activities and thus strike at the very root of peace and unity prevailing in the Muslim society. This politico- - 64 - economic fluctuation in its historical development bore remarkab] influence in shaping and developing the mind of our historian. It guided his mind towards the universal thinking which trans cended him from narrow limitations. It was on the 4th of Jamada I, 656 A. H.-1160 A. D. that our historian was born in Jazira Ibn "^umar a town situated on the western bank of the Tighris. The city was first populated according to Yaqut by Hasan b. Umar b, Khattab al-Taghlibi, whils Ibn Khallik'an records a different opinion. He writes| "Most of the people call it Jazira Ibn Umar but I do not know who is meant by Ibn 'Umar. It is said to have been attributed to Yusuf b, tJmar al-Thaqafi the 'Iraqi governor, I came to know the^truth later, namely, that a certain *Abd al- *Aziz b, »Umar of Berqaid in the province of Musal built it and it was named after him."3 It was a large city and had a considerable population. 4 6 ^ It had a mosque, a fort and a very large "Madrasa,-' When the 1. Hudud al-»Alam, translated by V.Minorsky, p. 141. Yaqut, who was well acquainted with the Jazfra.^reports; it is encircled by Tigris from three sides like Creseht. It is entrenched around the city, filled with water, a milstone is installed over the ditch so as the water encircled all around, Mu'jam-a'' Buldan, Vol. 2/138. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Tarikh al-Doulat al-Atabekiya^ p. 266, 3. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A^yan, Yol. 3/36. 4. A very famous Jurist Ibn al-:^zvi used : .- . to lead paryers and to deliver lectures in the mosque,Ibn Khallikan Wafayat. Vol. 3/117-18, Muliamal-BuldanT Vol, 3/138. 6, Ibn al-AtJiir, Tarikh al-Daulat al-Atabekiya^ p. 136. 6. Ibn al-Athir, Tarikh al-Daulat al-Atabekiya^ p.20. "This Madrasa, in the_first half gf^'^^IWentieth century, was known as madrasa of Yunus al-Nahvi, Sulaiman Saigh, Tarikh Musal. Vol, 1/221. - 66 - Atabeks of Musul established their kingdom naturally the Jazira came under their rule and the father of our historian - Athir al- r^n was appointed administrator in his early youth. «Ali b. Muhammad b. Muhammad b. *Abd al-Karim al-jazari - historian, genealogist, literateur^j jurist^poet and traditionist was one of the three sons of Athir al-Lin. Authors of biogra phical dictionaries preserve no information about the early life of Athir al-l£n. Our knowledge about him is fragmentary scatters in the pages of Tarikh al-Paulat al-Atabekiya from which certain aspects of his personality can be visualised. Athir al-Ein Muhammad b. Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Karim was a pure Arab. He belonged to the tribe Shafcban. Perhaps his immediate forefathers did not distinguish themselves in any field of learning, politics and administration, othervrise historical books might have possessed some information about them. It is very likely that Athir al-lEn learned the traditional subjects e.g. Hadith, Fiqh and Adab. The historian listened HadTth to 2 , his father. The career of Athir al-IUn achieves prominence when he is seen to be related with the men of Imad al-.l£n Zangi during the 1. It is a famous tribe in Bakr b.Wail, that is Shatban b.jamils b. thaliba b. Akabat b. Salb b. Alii.b. Bakr b. Wail b. f&b Bafazi b. dami b. jadila b. Asd b,, Babiat b. Yezar b. Ma d b. Adnan" Kitab al-Ansab^ Al Samani p. 342. Jamharat Anstb a 1-Arab, Ibn Hazm p. 302. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Tarikh ^al-ltabeka^ p. 270. - 66 - years 1128 and 1146 A. H. He was educated, intelligent, wise, honest and loyal. He had keen interest in Hadith and was well 1 versed in it. He was father of many children of whom three became renown. After the death of Imad al-din, Athir al-Din was appointed aa administrator of the Jazira by Sayf al-Din al- Ghazi in 1146 A. 0. and held this post till the reign of Qutb al-Din Mawdud (666-1169, and later promoted to the post of 1 treasurer. During the tenure of his office, he was highly respected by the people due to his clemency, for-giveness and unbounded devotion to the cause of public welfare. Ibn a1-Athir reports many accounts which testify to the benevolent deeds of his father. He records a conversation held between Qutb al-Din and Athir al-Din, on the authority of his father which reflects the good nature of Athir al-Din. 1. Ibnal-AtMr, Tarikh al-Atabeva^ p. 270-71. J^-l ^J^ ^J cJSi oC^ J^_lJU ^ L^ i^ J^S ^UJl AiJU-jv ^JJt^ J: i j£\jjf^^ «.-*_«:« jj>w V • JlSi LIJSJIJLA L>^jd ^j^J^Ms, ^J\^^ J.^>=!ii 4i)UJI rfJ-Jb^jl 4J J^jSl 4<;^W^ iJ cJUyli AJ^i C^^JLi^^l ^'l - 67 - The services of Athir al-Mn to the house of the Atabeks and high position which he held in the court of the Atabeks, provided ample apportunity for the prosperity, dignity>and power of his family which was later enjoyed by his celeberated sons. Beside; these high administrative officegwhich he held Athir al-Din possessed large immovable properties. Izz al-Din many n . 1 records that he had I orchards and big land in the Aqima. Besides, he was shareholder in a large commercial concern which was run on inter-continental, scale^because he mentions that during the Crusades ra^ds on the coast of the Mediteranean his 2 two ships, full of merchandise, were captured by the enemies. It seems that Athir al-DLn was the richert man in the town, Ife lived as a humble, pious, austere and benevolent governor of the people. His relationSwith the ruling family remained always cordial, unstinted and reliable. Sayf al-Din and Quifb al-Din laid great confidence in him and consulted him in connection witJ the settlement of land taxes and its measurement. As a sincere and honest governor,. "". he sometimes .differed with the centra policies in matters of taxation and measurement. 1. Ibn a 1-Athir, la'rikh al-Atabeka, p. 265, 2. Ibid., p. 281-82. 3. Ibid., p. 266-67. .4- - 68 - f^ -., w^ Our historian was born in such a rich family. He was second to his elder brother Majd al-lfn al-Mubarak (1149-1209), : his younger brother was Na^r al-Lah (6^-637 A. H./lli2- 1239 A. D.). All the three brothers were born in Musul. It is held that Athir al-Ein had one more son and his name was Muhamnad and;was a Muhaddiih. There is no record of the subjects he was taught in be primary stage^J. But it can safely/assumed that he might have been taught the Qur«an, Hadith, language and Mathematics. The Madrasa of Jazira Ibn Umar had many good teachers who must have taught all the three brothers. Ibn a 1-Athir did not live very long in the Jazira and had to leave it at a very early age. He migrated, with his 'father and two brothers, to Musul and' settled there. But it is no\t known, at what agepr in which year our historian left for Musul. Ibn Khallikan reports that Ibn al- Athir was born in the jazira and later, he went to Musul with 2 his father, two brothers and settled there. This is also 3 corroborated by al-Subky. I^ter biographers repeated the earliej 4 information. A modern scholar A.F. Voziliev maintains that "the 1. Usud al-ahaba. Vol. 1/6 Preface by Shihab al-Din al-Mtrashi, Tehran edition. The editor holds the view ofi the authority of some historians. 2. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-Auvan^ Vol. 3/33. 3. Al-Subkey, Tabaqat al-Shaf "iya^ Vol. 6/127: Talph Kuliera Zadah, MLftah al~Saadah. Vol. 1/206. 4. mirat al-Marif, Vol. 2/324-26. Abu Fida, Tarikh Abu Fida, Vol. 3/14. - 69 - historian proceeded to Musul with his father and two brothers in the year(676 A.H.-1180 A. D. ) and completed his education. 1 there." This opinion is expressed by the scholar without any historical evidence. In 676 A. H.-1180 A. D. Ibn al-Athlrs was in Medina. Further, on another occasion,he writes that in the beginning of Dhiu'l-Qa'da 673 A. Ii.-1177 A. D. he was in Baghdad 3 on his way to the Pilgrimage. It means that he reached Medina in JWii^l-Hijja and offered his first pilgrimage in 674 A. K.- 1178 A.H. HLs presence in Medina in the year 676 A. D. suggests that it was the second visit of Ibn al~Athir to the city, and more over ^the second performance of HaJ. It cannot be said that after performing the first Haj in 674 A.H. 1178 A. D. he continued to stay in Arabia./ because, he has pointed out in his book that he went to his native town - Jazira Ibn Umar for educational purposes in 674 A. H.-1178 A. D.- He mentions jJ \:LJ^ j_^*l 2LuJi ittJb uu-jljU »-- 1. A. F. Voziliev, Al-Arab wal-Rum, p. 303. 2. Ibn al-Athlr, larikh al-Kamil^ ?ol. 11/ 3. Ibn al-Aihir, Tarikh al-Atabeka^ ?• 327. 4. Ibn al-AtMr, Tarikh al-Atabeka, p. 32^26. - 70 ~ This passage decisively informs that the historian had left the Jazira before 674 A. H.-1178 A. D. and settled in Musul. Further, he frequently visited the native town for one reason or the other. So it is hardly acceptable that Ibn al~Athir would have migrated to Musul in 676 A. H.-llSO A. D. Now a question arises. : • ;: in which year did Ibn al-Athir, along with his father and brothers settle in Musul. No definite answer is available in this connection, but certain scanty infor mations are available which prepare ground?for the investigation. A very reliable contemporary author, iSqut al-Hamvi, who lived in Musul and was very intimate with Ibn al-Athir, reports on the authority of our historian Ibn al-Athir^ that Mubarak b. Muhaimnad, the elder brother of the historian migrated to Musul in 1 666 A. H.-1169 A. D. and remained there till his death. Since Athir al-Dln was appointed the treasurer of Qutab al-Din Muhammad in 666 A. H.-llfi9 A. D., he had to live in Musul to discharge his responsibility. The statement of Yaqut concern ing the migration of Mubarak to Musul in 666 A. H. coincides with the date of AthIr al-Din's appointment as a treasurer. This coincidence fairly suggests that Athir al-Din settled in MUBUI probably in the beginning of 666 A. H. 1149 A. D, or a bit earlier. Anyhow when he left for Musul other members of the family also 1. ;./v:;:;ic.3Squt, Irshad al-Ariby Yol. 6/238. D.S.Morgoliouth. - 71 - accompanied him.' Further we find a reference to the effect that in 674 A. PI. 11.78 A. D., the historian came to Jazlra for educational purpose . which indicates that Musul had already become a permanent home of Ibn al-Athir' s family. But they did not break their relations with their native tov/n. Though all the possibilities favour the point that our historian left the Jazira in 666 A. H. 1169 A. D. when he was only ten years old^yet G no definite evidence is tracable in this respect. The date suggested by A.F. Voziliev is without any evidence and is^ in no case^ acceptable. Tim. settlement of Ibn al-Athir' s family in Musul opened a new era in the history of the family. From the adolescent period onwards, Izz al-Din lived in i'-iusul. The city at that time was one of the greatest seats of learning, culture and civilization. Musul is a very ancient O city. The historians have no record of its foundation. a During the time of the Atabeks it was/jprosperous and highly developed city. Ibn al-Athir records that before the Atabeks the city was deserted, its gardens were ruined and old and buildings were not well maintained/its population was reduced. Fruits were in great scarcity; but ;'after the rise of Imad al-i£n 1. Ibn Khallikan, Wafa^at, Vol.3/33 >• .. Ibn Rhalliqan report that Izz al-din, after being brougnt up in the Jazira, moved to Musul along his father and Uro brothers. 2., Mujamal-Buldan, Yol.6/223. Encylopaedia Britahica Vol. 16/848, Ency. of Islam, Vol. 3/610, Lands of the eastern Csiliphate, ,. Lfe Strange, p. 87-88* - 72 - Zanqij the city was carefully repaired, roads were built, new Biosques, palaces and colleges "•' . . emerged up. The ancient buildings v/ere looked after, and new gardens sprang up, the city wall v/a,s repaired and the city itself was given extension. Fresh vegetaoles and fruits were made available throughout the year in large quantity. The great traveller Ibn Jubair recorded his impression when he visited the city, "the buildings, Mosques, toilets. Inns, markets and hospitals attracted his attention for their beauty, stateliness and decoration. lie mentions six colleges or even more on the banks of l^igris which looked like palaces; each having hospital attached ^ %o it. Yacjut mentions annually the total income of the Wilayat was four lakhs dirham/and it has increased ,;./, inanifgld • now. The famous traveller Ibn-Satut£ A. H. passed through the city in 8th century/and mentioned all the ancient and modern palaces, inns, colleges and Coiwansar^is. He 4 e noted the courtesy and generausity of the people. The medival — e "-^ importance and beauty of Kusul is still noticable. Musul, possessing so significant geographical position and being a corjf luence of the east and the west, was in those day a centre of culture and civilization. The patornage of the 1. Ibn al-Atiiir, Tarlkh al-Atabek.a, p. 137-39. 2. Ibn Jubair, Rehlat Ibn-Jubair, p. 234-37, Leiden edition. 3. Yaqut, Mu.jamal Buldan^ Vol. fc/223, 4. Ibn Batuta, Rehlat Ibn Batuta. Vol. 1/148-149. 6. Sulaimin Saigh, Tarikh a 1-Musul, p. 221-22. 73 - Atabeksfo.:. the learning and Arts attracted noted scholars, poets. Jurists traditionists and .Aartisans who developed and marvelled their tastcin the serene and blessed environment of >msul. An important points is to be emphasised here that a good 1 proportion of the population was Christian. It is here that Ibn al-Athir, perhaps, learnt Syriac language from the christians. 2 iils younger brother Nasls^r allah knew the language. One of the remarkable aspects of the Atabek dynasty was that they gave basic importance to education and public welfare which they inherited from the Seljuqs, many colleges \4ere run by the official aids. It was due to this encouragement and patronage that iviusul became one of the greatest seats of learning A large number of great scholars filled the official posts and undertook professional jobs in o. different colleges. Among the noted scholars 'Imad Mohammad b. Yunus al-Musuly (608-'635 AH. « 3 '4 1211-1140 A. D^, and the famous family of Shahrazury may be quoted in this respect. Ibn Ifehhan S&id b, al-Mubarak (669 A. 11.-1169 A. D. )- the famous lexicographer and grammarian, Ibn I&hhan Yahya" 6 b. S&id (616 A.H.-1219 A. D. ) were the distinguished members of 1, Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. 16/848. 2. Dr.Zaghlul Sallam, Zaya al-din Ibn al-Athir^ p. 61-62. 3. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat, Vol. 2/ 4, Sulaiman Salgh, la'rikh al-Musulj Vol. 1 p. 22l» 6. "He was teacher of Mubarak - the elder brother of the historian" liaqut, Irshad al-Arib^ Vol. 6/241. 6. laqut, Irshad al-Arib^ Vol, 7/280. - 74 - the elites of Musul. Ibn al-Mustufi (627 A. H.-1229 A. D. ), the 1 historian was also residing in Musul. The eminent poets _ n al-Shatani (672 A. fl.-1176 A. D. ) Ivjuhazzab al-Ein All Shamim al- 2 Halabi (601 A. IJ.-1204 A. D. ) contributed much by their poetic genius to the courts and the gatherings of the scholars. Educa tion v/as so much valued and books so much needed that a scholar and calligrapher like laqut al-Hamvi earned money in abundance by tils profession. Literary meetings were periodically held in the palaces and problems of literary importance were frequently discussed in the colleges and Madrasas. This was Musul of twelf' century that excelled in the field of learning, literature and 3 art, which became permanent abode of our historian. The new social environment of Musul provided great oppor- t unity for Ibn al-Athir to acquire not only knowledge but/to train ills mind, to refine his manner and to elevate his taste. 1. He. had his residence both in Musul and Arbil, he was master of all the branches of literature and history. He wrote a history of Arbil in five volumes". Ibn Khallikan, V/afayat, Vol. 3/294^98. 2. Ibn Khallikan, Wafa^at, Vol. 3/26. 3. "The metal works of Musul and their fellow craftsmen who carried the same art into Persia, Syria and Egypt made lively representations of court life, the monarch drinking among his servants and musicians, hunting, playing polo, or engaged in Battle: some of the metaleworker were certainly christians but their patrons were muslim princes who paid no heed to theological opinion on the matter,"!. V. Arnold. Sncy. of Islam. Vol. 4/692-930. 76 - We are informed that he was busy in i ..> pursuit of knowledge while he had already finished elementary education in his native town v/here the famous Shaf'i theologian Abu Tahir Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. IbraMm b. Mahran (1123-1176 A. D.617-672 A. H. ) was lecturer. Ibn al-A_thir, most probably, was schooled by him^'W'hen Ibn al-'Athir records that he went to the Jazira in 674 A. H. 2 1178 A. D. for listening Hadith to a lecturer he obviously means Ibrahim. It was natural that in Musul the number of his teachers should have been very large. But most of the biographers do not help us much in this respect. Ibn Kballikaii mentions a ^ r - « 3 scholar Abu al-Fudl Abd allah b, Ahmad al-Khatib al Tusi while al Subky mentions Khatib al-lusi, Abu al-Farj Yahya al-thaqafl • * ^ • o -H -4 • -• and Muslim b. Ali al-Sanji, Ibn al-Athir» s contemporary scholars -6 like Abu al-3erkat Abd-Allah b. Shareji might have been his teacher \ J Ibn Khallikan mentions that Ibn al-Athir listened 6 to the Khatib and his contemporaries. Two more scholars - • • Muhammad b. Alwan b. Mahajir b. Ali b. Mahajir (fc02-6l6 A. H. 1, la'q.ut, Mu.lamal Buldan.^ Vol. 2/138. 2, Ibn al-Athir, Tarikh al-Atabeka^ p. 326, 3. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-Aayan^ Vol. 3/33. Ibn Khallikan reports that he was unknown in transmission ""'Wafayatf^ Vol. 6/82„ 4. Al-Subky, Tabaqat al-Shafiyia^ Vol. 5/127, "Tusi and Yehya mentioned by Dhahabi too, Al-Dhahabi, Tazkira't al-Huff^Zj Vol. 4/1399. : 6. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol. 6/82. 6. Ibid., Vol. 3/33. ^ 76 - 1 - -. 1108-1219 A. D. ) and Mohammad b. Yunus b. Muhammad b. Mmiat b. Malik Shaikh Ahmad al-lfn b, Yunus al iirbil (53^603 A.H./1140- 2 1205 A.D. ) are to be mentioned. The former was a great doctor of Fiqh and he served in a number of colleges especially the one built by his own. father. The latter belonged to Arbil, He migrated to Musul where he mastered in Fiqh. His fame sprea far and wide and learned doctors came to him from far off land. It is possible that Ibn al-Athir might have attended the lectures of these scholars. Ibn al-Athir spent most of his adolescent period studyin in Musul. He was gifted with great intelligence, acute and penetrating mind. Since he was a son of famous treasurer of was Qutb al-din, naturally he/welcomed every where and the learned class paid much attention to him. His favourite subjects were Fiqh, hadith^ Tafsir, literature, mathematics and music, but in later years, he gradually turned towards Hadith, and history, and achieved lasting reputation in them. It is not definitely known when Ibn al-Athir first went be out of Musul to other cities. It may/expected that he went to 3 other cities in 673 A.H.-1177 A. D. During this journey, he 1. Al-Subkey, Tabaqat al^Shafiyia^ Vol. 6/32-33. 2. Ibid., Vol. 6/46. 3. Ibn al-A^hlr, Tarikh al-Atabeka, p. 329. - 77 - certaiiily would have tried to contact noted scholars living in Mecca, Medina, Damcisoiis and Baghdad. It is to be pointed that he undertook the journey for Hajj and returned to Musul the sane year. A prominent teacher of Musul, Atou. al-Haram Mecci b. ^^. --1 Rayan b. Shabba al-Nuhvi al-Musli is mentioned as the teacher of Ibn al-Athir, Ibn al-AtbirT living in the same city, had close .. relation with his teacher - Abu al-Haram} and most o|?thi literary works were taught to Ibn al-Athir by him. It is also expected that Ibn al-Athir might have developed a taste for Music under his influence. His second pilgrimage to Mecca was in 576 A. H.-llSO A. D. 3 as he mentions himself. Perhaps during this visit his elder/ brother Mubarak accompanied him. He records that he listened Stman Nasal* ©f «Abd al-Bahman to Yaish b.Sadaqa with his 4 brotherj but the exact date is not mentioned by him. The reasor 1. He was the son of a poor father who departed from the World leaving him alone. The future scholar disgusted of his mother left for Musul and after,completing primary educatioB he proceeded to Baghdad where the noted literatures Ibn' L al-Khashshab, Ibn al-Safar, Ibn al-Anbari and Abu Mohamaiad Said b. Ifehhan became his lecturers. After being well versed in literature, he again came to Musul and found him self well-received. Ibn Khalliqan records on the authority of Ibn al-Mustawfi - the author of I^rikh Arbil, that, he was verstile in all the branches of knowledge and authority on language and was recognized as intelligent and pious. (603 A.H.-1206 A. D. >. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat, Vol. V366-67. Ibn al-Athir, Al^Kamil. Vol. 12/lGO. 2. Sulaiman Saigh, Tarikh al~Mu'suly Vol. 1/222, 3. Ibn al-AtMr, Tarikh al-Kamil^ Vol. 11/66. 4. Ibid., Vol. 12/114. r s-a^ - 78 - for holding the opiaioii is that Mtabarak' could aot have spare time to proceed to Ifejj in later years due to his administra tive engagements and declining health. Yaish b. Sadaqa b, Ali al-Furati — a famous Jurist and lexographer was lecturer in Baghdad. Al-Subkey records the opinion of Ibn Najjar that he was one of the leading followers of Shafai and he was examplary in piety and devout. 1 He died on 24th of Dhikada, 673 A. H—1177 A. a Ibn al-A^hir held him in high regard. Another professor whom he listened to was Abu Ahmad Abdallah b. Ali al-Sufi whom Ibn Khallikan ^ 2 • mentions in his Wafayat. Now Ibn al-Atblr was a grown up youth of 21 years. HLs elder brother Mubarak b. Mohammad was 32 years old. Mubarak was appointed treasurer of Saif al-Qin Ghazi b. Modud not 3 before 665 A. 1.-1169 A. D. he served seyeral posts in the govern ment of Saif al-QLn the fourth Atabek of Musul till 576A. H.- 4 IISO A. D. 1. This date differs with what Ibn al-Athir has recorded. '. Pie records the date 693 A. H.-1196 A. D, as his death and relates a very interesting account about him of which he is an /eye witness. If the opinion of Subkey is accepted then an objection arises. First it is recorded that Ibn al-Athir performed his first I^jj in 673 A. H.- 1177 A. D., and on another occassion he describes that, after performing his Hajj with his brother, he came to Baghdad and listened Sunan Nasai to Yaish b.Sadqa while returning home. How is it possible that a man who died in Dhu*l--Qa*da would have been able to meet him in Jjtil ajja. It is also a fact that Ibn al-Athir perfomed his" first pilgrimage in 673 A. H.-1177 A. D. I'robably the error aecured in the Tabaqat because it is^not arranged according to annalistic order while al-Kamil follows this method. Al-Subkey, Tabaqat al-Shafaiya^ Vol. 4/326. 2. Ibn iOiallikan, Wataygrt^ ¥ol. 3/33. 3. Ysiqut, Irshad al-Arib^ Vol. 6/238. 4. Lane Poole, ^ -163,Muhammadan dvnasties, p. 163. - 79 - During Ms yomtJafml years Ibn al-Athir had bee a exclusively devoted to studies. No information is recorded which may indicate other affairs which might have occupied him. His carefree, energetic, ambitious and most creative days, apparently, seem to be after the pursuit of knowledge which stood above all natural fury, temptation,and avaricious end. It is a matter of surprise that such a devoted student who resigned to academic achievements now is seen to be taking interest in the prevailing political affairs. He records that in 684 A.H.-11SS A. D. he was in Syria with the army of - 1 Salah al-QLn. By that time Salah al-QLn had become the sole the custodian and/defender of Islam against the Crusaders. He attained to such a great power that all the small Muslim prin cipalities virtually became dependent on him, even the Atabeks of Musul made alliance with him. It was on the second October, 1180, that a grand alliance was negotiated under the leader ship of Salah al-Din into which the princes of Mesopotemia, /§C jazira, Arbil, Keyfa and Mardin - the Sultan of Kunia and the 2 - king of Armenia entered. Ibm al-Athir, perhaps, accompanied - 3 the army of Musul which was sent for the help of Salah-al-QLn. 1. Ibn al-Athir, AlyKamil,, Vol. 12/10, 2. Lane Poole, Saladin^ p. 162, 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Ka"mil^ Vol. - 80 - 1 He visited Halab for tiae first time in 683 A. H.-1187 A. D. and stayed in Syria for many years probably till 690 A. H.-1193 A. D, We find him mentioning that lie was in Damascus in 690 A. H.- 2 1193 A. D. Daring his stay in Syria, he met the noted professor .. ^ • . - 3 like AbM al-Karim b. Ifesry, Zain al-Umana in Damascus. He listened to Diya al-Din Ahmad Abd al-Wahhab b. Ali b, Abd allah 4 -^ •• al Baghdadi (607 A. H.-1210 A. D.), Abm K&fs Omar b. Mohammad • ,_ _ • . '• 6 . b. Mamar al-Baghdadi (607 A.H.-121G A. D.), Al-Ma'in abm al Fattah Abd al-WahiS b. Ali Ahmad b. Ali al-Amin (608 A.H.-.1211 © . - • A. D. ) Qadi Abu Ghanaim b. Adim al-:^labi al-Shaikh al Salih . . - '7 '•' - (628 A.H.-1230 A. D. )» Ali b. al-Khattab b. Zafar a 1-Shaikh al- -8 /. . ' -, Salih (683 A.H.-11S7 A. D. ), Abu Mohammad Abd al-I^h b. Ali b. 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol, 11/204, 2. Ibid., Vol. 12/43. 3. Al-Subkey, Tabadat al-Shafalya^ Vol, 6/127. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol, 12/114."He was grand son of Sadar al-ljLn Ismail, He was eighty seven years old, Fiqh, Hadith and Tasawwuf were the main subjects on which he had command. He was pious, God fearing and great vrorshipper. I have much listened to him," says Ibn al-Athir, 6, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 12/114, 6, He died in Jazira al-Kus where he went as an ambassador of ,^ the Abba Sid Caliph. "We were bossom friend says Ibn al-Atjiil •^and, often lived together.' HLs scholarship in Fiqh and other subjects was unquestioned.* Al-Kamil^ Vol, 12/116. 7, He was extremely devoted to worship and other religious exercises. "He was one, of my professors", says Ibn al-Athir. "I listened to him Hadith." Al-Kamlly Vol, 12/197, 8, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol, 11/213, - 81 - Abd allah b. Swad al-TikritI (684 A. H. 1188 A. D.) Jamil al-lin Abu Ali b. Rawaha al-Hamvi (685 A. H. Il89 A. D. )> Abu al-Abbas Abmad b. Abd al-Baiiman b, DaMian-al-Maruf af<|al al zaman 3 (686 A.H. 1189 A.D.) And Abu al-Farz b. Abd al-Wahhab b.Kulaib al-Hurrani (694 A. H.-1197 A. D. ). Among ids Baghdad! teachers -. „ • p two more are mentioned by Al-Subkey. They are Abd al-Mu'min b. Kolaib and Abd al-Wahhab b. Sakina. He learnt Tafsir of Abu Ishaq al-Thalabl, and al-Wasit of al-Wahidi from Abu al- Abba's Ahmad b. Uthman b. Abu Ali b. Mahdi al-Zarzari and Abu Mohammad 'Abd allah b, Ali b. Sowad al-Tikriti respectively. 1. Ibn al-Athir states that he was a scholar ©f Hadith and one of Ms professors. Al-Kamil, Vol. 12/16 Al-Bidays wal-Kiiaaya, Yol. 12/332, % lam, Vol. 4/242. 2. He was killed by the Crusaders during the famous war at Aka while he was in the tent pitched besides the tent of Salar ah al-Bln. He was a man of learning and was a poet. Ibn il-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 12/14. 3. He settled in Mecca and died there. He was a man of ver~ tiality. He mastered in Fiqii, Usui, Mathematics Faraid, Astrology, Astronomy, and logic. He set seal to piety and lived simple ajG^d hard life. He was the best to live with, A Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 12/17. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 12/62. He was more than 96 years old. He had the earliest chain of Hadith. 6. Tabagat al-Shafaiya^ Al-Subkey, Vol. 6/127. 6. Abd al-allah al-iakriti died in 684 A.H. Me had interest in Hadith and. history. Tikrit was situated between Baghdad and Musul. After completing elimentry education in Tikrit he went to Musul and Baghdad. Qadi Ibn Shuhba mentions the history of Tikrit in two volumes written by him. Ibn lajjar remarks that he studied the book and found it defective. Al-Bidaya wal-Nihaya, Ibn Ka;th£|? Vol. 12/332, Al-Zerkaly, *Alam Vol. 4/242. - 82 - Tiae Hadith literature was traaismltted to Mm by several scholars. Abu Abd allah Moliainiaad b. Mohaaimad b, Sariya b. All Abu al-Farj Moiiammad b. Abd al-Rahman b. Abu dhar al-Wasti, Abu Bakr Mismar b. Itoar b. Waiz al-Tiyir al-Baghdadi amd Abu Abd allah al-Husaim b. Abu Salih, b. Fana Khusru al-Dalml al- Tlkriti have transmitted Sahlh al-Bokhari to him. The Sa^h a 1-Muslim was taught to the historian by two teachers - Abu al-FarJ Yehya b. Mohammad b. Sad al-Asfahani al-Thaqafi and Abu Abd allah Mohammad b. F^d,al Faravi. He listened Mutta of Malik b. Anas to Abu al-Haram Mecci b, Rayyan b. Shabba al- Maksini and Abu al-Makarim Fityak b. Ahmad b. Mohammad b, Samina al-Jowhari while the Musnads of Ahmad b. Hambal and of Abu Ifewud al-Tiyalasi from Abu la sir Abd al-Wahhab b. ifebat • 4 allah b. Abu Sibba, and Abu al-Fadal Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Abd al-Qahir al-Tusi respectively. The jama of al-Tirmidhi was transmitted to him by Abu al-Fida Ismail b. Ali b. Ibaid al- Wa: iz al-Musuli, Abu Jafar Ubaid allah b. Ahmad b. Ali b. al-Samin and Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. Mohammad b. Mehran al-Shafai, 1, He settled in Musul. He was one of the greatest jurists of Mmsul. He listened to Abu al-Wakt. He was born in 629 A.H. and died in J^m^d al-Akhra, 621 A.H.-1224 A. D. Tarikh Ibn al-Dabithi, p. 127. 2, He died in 618, and was busy in trade since,long time. Ifedith was his subject. Ibn al-SabithiT farikh Ibn al~ jabithi, p. 68. 3. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-Aayan^ Vol. 4/366-367. 4. Al-Dhahbi, Duawl a 1-Is lam^ Vol. 2 He died in 676 A. H. 1180 A. D. - 83 ~ The Simanfe of Abu Dawod al-SiJistani and of Abu Abd al- Eahman al-Nasai were transmitted to Mm by Abu Abmad Abd al- Wahhab b, Ali b. al-Amin al-Sufi, Abu al-ijasiii Yasin b. Sadaqa b. Ali al-Faqih al-Shafai in order. He learnt the Mu,sna,d of Abu lala al Musli from Abu al-Fadal Mansur b. Abu al-Hasan b. Abu i.bd allah al-Iabari while the Maghazi of Ibn Ishaq reached him from Abu Jafar ¥baid allah b, Ahmad b. Ali. Three more books al~Ahad wal~Mathani of Ibn Abu Asia, Ta ba qa t- Mo ha d di t h al-Musul and the Musnad of al M*afi b. ISnran, have been listen* by Ibn al-Athir from Abu al-Farj Yehya b. Mohmud al-Thaqafi, c Abu al-Mansur b. Makarim b, Ahmad b. Sad al-Musli respectively, Perhaps the most interesting period between 683 A.H. 1187 and 1191 A. D. was spent by Ibn al-Athir in the affair of great significancetl have already mentioned his presence in the wars against the christians in 684 A. H. 1188 A. D. After it, probably, he did not return to Musul, because he records that after the capture of Jerusalem by Salah al-DLn he came • 3 to Baghdad visiting Jerusalem. But the definite year is not mentioned ^7 him. The political situation in Musul and the growing distrust resulting into deteriorating relation between the Atabeks of Musul and Salah al-QLn cautioned himj too, not to be in Musul. Moreover, his elder brother Mubarak was the greatest confident of Izz al-DLn Mas'md I (676-89 A. H.-1180- 4 1193 A. D. ). When Salah al-Qin died in 684 A. H.-1188 A. D., Ibn !• Al-Dhahbi, Bawal al-Islam^ Vol.2/71. He died in 684 A. H. 1188 A.D. ^.. 2. Ibn al-Athir^lsud al-GhabaT Vol. 1/8-11« 3. Ibn al-Athir, Tarikh al-Atabeka^ p. 316, - 84 - al-Athir probably, was mot in Daarascus} because the biographicaj description in al-Kamil about Salah al-Bln is completely devoic of first kand knowledge. Bat in the following year he is seen o J in Damascus. He records that he was in Demascus wh« n Malik al-Aziz Wthman b. Salah al-lUn besieged the city against .., 1 his elder brother Malik al-Afdal Ali b, Salah al-QLn. The presence of Abn al-Athir, at that time in Demascus gives way to certain speculations. The political weather of Damascus was not clear when Salah al-Qln died in 689 A.H.-1193 A.D. The princes of Musul, Syria, Arbil and Jazira revived new hopes and inspirations, especially Izz al-Din Masaud b. Mudud called his counsellors for consultation in a new situatic Mojahid al-BLn Qaimaz and Maijjal-Din Abu al-Saadat al-Mubarak were among those who attended the meeting. The suggestion put forth to the prince by Majd al-Din was remarkably significant. If it were carried out the result would have proved disastrous for Malik al-Afdal and even the very existence of tJthmaa*s rul« in Egypt would have been put to danger. But the more cautious suggestion of Qaiaaz which was accepted served nothing but to miss the chance. This is what was being planned in Musul, but in Demascus we see another more confusing scene. 1. JL Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 12/43. - 85 - The yoBBiger brother of our historian, Nasr Allah Ziya al-Din Ibn al-Athir was appoimted the chief VazLr of Malik 1 al-Afdal in 589 A. H.-1193 A. D. Ziya al-Etn, by his intelli- gencQ^and manipulating ability, took ^Afdal into his confidence and managed the affairs according to his will and whims. Since Afdal did not care about the state and he was luxuriant, drunkard, sex indulgent and lustful, the Vazir became too much powerful. He made Afdal disgusted from all the loyal and sincere Mobles of the court, who subsequently left Bsmaseus for Egypt. Among th&m the great scholar and Vazir Qadi al- Fadil deserves to be mentioned. Historians record the short sightedness and selfishness of Ziya al-Din. Ibn Kathir maintains." After the death of his father, the prince adopted wrong policy because he kept all the nobles and courtiersof Salah al-Din away ffom him and provided chance for others. He indulged in luxuries and his minister Ziya al-Din got hold of him and moulded him which ultimately not only ruined him but 2 brought destruction on al-Afdal too." This trend of affairs which prevailed in the court of Afdal led him to the deprivati of the principality. His Vazir could not escape from the punishment too. Keeping this background into mind, the presence of Ibn al-Athir in Damascus gains importance, but due to the lack of 1. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-Anyan, Vol. 6/32. Pairat al-Mirif Vol. 2/326. 2. Ibn Kathir, Al-Bidaya wal Nihaya^ Vol. 13/9. - 86 - evidence no judgment can be made In this respect, whatever interpretation is to be made can be derived from guess. On behalf of the prince of Musul, he might have reached IJijmascus on diplomatic mission, who had ill-intentions against Afdal, It is also possible that he was there to make himself availabl arises upon in ease of certain eventuality/most probably to seige/the chance of any job there. Now Ibn al-Athir was 36 years old. The former conjecture gains strength with the fact that the house of Ibn al-Athir was closely related with the Atabeks ©f Musul; and it is also a historical fact that Salah al-QLn betrayed the Atabeks which generated bitterness and ill-will in the hearts of the Atabeks and their loyals. This kind of assessment does not remain only a matter of conjecture, but it 1 can be observed in the works of Ibn al-Athlr. Further, the role of Ziya al-Etln, while being associated with Ayy^ibids, is not fair, or, at least is unwise. It is due to thJ-S^reason that Ziya al-Mn always remained a cause of anxiety and sus picion among the trusted nobles of Salah al-Ein whether they were in Damascus or in Egypt, Anyhow Ibn al-At^r*s grievance against Ayyubids is understandable} but it is a«^universal outlook of Ibn al-Athir which controls, to a great extent, the emotion of the historian. Another point deserves to be mentioned that Ibn al- Athir, while relating the account of Afdal from 690 A. H.-1193i 1. Ibn al-Athir, Tarikh al-Atabeka^ p. 304-6, - 87 - 1 till 696 A. H.-1199 A. D. does not criticise ttie policy of Afdal even an admiring attitude has been adjopted in this respect. Further, it is also a significant fact that our historian does not mention even the name of his brother Ziya al-Hn who 2 was the sole archetect of Afdal's policies during those days. Ibn al-Athir perhaps returned to Musul not before 692 A.H.-1196 A.D. This year Afdal handed over the ci:ty to Al A-dil. The historian probably was present in Demascus and, in the following year, he came back to Musul and stayed there for a considerable time and possibly did not leave Musul from 696 A. H.-1198 A. D. till 606 A.H.-12G9 A. D. At the very beginn ing of the sixty century when his brother Majd al-Din wag. ill which lasted many years, and could not attend the court and 3 discharge the governmental responsibilities, our historian^ 4 most probably, was called for the service of the government. His association with the service did not interrupt the educa tional activities. He might have been professor in one or the other college of Musulj because during those days, it was customary to hold both the posts simultaneously. It is also 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 12/43,46-48, 64-67, 68-69, 6G-61, 62^64. 2. Ibn Kat^r, Al-Bidaya^ Vol. 13/9. Abu Shamas, Kitab al- BQwdataiMf Vol. 2/130. Yusuf, Mi rat al-zaman^ Vol. 8/441-4 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 12/113, Ibn al-Athir, Tarikh al-Ata"beka, p. 368. 4. Ziya al-ULn Ibn al-Athir, Zaghlol Sallam^ p. 49. - 88 - recorded that Damuscusjand Ifelab were defusimg centres of his knowledge. Daring his stay in DaMascMS, he, not only received henifitr from the scholars, btit/many others kneeled before him as students. The son of Ibn Asakir-sharf al-DLnb, 1 al-Asakir received knowledge from him. Mohaimaad b. Sa'id b. lehya Abu AM allah Ibn al-Dabithi (637-668 A.H./1239-1162 2 ^ _ - A. D. ), Isma'il b. HaMd b, Abd al-Bahman al-Ansari al-Hzraji, < - „, '" 3 Abu Hamid ShAhab-al-QLn al-Kusi (653-674 A.H./1266-1178 A.D.), Majdal-Dln al-Uqaili and San^ar al-Kadii etc. had met him and 4 became his desciples. Al-Subkey mentions two more scholars <' - .„ 6 Al-Zainabi and Majrd Ibn Ali who listened to Ibn al-Atfoir. Though, he resigned to scholarly persuit and aeadeniic activities after 600 A.H. 1203 A,H. and his house became the gathering centre for the citizens of Musul and for these who !• Tadhkirat al-Ifeffa^z. Al-QhahapiVol. 4/1399. 2. Al-Dbabi, Tadhkirat a 1-Huff a 2, Vol. 4/1399. Al-Zarkaly, Alan Vol.7/11. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-Aayan. Vol.4/28-29. ^He listened Hadith feo much and recorded /^useful mote. He has written supplement to the history Baghdad of Ibn al- Sumani and recorded which was omitted by Samani and the later accounts in three Vols. The histor;^ of Wasit is alse written by him.*" Ghait al-Mihaya fi-Tabaaat al-Oursa^ )5/ Vol. 2,146-46. by Muhammad b. Al-Jazri. 3. He was born in Kus and died in Damascus. Fiqh, Hadith and literature were the jpield of his especial interest. He was deputy (Wakil) in the state treasury. He has written Ta'j al-Mrjim in four Vols. "Al-gftlamT Vol. 1/3G8. 4. Al-Dhah1)i, Tadhkirat al-Haffaz^ Vol. 4/1S99. 6, Tabaqat al-Shafiya^al-Subkey, Vol. 6/127. - 89 - happened to Jaave come t© tke eityj even then iie had clese relation, with the princes and the rulimg class. Most of his literary achievements are the output of these years. His repeated visit to Baghdad and Halab after 600 A.H. - 1 is recorded by Ibn Khallikan. Ibn al-Athir had intimate relation with Tugharbal Shihahal-din who was the guardian of Muhammad al-Malik al-Azlz Ghayith al-]|£n the son of al^Malik al-Zahir Ghazi b. Salah al-din of Halab and Munbaj. The Atabei ruled on behalf of Muhammad who was then the child of only 2 three years, Ibn al-Athir records the Sagacity, statesmanship, «»' and good deed of the Atabek' . Moreover, he mentions him as a great benefactor of him. This very cordial relation^ which t existed between them faeiliated Ibn al-Athir to visit Balab and stay with the noble: , Ibn Khallikan records that he met the historian in Halab at the end of 627 A. H./1229 A. D. when he was staying with the noble who held him in high regard and laid great confidence in him. He used to meet him and- since be twee his father and Ibn al-Athir a deep friendship existed, he was high very kind and held him in/regard. Then Ibn al-Athir went to Dameseus in 627 A. H./1229 A. D. and returned to I^lab in the following year. Perhaps, this time he went to Dameseus on a 1. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol. 3/34. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 12/120-121. 3. Al-Dhahbi, Tadhtirat al-I^Mffaz. Vol. 4/1400. - 90 - deplojaatic Mssioa. The same year), after a siieut stay in - 1 Halab, he proceeded to Musul. Ibn KhallikaH, during these days, developed great affection for the historian and had mmch benifitted from him. Ibm KatJ^r reports that the historian served one of a 2 the Atabeks as/minister, but he does not mention the name of the Atabek. It is expected that during his brother's serious illness which lasted for a considerable period and died in 606 A.H./1209 A. D., he might have been entrusted with this highest office by Noor al-dln Arsalin Shah. The Sultan offered the post to his elder brother who declined it due to his \ -i 3 deteriorating health. Ibn Kathir, when he narrates about Noor v/ho al-din/died in 607 A.H., 1210 A. D., refers to sd i. Ibn al- 4 Athir as the greatest confident of the Prince. After the deati of Noor al-Din, his son Izz al-din Masamd became the heir. Hs was a child of only ten years and his Mamluk-Badr al-QLn administered the government on behalf of the Prince. The Mamluk had already affered the post to the elder brother and, in ease of his decline, the next choice would have been Iba al-Athir the historian whose loyalty and great affection 1. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat. Vol. 3/34. 2. Ibn Kathir, Al-Mdaya. Vol. 13/139. 3. Ibid., Vol. 13/64. 4. Ibid., Vol. 13/57. 6. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 12/114. 91 - towards the Atabek in general and to Moor al-Mn in particular ha-ve been proved. So, there is possibility that our historian might have served the post of Vi2Srat before 616 A.H,/121S A. D. Ihe relations of Ibn al-Athir with Izz al-QLn who died in 616 A.H./121S A.D. was of especial interest because the historian wrote the history of Atabek dynasty and presented it to the prihee. It is also to be noted that DLya al-Qin Ibn al-Athlr^ after the flight from Damascus repeatedly came to Misul and was attached =• ta the court. But it is certain that his ambition was too high to be satisfied here, and since Ibn al-Athir, the historian> most probably, iiBld the Vizarat, did not remain longer in Musul and left for Arbil in 611 A.H./1214 A. D. and again returned to Musul in 618 A. H./1221 A. D, HLa al-Din is never quoted by the historian. He has completely ignored him. The reason is not known. We can not say, with confidence, they were hostile to each other but it is certain that some very serious and significant event might have happened between them which impelled Ibn al-Athir not to relate a single account on the authority of his younger brother. On the other hand the elder brother is reverently quoted by the historian. It is pertinent to note that Ziya al-iin has always been welcomed by the Atabeks of Musul whenever he was turned out from Damascus or Egypt. 1, IH.ya al-din Ibn al-Athir, by Dr. Muhammad Zaghlul Sallam, p. 49. - 92 - The famQias Ms tori an Iba Khallikan records tJmt Ibn al- AtMr freqiaeatly visited Baghdad sometiines, as an ambassador 1 and sometimes on way to Mecca. The ambassadorial assignment was, perhaps, entrusted to him during the most crucial period between 616 4.II./1218 A. D. and 617 A.H,/1220 A. D. when the house of Atabeks provided a boy of ten years to guide the destiny of the house. iCs very deli gent, wise and ambitious slave Badr al-Mn looked after the boy and ruled on his behalf, Badr al-liLn seems to be/ very kind, generous and patronizing not only to Ibn al-Athir but/to the whole family. From the very beginning of his career, Badr al-DLn took the family of Ibn al-Athir into his?, confidence. Because the house, as enumerated in foregone pages, secured especial importance in the class of nobility which was the backbone of the Atabjeks. Now the most eventful life of Ibn al-Athir was approach ing towards the end. His last 25 years, beside:, some temporary governmental assignments, were largely dedicated to the service of learnings and scholarship. Almost all the works were designed and completed during this period. Instead of writing and compiling the great works, he received the scholars and pupils at his house which was turned an academy and discussed with them the problems of Academic interest. Thus the process of imparting knowledge and receiving it in turn continued upto hig last days. His eluminating mind, Untiring spirit, exeeller, 1. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat. Vol, 3/33. - 93 - genius and sctiolar gipsy-like personality saw tke last glimpse of the world on 26th of Sha«ban in 630 A.H./1232 A. DJ (123 ) in ifisul and was laid to eternal rest. It is very difficult to say anything about the family and personal life of Ibn al-Athir due to the lack of informa- tion. Ibn Khallikan who is a contejnporary and student of the historian does not record sufficient information which might have been helpful in this regard. We do not know Whether he was married or had any i.child. He records that Ziya al-din the younger brother of the historian had a son who died early (622-586 A.H./1226-1189 A.D*). The elder brother Mubarak ted 3 a son, v.^, according to the statement ©f Al-Subifeyf Ibn Khallikan records his impressions about the historia; in few words which throw light on the personality of Ibn al-A1|fc He says, after meeting him in Halab in 626 A. H., that he was 1. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-Aayan^ Vol. 3/36. Shadhrat al-Biaah Ibn a 1-'.limad Vol.6/137. labaaat al-Shafaiya^ Ibn Qazi Shuhb MS. 12 British Museum. Tabaqat al-Shafaiya, AsnaM, p.48,49 MS. Fatna. Al-Bidaya Wal-Mihaya, Ibn Kathir, Vol. 13/139. Mirat al-jnan, al-lafai, V01.4/7O. The dhail of dwal-al-lsL Ms. M.A. Library, Kashaf al-Zan*un Haji Khalifa Vol.2/1380. Dairat al-Maarif Vol.2/324-26. Tarikh al-Bashar, Abu Jlda, Vol.3/141, Rowdat-al-Manazir fi Akhbar al-Awail wal-Awakhir, Abu Shahna (Al-Kamil Vol. 12/132) Wojum al-Zahira, Vol.6. 281-82. Al-Arab wal-Bum, A.F.Vozilliev, Translated by Dr. Muhazamad Abd al-Hadi, p.303-304. Ency. of Islam, Vol.2/ 366. Brockelmann, G. 1/346, 6.1/687-88. ISirlkh Itow al-al- Islam, Vol. 2/102-103. Al-Subkey, Tabaqat al-Shafajya,Vol. 6/127. 2. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-Aayan^ Vol. 6/32. His name was Muhammad and Surname, Sharf. 3. Al-Subkey, Tabaqat al-Shafiya, Vol. 6/163. - 94 - perfect in Tirtmes, mam of graelous maaaer and of iaameass ]atuabl@a@ss. The same ©pinion is repeated by the later t,ii/'-<'.'/i;'. biographers. Ibn a 1-At Mr is never seen to be hankering after money, power and other positions, though they never betrayed him. He remained content with fortune and wealth and, instead of crav ing for honoxir in the court and palaces, we find hiai always witJ his never-deserting friend - the books. This quality of conten" ahd ever increasing appetite for knowledge transcended his from ffioral/all kinds of greed, baseness and narrow-mindedness. It made hia always forgiving, compassionate, tolerant and amiable. Whoever met him and came close to him was enchanted by his noble behaviour and loving manner. He was liberal and all friendly to his contemporaries. Hundreds of people holding different faiths, belonging to different classes, cities and countries, had ^^ honour of having friendly relations with the historian. TO his youngers, he certainly had been extremely kind, helpful and affectionate. Ibn Khallikan received very good treatment from the historian when he first met him in Halab. He has written a number of excellent works, among them the most famous and valuable is the universal history —«. Al 1. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-Aayan^ Vol. 5/32, "• «7t3 •» Kamil fi al-Tarlkh. It includes tke accoumt from the teegLnniag of the world to the year 628 A. H,/1230 A. a or 629 A. H./1231 A. D. The first portion begins with the history of Patriorchs, prophets,and the rulers of the earliest period. Then comes with the history of Persia, Greek and Romans and it follows/the history of Pre-Islamic Arabs and Battle-days. Then the period of the Prophet Mmhamiaad Cpeaoe tee on him) and the first four caliphs, the liaayyads, The Abbasidos, along with other dyaastie q smch as Buahids, Seljmids, Fatimids, Atabeks and Ayyabids haTe been described. This famous history was first published in 1867-1874 AH 2 in twelve vols, from Lieden under the editorship of C.J.Jornber who not only edited the book but also prepared its Index r in two vols. Lat"-er many editions were published from Cairo, The historian had drafted the book long before its final releas He mentions the book in Hsud al-Ghaba and Tarikh al-Atabeka, He suggests the reader to consult Al-Kamil for further and !• Ibn al^Amad, Shadharat al-iaiahab^ Vol. 5/137. Ibn Kathir men tions that it ends with the year 628 A.H. Ibn Khallikaii and Abu Fida also agree to Hafiz Ibn Kathir. Those who think that the book includes the account of 629 are partly true J because the historian mentions that Jalal al-Din Khuarzim is still missing while it is 629_A.H. but he does not furnish more account of 629 A. H. Al-Kamil,by Ibn al- Athir, Vol. 12//^; 2, The famous^ orientalist C.B. Brockelmann has written a monograph in German entitled *Das Yerlialtnis von Ibn al- Athir Tabri** in which he pointed out the portions which hai^ebeen taken from the history of Tabri." - 96 detailed information. He finally released the book after a repeated recasting, aiodification, omission^and addition probabl after @16 A.H,/1217 A. D. when Badr al-din asked him to do so. A reference to this effect is made by the historian himself in the preface. The second book is Usud al-Ghaba fi-Marafat al-Sahaba-an alphabetical dictionary of seven thousand and five hundred 2 companions. This book has been published several times from Cairo and Tehran in five Vols. A compendium of Kitab aL»Ansab of Al-Samani entitled Kitab al-LHh&h was prepared by the historian. Ibn al-Athir has so intelligently abridged the book that it excelled the original one. Many mistakes were corrected and important notes were added which made it extremely usefml. Ibn Khallikan veheaentidily commends the book and thinks it s\i.rpassed the original one. Further, he mentions that original was in eight Vols, and rarely available. He has seen it only once in Halab. The book was completed in 616 A. H./1218 A. D, it has been edited by WMftenf:.eld 16y in 1826. 1. Two supplements of Al-Kami 1 were prepared hy the later historians. One of them was written by Abu Tali All b. Anjab b. al-Sa« which covers the accounts till 666 A. H» (1268) another was compiled by Jamal al-dln, Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Watwat. A persian translation was also made by Nagm al-din al-Tabbi. Haji Khalifah, Kashf al-Zunim Vol. 2/138G. 2. Dairat al-Ma»arif, Vol.2/326. Ibn al-Athir, Usud al-Ghaba, Preface. - 97 - Another most valuable work of Ibn al-Athir is the his tor of the Atabeks dynasty. It*s name in Al-Kakil is mentioned as Kitab al-Bahir but the present text bears different title-Kitab al-Tarikh.al-daulat al-Atabekyia. Its third nam© is recorded 3 — Ulul Absar. fhe book begins with the accounts of Qasim al-dowl Aqsankar — the ancestor of the Atabeks of Musul who was first appointed the governor of Musul in 477 A. H./1084 A. D. and ends with the death of Noor al-din Arsalan Shah in ©07 A. H./1210 A. D He has written the book in recognition of the kindness and continuous help and favour from the side of the Atabeks t© the family of Ibn al-Athir. The author has presented the book to Izz al-din al-Kahir as a token of humble reward. It's date of compilation is not mentioned by Ibn al-Athir but most probably, he completed the book somewhere between 608 A. H./1211 A. B. and 61S A.H./1218 A. D. Bhahabi and al-Subk^ record that he started writing the 6 history of Musul which remained incomplete. The author ©f Hadiyat al-Arifin records four more books of the historian Tuhfs 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 11/43, 161. 2. It is the first and last edition issued from Paris. The famous orientalist De-Salane has edited it along with its French version. 3. Dai rat al-Ma«arif, Vol. 2/32S. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 12/113. 6. Sibt Ibn al-jawzi has utilized the book but the editor ©f Mi rat al-Zaman corrected it and replaced it al-Kamil, Mirat al-Zamin, Vol. 8/307. - 98 - al-A;.jaib wa-!rarfa't al-Ghara»ii3 Al-jami al-Kabir, Adab al- -. 1 Siasah and Kltab al-Jihad. The Tuhfa contained .: historical information aecording to the statement of Ismail Pasha bat s perhaps he [.determined the nature of the work withomt aeertain- ing it, because it is a edllection of prose and poems eoncernin sky, stars, sian, moon, water, brookci and trees. It is in t»o volumes. Its text exists in Kaprulu library, Turkey. It dates back to the year 782 A. H./1380 A. D. This text bears the name of Ziya al-din Ibn al-Athir as its author. The same view is held by Haji Khalifa in Kashf al-Zanun but the publisher had corrected it and attributed it to Izz al-din Ibn al-Athir. Another copy of the book exists in the library of Princeton University which refers its authorship to Amad al-din b, Athir ^ "2^ 2 al-Halabi the author of Kanzal-Bara»a. The book 'Adab al-Siasah is mentioned only by Ismail 3 • • • ""» Pasha, No other biographer has referred to it. B&ji Khalifa records Abrat ul-al-Absar as an independent book different from 4 the history of the Atabeks. 1. Ismail Pasha, HadiFat al-Arifin. ¥ol. V206, A, 2. Ddtyaal-Einlba al-Athir, Dr. Zaghlul, Sallaman, p. 67. 3. Ismail Pasha, Hadiat al-Arlfin, Vol. 1/706. 4. Hagi Khalifah^Kashf al-Zunun, Vol. 1/277. CHAPTER III THE SOURCES OF IBM AL-ATglR'S HISTORICAL INFGBMATIGI " Pre-Islajflic Section *• Al-Mnbtada" Section} la al~KaiBil Ibn al~AtMr begins with a discussion of why it was necessary for the author to write a balanced history of Islam. He then describes how the fixation of date came into vogue in Islamic history. Suggestions made by leading compa nions of the Prophet in this respect, have been reported by the author. The ideas put forward by Caliph 'Baar have also been discussed. He suggested that the date of the migration of the Prophet should be accepted as the beginning of the Islamic era. Thereafter, Ibn al-Athir deals with time and defines it. "^Time 2 means the hours of the day and night.** Other definitions of time are also reported. But there was difference of opinion with regard to the length of the period from the beginning of the world up to the time of Hijra. On the authority of Ibn *Abb« Sa»id b. Jubayr favoured 7000 years, while Wahb Ibn Munabbah believed it to be 6000 years. The Greeks, Zorostrians and the Jews calculated 5992, 3139 and 4642 years respectively as the 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. I, p. 6, 2, Ibid., Vol. I, p. 6. - 100 - 1 intervening period. Al-Biruni gives a detailed table pertain ing to the age of the world based on the different astronomical 2 ^ systems. Al-Mas*mdi also quotes some of these systems. history of Ibn al-Athir has taken most of the traditions from the/ _4 Al-Tabari, but he has omitted his elaborations on the philoso- phical conception of time, because the latter adopted a scho- listic approach towards the interpretation of time. He argued whether time was created? if so, was it created first or some- $ thing else preeeeded it? The answers to all these questions were given by al-Tabarif Ibn al-Athir thought it irrelevant to the subject of history, so he reasonably drops them. turn Ibn al-Athir then/attention to the problem of the Creation. Hedescribes different views held by the Jews and the Christians which were more or less adopted by the commenta tors of the Our*an. When God finished with creating the Pen (al-Qalam)^ he turned towards other things, such asjt the creati( 6 of the Delicate Vapour. But Ibn al-Athir differed with al-T&ba] Taking a logical attitude he says that when the Pen was first 1. Ibn al-Ath2r, Al-Kamil^ Vol. I, p. 6. 2. Al-Biruni, Al-Athar al-Baalya^ pp. 13-27. 3. Al-Masudi, Muru.1 al-Dhahaby Vol.I, p.22j Cf. Akhbar al- Zaman^ p.3} Ibn Qutayba, Kitab al-Ma'arif,, p. 28. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kaailj Vol. I, pp. 10-19. 6. Al-Tabari, Ta'^rikh al-Rusul wal-Muluk^ Vol.1, p. 12, 6. Ibid., Vol. V37. - 101 - created, them it mmst be followed by tiae Creatioa of a tablet to write upon (al-lauh al-.aiahfmz)» So, ia Ms opinion the second thing created was the protected tablet. Ibn al-Athir*s criticism is perhaps based on a tradition stated on the - 1 authority of Ibn*Abbas. It narrates that God first created the Protected tablet and then the Pen. Kasa*i perhaps drew this tradition from ¥akb*s Kitab al-Mubtada. Since this view, apparently, contradicts the view expressed in the Bible, and moreover.some traditions recorded by many learned authorities 2 are found to be in disagreement with this view, a reasonable answer has to be sought in some other sources. The Bible 3 states *'In the beginning God created the Heaven and the Earth.' Here Heaven means*to be high.* This is the meaning in the expression "the heaven and the earth or the upper and the lowe; 4 regions." T : If we include the Pen and the Protected Tablet among the first things which God created, then the discrepancy between the creation of the Heaven and the Earth narrows down. However, the question still remains unsolved. Al-Tabari, the commentator of the Qur'an widely depends upon the Jewish thoug in his Tiifsir. The Jews were themselves divided on the questi( of the Creation, etc. The Ribbis were not unamimous in their commentaries of the Bible. What was created first? The Heavei 1. Abd allah al-Kasai, Qasas al-Aabiya, p. 6, 2. Al-Atijalaby, KLtab Qasas al-Aabiva^ Ibn Qutaba, Kitab al- Ma'arif, p. 6. 3. Cobbin, The Bible^ Genesis, Gh.I, p. 1. 4. W.Smith, Dictionary of the Bible, p. 769. - 102 - or the Earth? The school of Shaaunai maintains thel^iorlty of the Heaven and quotes verses from Genesis 1,1, to support its contention, on the other hand the school of HLllil holds the opposit view. It believes that the earth is prior to the Heaven. Each school provides argiuaents and tries to substan- 1 tiate its claims by various reasons. As a result of this kind of theological discussion,a vast literature was produced such as the Talmud and the Midrash. A part of this literature 2 permifeated the pre-Islamic Arabia. There is no weight in the view that Arabia, at the time of the prophet or before him, was in seclusion. On the contrary, Sufficient histotical evidence of tremendous importance, has proved that the Arabian peninsula had always been in close contact with the neighbouring regions Syria, Babylonia and Ethopia. A study of the Geographical plac mentioned in the Old Testament and the Talffludi not only points out to the ancient relation between the Israilites and the Arabs, but also suggests that the Jews did not forget their ancestoral home from where they migrated and came to Arabia in subsequent centuries. Professor Hbrovitz stresses this point in his learned article, he says that "Jewish in^bitants of Hijaz were largely agriculturi ,sts and this perhaps speaks for their having been jews by race, whose ancestors had brought the agricultural experiences aquired in Palfstine with them to the 1. The Bible, Genesis, 2-4, 2. A. I. Katsh, 4^daism in Islam, p. 22. - 103 - 1 2 Oasis of HLjaz." The JewisJa population of Tema and Madinah, had regular relation with Palestine and Babylonia which provi ded a medium for religious and cultural exchange between the jews and the Arabs. Thus the Jewish thought quite deeply and persistantly penetrated Arabia. The conception of monotheism expressed in the Jahiliyah poetry clearly confirms this influence. It is why the Prophet Muhammad was affered the whole hearted support by the jews who later turned hostile. After the death of the Prophet Muhammad his emiaent companion, in their effort to know about the past Prophets mentioned in the Qur'an and the nation to whome they were sent, cam© to confide more and more in the knowledge of the Jewish convert scholars. W the help of these scholars, a good portic of the oral and written traditions of Judaism passed over to the great commentator like Ibn »Abbas, popularly called the HLbral al-llamat. This background, ' ; can easily determine the origin of contradictory statements which flooded the Islamic literature in its initial stages. The differences about the priority of the creation found in the Muslim traditionists and commentators are indeed trac^ble iOfithe Jewish literature. After the question of Creation, Ibn al-Athir narrates the succession of nights and days and repudiates the view of !l^bari 1. Josef Horovitz, Jmdeo Arabic relation in Pre-Islamic Time, Islamic Culture, qyderabad, 1929, p. 172. 2. Ibid. - 104 - wko, on the a-atiK)rity of Ibn Sahl quotes in his history togethe 1 with other traditions a long story. Ibn al-Athir rejects this story on rational ground and expresses distrust the chain of the transmitters. not The semetic conception of the Creation of man has/been neglected in al-Kamil. Adam and Eve were given birth by the 2 will of God« The whole story of the lives in the Heaven, the disobedience of devine will is followed by the description of 3 the Persian conception of man*s creation. A certain Kumarth is supposed to be Mam. This view is held by most of the Persi 4 scholars, but some of them regard him the son of Adam and Eve. The Fall, its causes and where they first landed have been described by Ibn al-Athir. It also covers the narrative of Adam's proginy. Ibn al-Athir describes the birth of Sheth, the son of Adam, and the death of Adam. A brief account of quarrels among his children larid and his son Enoch the first Prophet, have been recorded by the author. Nuh, Ibrahim, Ishaq, Ismail and 6 Ayyub have been given a considerable space. The famous contro- 1. Al-Tabafi, Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol, 1/32-36, 2. Ibn al-AtJir, Al-Kamily Yol.l The Bible^ Genesis,!, 11, p.3-6. The Holy Quran, Part I, s.ll, p.24-26. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^Yol.l Hamaza al-Asfahani, Tarikh Simi Muliik al-Ardy p. 7. Al-Tabari, Tarikh *al-Rusul, Vol. 1/T] Al-Ihalabi, Ghurar Akhbar Muluk al-Furs^ p. 1 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/2,8,9. 6. Ibid., Vol. 1/27. 6. The Holy Bible. Gensis,Ch. X, XI, XII, XIII, XIV, XT, XVI, XVII. - 106 - versy among the Muslims and GhrlstlaHsj whether Ibrahim • sacrifisd Ismail or Ishaq, has been reported in detail. Many traditions supporting either view have been cited and it has been noted that the commpanions of the Prophet were devided on this question. The episode of the Prophet Yusuf, the son of Yaqmb, has got an interesting narative. On the death of Yusmf, his body, according to his wish was taken to Syria and was buried in his 2 family graveyard. After it the stories of Shu'aib, Khizir and Musa have been described. Musa died at the age of ome hundred 3 and twenty. After Musa, God sent a host of Prophets in the family of Yaqub. Among them lasin, Ilyas, Dawud and Sulalman are well known to the history of Islam. Sulaiman*s brilliant rule and the grandeur of his court are of special interest to the Muslim historians. Sulaiman died at the age of fifty three 4 after the death of his famous wife, the queen of Sheba, The Queen of Sheba who is for the first time mentioned in the Old Testament, with a very great retinue visited Solomai 6 in Jerusalem, on hearing the fame of his wisdom. She was, as 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Yol. 1/47-64. 2. The Bible^ Genesis Chapt. X3CX7IIJ The Holy Quran. Sural Yusuf, Section, l-ll 3. Bible states that Josef took an oath of the children of Israilj saying, God will surely visit you and you shall carry my bones from hence" Genesis. L.66, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/46,48. 4. Ibn al-Athir,. Al-Kamll^ ¥01.1/58^68? The Bible^ Denteronom^ XXXIV, p.* 213. "And Masas was one hundred and twenty years old when he died." 6, Geographical Qlctlonary of the Holy Scripture, p.310 for detailed study teee article on Saba, Ency.of Islam^ Vol. IV, p. 3-17. - 106 - it is thougiit, one of the rulers of Sabeans who inhabited South-West part of the Arabian Felix, near the modern province of Yemen, bounded by the Red Sea on the West and the Indian 1 Ocean on the South. But the queen has been described by 2 ' Josephus as the ruler of Egypt and Ethiopia, This view cert ainly goes against the evidence which lead us to the contrary opinion. Had she been a ruler of Egypt and Ethiopia, it would have been most difficult for her to reach Jerusalem. R,A. Arrowsmith points out the fact "the dangers of a journey from Meroe to Jerusalem must have been so great and manifild, compared with those attending the route from Arabia to the Jewish capital, traversed as the lattery was by numerous carvans, that it seems unlikely any monarch would have JSmade an attempt, it appears, therefore, more probable, the famous ^ueen of Sheba, came from the South part of Arabian Felix, 'whose 3 inhabitants have a tradition to that affect." What Josephus holds requires further investigation., only then one can;:, reach more appropriate conclusion . It is interesting to note that the story was equally popular among the early Abysinians. A tribe called Habash migrated to Abysinla after whome Abysinia was named. It suggests that the Yemanids were in close relation with Ethiopia, and that, perhaps, their politicaj !• Geographical Dictionary of the Holy Scriptiire, p.310, Bacy. Britanica V. 19. p. 785-86. 2. The Works of Josephus Book ?III Chap. YII, p. 221. D.S.Morgolouth, Relation between Arabs and Israilits,, p.49. 3. Geographical Dictionary of the Holy Scripti^re, p. 310. - 107 - power extended through Ethiopia to Egypt also. Another point deserves to be mentioned that in the tenth or eleventh Century B.C. there were frequent invasions of Abysinia by the Arabs, and Soloman's reign usually synchronises with 992 to 1 962 B.C. It is possible that during these times the Sabeans established a colony in Abysinia which they named after Saba, Since Josephus is of the opinion that the queen of Sheba was from Ethiopian Saba, it seems that she was the same who being originally from South Arabia, held the hegemony of Ethiopia as well. The two different Saba, one in Arabia and the other in Africa the latter being a colony from Arabian Saba, as LudoJ 2 long ago pointed out, i. • j has, perhaps created confusion in the mind of Joesuphus which has led him to think that the fmeei primarly belonged to Ethiopeon Saba, In this regard, two more points may be mentioned here. The name Bllqis is not mentioned in the Quran and the Old Testament, The question iss From where this appellation came into Arabian literature? It cannot be a Creation of the Arab mind. They preserved perhaps what they found from their con temporary nations. It would be appropriate here to call attention to the discription of the ruins of a temple called 3 Mahram Bilqis' by an Arab explorer, in the land of Sheba. It suggests that the Arabs did not fabricate the name Bilqis. 1, The Holy Quran. 711, p. 983. 2, O'leary^ AJ&rabla before Muhammad^ p, 88, 3, H. St.J.Philbey, Sheba*s daughters.-f yjtf - 108 - Possibly it was the corruption - qtiite compreiieiisible in Arabic 1 version of Naukalis, as Josephus calls his qmeen of Sheba whom 2 he regarded as the ruler of Egypt and Ethiopia, The marriage of Sheba with Sulaiman mentioned by our author is not stated in the Quran. The story in this form was perhaps of later production even its origin is not Arabic. It came into Arabic literature through Jewish medium. It goes back to the Greek word,X|S^/^A a X IC ^ which points out to the 3 story of the marriage of Solomon and the queen of Sheba, There is no doubt that the Arab mind also contributed a number of stories to the already invented tales grown up around the queen 4 which Tabary and Kamil have preserved. After Sulaiman, Israilites received severe blow fiom Bukhtnasr (a curruption of Nebuchadrezzar who ruled between 6G4 to 661 B.C.), The Governor of Babylonia. He massacred the population and looted the city. Those who were left were made 6 captives and were distributed among the Generals. Tales have been narrated about the personality of Bukhatnasr and the cause of his attack on Palestine. But the identification of Bukht- !• Bncy.of Islam. Vol. 1/720. article on Bilqis by B. Garra De Vaux. 2. Wendull Philips, Data ban and Sheba^ , p. 108. 3. Ency.of Islam^ VI/720, Article on Bilqis. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/78-80. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al- Rusul, Vor. V676-686. £• Ency. Blblica^ Vol. Ill, p. 3369-71. 6. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 1/89-92. - 109 - 1 2 Masr with Nebuchadrezzar of the Bible and. the Talmud is fairly understandable. The Sira, or al mubtada, section of Al-Kamil^ in which the stories of prophets have been narrated, reveals deep Jewis and Christian influences over Islamic thought and literature, Arabs have been in close contact with Jews and Christians of 3 Syria, Babylonia, Abysinia and Najran. And it is also a fact that ilrabs and Jews belonged to the same stock - that is to 4 say t© Sam b. luh. When Islam became the dominant religion of Arabia, the Jews and Christians also embraced the new faith in large numbers. Their conversion paved the way for exchange of religious information. This is fairly evident in commentories of the Holy Qmr'an and in the Sira section of Arab histories. The commentary of the Holy Qur'an and Mubtada literature were two important branches of Islamic learning which were developed in the first century. Since Islam made a obligatory on all its followers to believe in those prophets who preceded Muhammad, it was quite natural that the noted companions took keen interest in knowing about the times and teachings of othei prophets. They received the informations from the new converts from Judaism like Abdullah b. Sallam, K*ab al-Ahbar, and Wahb 1» The Bible. II Kings XXV, p.397. Article on Nebuchadrezzar in Ency. Biblica. V. Ill, p. 3369-3371. 2, Bvery man's Tamud,-^ i?^ 3, O'leary, Arabia before Muhammad^ p. 143, 4, Dr. Jawwad Ali, The History of Pre-Islamic Arab^ Vol. 1/344. 110 - b. MBnabbah. Abdallaii, who died in Medinah in 43 A. H. had a wide knowledge of Judaism which is confirmed by the Qmr^an 1 itself. He gave a lot of information about the ancient prophets. Ibn »Abbas narrates a considerable number of tradi tions on his authority. Kitab al-Mat^arif and larlkh of !I5abari have preserved them in their pages. K'ab al-Ahbar was considered among one ©f the greatest Jewish scholars in Yemen. He was ; converted to Islam in the reign of Abu Bakr and came to Medinah when Umar was the Caliph. The companions and others received a good stock of knowledge 2 during about the ancient prophets from him. He died in 32 A. H./the 3 reign of Umar. These two scholars lived in intimate contact with the learned class of Medinah. Their knowledge, especi ally, of Israelites have been accepted by the commentators and by those interested in the history of the early prophets. 4 Abdullah b. 'Abbas, the most learned among his contemporaries and the authority on several subjects, consulted these two scholars whenever he needed. His commentary on the Holy pur*an in which he utilised Jewish and Christian sources, substantiate the view that he had wide knowledge of the early prophets. It is quite reasonable that he acquired this knowledge from those !• Ibn al-Athlr, Usud al-Ghaba^ Yol.S/176-177. 2, Ibn Hajer al-Asqalani, Al-Isaba fi-Tamil z al-Sahaba, Vol. 2/780-782. 3, Al-Bhahabi, Tadharat al-Huffaz, Vol. 1/62 (ibn Sa»ad says^ that he died in the year 32 or 34 A.H. ) Ibn Sa»ad, Tabaqat b. Sad^ Vol. 7/445-46. 4, Ibn al-Athir, Usud al-Ghaba^ Vol. 3/1S3. Ibn Sad, Tabaqat b. Sady fol. 2/119-122. - Ill - who were aecessable t© Mm like Abu al Jalid, K'ab al-Ahbar, - - 1 Abd ,allah b. Sallam and Wahb b. Munabbah. Ibn 'Abbas did not leave a single book behind him but he attracted a large number of students around him, who after his death spread out in Iraq, Syria and HLjaz. A list of them is preserved by Ibn al-Athir 2 in his Usud al-Ghaba. They transmitted Ibn *Abbas's informa tions pertaining Ayyam, his commentary on the Qmr'an and his Hadith to the younger generation. A number of his desciples have been quoted in the history of Al-!KLbari, Ibn Qutaiba also narrates many traditions, on the authority of Ibn ^Abbas, in his Kitab al-Ma'arif« 3 Wahb b. Munabbah 34-116 was one of the main sources foi the history of early prophets. He was of Persian origin sent to Sana by Kisra, His knowledge of the antiquities, scriptures of the Jews and Christians was widely accepted. According to a tradition, he wrote two books named* The Stories of Prophets* 4 and «Ihe Stories of Saints'. It is also reported that he lived 6 with Ibn 'Abbas for thirteen years. The traditions, relating to the lives of prophets which have been narrated by most of the transmitters of Kitab al-Tabaqat Marif and Tarikh al-Tabarv 1. Dr. jawwad Ali, The Sources of Tabary's tfi.story, Majma'al Ilmi, Vol. 1/227-228. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Usud al-Ghaba^ Vol.3//fy 3. It is said that he was of Jewish origin. He claimed to have known Greek, Syrie and Himerite languages and could read ancient scriptures well. Al-Zerkly, Al-'Alam Vol. 9/160. Ibn Sad, Al-Tabaqat Ibn Sad^ Vol. S/343. 4. Haji Khalifa, Kashaf al-Zanun, Vol,4/6l6. London Edition. 6. Al-Zerkly, Al-AlajB^ Vol. 8/160. - 112 - on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas throw light on the dependence of Ibn 'Abbas on his Jewish deseiples. The Sira section of Islamic history incorporated materia from commentaries on the Qur'an and thus reflects the influence 1 of above mentioned sources. Wahb's Kitab al-Mubda^ or Kitab 2 3 al~Mubtada^ or Mubtada al-Khalaq was extensively transmitted by Abd al-Munim b. Idris b. Sanan b. daughter of Ibn Munabbah, 4 He died in 228 A.H. Al-Tha«labi in the preparation of his book The Stories of the Prophets^ used this book. Al-Tabary utili zed Kitab al-Mubdat through Ibn Ishaq. Although Ibn Ishaq's full text was not copied by Ibn Hisham, it was preserved by Ibn Ishaq's deseiples in full. The copy which Ibn al-Athir 6 possessed belonged to Zunus b. Bukair. Ibii al-Athir, when he narrates the history of prophets, used many sources. Besides Tabary's history and his great commentary on the Qur'an, Ibn Ishaq's Sira and Dinavary's Kitab al-Ma'arif also served as the main sources for Ibn al-Ath EtLd Ibn al-Athir utilize the Holy scriptures which were translated into Arabic? We have strong evidence to believe tha the Jewish and Christian scriptures had been translated into 1. Ibn Nadiffl, Al-Fihrlst^ p.94. European edition. 2. Bacy. of Islam^ Vol. 17/1084-1085. 3. Ibn Qutaiba, Kitab al-Ma'arif^ p.2. 4. Ibn Nadim^ Al-Fihrist, p. 94. 5. Ibn al-Athir, Usud al-Ghaba, Vol. 1/S» W. Guellaume, Si rat Ibn'Hi sham (English Translation), p. 6. - 113 - Arabic. Tiiey were quite current even in the early period of th Uiaayyad.*s reign. Ahmad b. Abd allah b.Sallam translated severs Jewish scriptures into Arabic which were preserved in the 2 library of Mamun. Muhammad b, Ishaq utilized them. After Ahmad, many competent translators flourished in the beginning of the third century. Among them Feymi, Ibn Bahraz, Qainun 3 and others may be mentioned. Abd allah b. Muslim b. Qutaiba (213-276 A.H,) the author of Kitab al-.Ma«arif utilized the Torah. Where he discusses the questions of creation, the beginning of mankind, and the hisotires of the prophets is a convincing evidence that the author had access to the Arabic version of Torah. Mas'udis quotations from Torah and other 6 Jewish and Christian scriptures further support the view that there was Arabic version of Torah. In this historical perspec tive, if we consider the possibility of Ibn al-Athir's direct access to the Arabic version of Torah, it would not be considej a baseless hypothesis because sometimes, he writes second form of the verbs such as Qala Ahl al-Torha or Dhama Baz Ulama al- Yehud w al-Nasarah^ <^ w ^^^^ J> ^c^t f'^^-^o^ ^u- yl^^lcKi J\,')j this way of quoting the authority, like his great predecessor 1. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ jawwad Ali, The knowledge of Ibn Nac about Judaism and Christianity. Majma'al Ilmi^ Vol. 1/449. 2. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist, p. 21, 3. jawwad "Ali, The Knowledge of Ibn Nadim about Judaism and Christianity, Vol, I/4d9. ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrlst, p.40-42. ^* EELcy. of Islam^ Vol* II> P» 339. 6. Ibn Qutaiba, RLtab al-Marif., p. 6. 6, Masudi, Muru.1 al-Efaahab^ Vol. 1/24, - 114 - Al-Tabary, may be taken that Ibn al-Atiilr might laave trusted upon oral and written traditions equally. But the chances of utilissing the written sources are more weighty. The way, he narrates the events, compared with Al-'laha,ry,also substantiates 1 the view. The above discussion presents a hitorical background and sho^-^s how the Mubtada literature developed. It provides a brie survey of the original sources which were utilized by later Muslim historians. Ibn al-Athir, infact, extensively trans- 2 cribed the Mubtada account from the history of ll-Tabari. But it is to be noted that one of the major sources of Al-Tabari, in this connection, was the Sira^ of Ibn Ishaq. Al-Tabari has enormously copied from the Sira which was definitely in poss ession of Ibn al-Athir. Therefore one can say that Ibn al- Athir has not copied from the history of Al-Tabari but from the Sira, common to both of them. This opinion carries appa rently, some weight but if Al-Kamil is carefully studied the opinion no longer remains valid because Ibn al-Athir states tin he has not left out even a single tradition or account recordec by al-Tabari. Y. Al-TabariT Tarikh al-Rusul^ Yol.I^u.lM, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/23. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/1-6.6-9,, a. 10, lOylS, 15-17, 17-22, 24^26, 27-29, 29-40, 40-44, 44-66, 58-71, 72-83, 86-93, 102-111. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul wal-Muluk, Vol. I, 8-17, 29-78, 78-103, 103-137, 137-162, 162-177, 184^201, 211,226, 231-31 326-361, 361^429, 443-628, 640-697, 619-646, 711-740. - 116 - Pre-Islamic Arab Seetlons The history of those peoples who first inhabited Arabia is open to serious discmssion. After th© Great flood, Arabia became the Cradle of all the Semitic nations. The children of Sham flourished there, EthnologycalJy all the Arabs are, it is one of the views, the descendants of one of the sons 1 of Nuh. The popular division of Arab Genealogy falls into two categories. The Arab considers that his forefather was Ibrahim. But this view is applicable only to the Northern Arabs who were descendant of Ismail, The other Section called 2 Yeqtanis or "Qahtanis" is other than the Ismailites, and the third section which is technically called Arab al-Baida, or, Arab al-Ariba are extinct tribes. Ibn al-Athir mentions the regions where they settled. The time of their migration was not known to the succeeding generations. The only thing which Arabs preserved was the memory of the extinction, 3 Thamud settled in Hajer beta^een Hijaz and Syria, H&jer was not the name of a region, it was a city which was the capit of Thamud, now called Madean, Ibn al-Athir does not mention 1. Alhn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol, 1/27, The Bibley Genesis, Chapt. X, p. 12. Eaey, of Islam^ Vol. 1/106, 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamilj Vo,l.V29. ,, ... They are identified with M, Thamud, and Amalik from time to time, they left their home and settled into the fertile lands of Babylonia, Syria and Egypt. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 3/28-30. Encv.of Islam. Vol. 1/373. - 116 - the time of the final collapse of Thamtid* Mother trihe is Jurhuia. We have little information about it. It is mentioned in connection with Ismail who marri« a girl of this tribe, from whom the children of Ismail learat 2 Arabic language and were distinguished as Arab al-Maariba, We are not informed of the early history of Arab al-Ma«ariba and its genealogical line is also disputed. Ibn al-Athir does not provide detailed information in tMs respect. A brief account 3 of some of the kings of Jurhum is recorded by laqubi. They must have been in power before the settlement of Ismail, Becaus at the time of Ismail and after him the political power and social supermacy went to the house of Ismail. Jurhum had lost its glory, and in later period, they were probably made captive 4 by Bukht-llasr and were taken away to Anbar. But again some tribes returned to HLjaz and regained their power. The rule continued upto a considerable period and was finally lost to the childreTwo nmor ofe extincIsmailt. tribes, Tasm and Jadis, are mentioned 5 by Ibn al-Athir who records some information about them. But a serious mistake is, continuously, reported in this connection not a single historians points out how Tasm and Jadis, if they 1. Ibn al- Athir, Al-Kamil. 7ol. 1/36. 2. Ibid., Vol. 1/36. 3. Yaqub^ Tarikh al-Yagubi. Yol. 1/222. 4. Ibn al-At_hir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/92-93, 6. Ibid., Vol. 1/122. - 117 - were grand-cfiildren of Ssm j could have been contemporary of Hasan b. Tmbba, the king of Yeman. For, the period of Tubba does not exceed 116 B.C., while the former are considered to have been in the third millennium. The most important section of Arab Community is the discendant of Yeqtan, known to the Arabs as Qahtan. The Old Testament mentions thirteen sons of Qahtan among whom three are known to the Arabs., Yarah, 'Yarab', E&zarmut and ^iba. A tradition relates that first of all Yarab came to Yeman and 1 inhabited it. But we do not possess further information about 2 his reign and dynasty. Our historian is silent on this. Very famous branch of Qahtanid is Saba of which Arab historians give little information. Saba was the grand child 3 of Yarab. HLs name is generally, reported as Abu Shams. But Ibn al-Athir mentions only Saba while Mubarrad, in his Treatize 4 names him Amir Saba. Arab historians are silent about the period in which Sabeans acquired power. Ibn al-Athir is not helpful here. In this connection, his comment on Bilqis genealogy provides 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 3/28. 2, Hazarmoot^s time and the place where he established his rule is still called Hazarmoot situated on the east of Yeman .-' on the cost of Arabian Sea, IJhis discendants were - later merged into the Kinda tribe. Ibn Khalladm, Tarjkh Ibn Khalladun^ Vol, 2/63. 3, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 1/29. Ubaid Ibn Shariya, Akhbar Ubaid Ibn Shariya, p. 397. Wahb b.Munabbah, Kitab al- JLiM, p. 47. ,. „ 4. Al-Mubarrad, Masb al-Adnan w qahtan^ p. 18. Ibn Haaa, Jamhara al-Ansab al-Arab^ p. 310. - 118 - sufficient ground for doubts. He does not differentiate " 1 between Saba and Tababia. He takes both of them as one. We do not find the names of Moluk Himiar in Al~Kamil, 2 Immediately after Saba, the author comes to Harith al-Baith, the founder of Himair dynasty. We find another name Yasir, the 3 heir of Bilqis. The second section of HLmayrit kings who are known as the Tababia in history, is of considerable importance. Iba al- Athir gives detailed information about some of the important kings. The last Hamyrit king Dhunavas was defeated by the 4 joint forces of Qaiser and Abysinian king, led by Ariat. Ibn al-Athir narrates the iakhamids of Iraq and the Ghasasina of Syria. The lakhamids who were discendants of Azad, migrated to Hyra from Yeman and they ruled for many centuries. The last king was Ayas b. Qubas al-Tai from whom the power passed over to a persian Governor. At last, in the 1, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 1/78. But some historians make distinction. For example all the kings, immediately after Saba, were called Moluk HLmiar, bu later they were named Tababia, This division is adopted by Ibn Khalladun and Ibn Kathir, When Saba died the politi cal power was handed over to HLmair and Kahlan, the two son of Saba. Saba lived five hundred and seventy years. It mean that the Sabean's rule lasted nearly six centuries. Ibn Khalladun, T^rikh Ibn Khalladun^ Vol.2/87. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/69, 3, Ibid., Vol.3/94. , But Yasir Yahmain, is a later king who lived in the third century A.D. and several hundred years after Sabeans. Dr. Jawwad^Ali, Tarikh al-Arab Oabl al-Islam. Vol.3/141. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-MMl^ Vol. 3/161. - 119 - reign of Ahn Bakr, Khalid b. Walid annexed Iraq to Islamic territory. Ibn al-Atiilr mentions the name of the Persian Governor who, after Ayas, ruled over the kingdom. But he was forced to hand over the rule to the last ruler Al-Nasr al- 2 Mundhar. The Arabs of Syria who were originally from Yeman made the region, between Syria and Arabia their home land at h a quite early date. They were later called tesasina and their rule over the area continued for many centuries. The Boman power always extended its help whenever it was sought by the Ghasasina, The last ruler of Al-Jafna was Jmbla b. Aaiham who embraced Islam, but later renigated and left the province. The total number of rulers of this house counts thirlgr five. All of them ruled six hundred and sixteen years. Ibn al-Athir based his information mainly on Tabari but he is very brief. Few names in this connextion are reported by Al-Tabari. But Ibn al-Athir is much elaborate along with their accounts. He mentions contemporary history of Other nations. -^^ • ^ In describing the Ayyamal Arabs, Al-Kamil is more illuminating and rich in material. Compared with Ibn al-Athir Tabari does not provide even a brief information about the Ayyam. Ibn al-Athir notes with surprise that Tabari has totall '•• • 6 ' ignored this portions of Arab history. 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/73. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al- .. Msui, Vol. 2/213. ^ . ' 2. Ibid, Vol. 1/174. Al-Tabari, Tat-ikh al-Rusul, Vol.2/214. • '• 6, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Ka^ll, Vol. 1/178. - 120 - The sources ol which both the historlaiLS relied seems t be not much different. For Al-Tabarl utilized Ibn Ishac^ Sira which contained the traditions of Wahb that we find preserved in Kitab al-Tijan. Wahb was the main source of south-Arabian tradition. There is a convincing evidence to the effect that Ibn Kalby's treatises served as original sources of Pre- Islamic history. Ibn Nadim has preserved a valuable list of _ 1 his works copied by 4bu al-Hasan b, al-Kufi. Ibn al-Athir fo\md a vast literature on Ayyam al-Arab. But, since he does not mention the authorities, it is very difficult to trace out all the sources except .,:;Ua few. It is to be noted that our author was a great scholar of genealogy. His work - Kitab al-Lubab, a compendium of Kitab al-Ansab of Sam'ani, is a rare authority which speaks of the wide knowledg* of the author and of his mastery over the subject. Another 2 authority, Ibn Kalaby, is only once quoted by our author. This survey leads us to hold the view that Ibn al-Athir 3 had an access to the original works of Ibn al-Kalbi whom he so 4 frequently quotes .Muhammad b. Muthanna has written two hundred 6 treatises on several topics only few of them have survived. !• Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihristf p. 140-141, 2. Ibn al-lthir, Al=£amil, Vol. 1/197. 3. Ibn Khallakan in his Wafayat brings into notice several of his works and especial praise and admiration have been aecordM to the Jamhara. Wafayat^ ?ol.3/ 4. Brokelmann G.i.. 1/1^2. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p.79, Al-Zerk ' Alam. Vol.8/191. Yaqut, Irshad al-Arib^ p. 166-170. 6, Al-Zerkly, ^Alam, Vol. 8/191. - 121 - Ibn Nadim has given a list of his works. Another scholar and transmitter of Ayyam al-Arab is Miifazzal b. Muhammad b.Yala •I has 2 b. Mir Azzabbi. Ibn al-Athir/mentioned him. When Ibn al-Ath: needs grammatical explanation he quotes noted grammarians like Al-Khalil. Another source which was consulted by the author .-.. 3 is Molukal Ard of al-Asfahani. We find this book quoted on "t » page 117, Vol. I. A considerable space has been alloted to Ayyam al-Arab in Al-Kamil. The sources of his information for the Ayyam goei back to the two great scholars of Ayyam; Hi sham al-Kalbi and Abu Ubaida. Abu Ubaida Mamar b.Mutkanna, a famous grammarian and 4 an auttjority on Ayyam al-Arab was born in llG A. H. and died between 208 and 21S A.H. He has written a number of books on Ayyam, and total number of his books is about two hundred. The important books on Ayyam, as mentioned by Ibn Nadim, Ya^qul; al- 6 Hamavi and It'll Khallakan^are no more than hafr. a dozen. But 1. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 102, 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/237. 3. Ibid., Vol. 1/262. 4. Tahzib al-Tahzib, Vol, 10/246-248. Al-Zerkly, Alam. Vol.8/ 191. Ya'gut, Irshad al-Arib^ Vol. /7/164. Ibn Khallik^, Wafayat, Vol. 2/106-106. 6. Ha jar Al-Asqalani'^, Tahzib al-Tahzib^ Vol. 10/247, Brocklmann G 1/1G2-103. Suppl. 1/162, - 122 - 1 one of these books entitled Kltab a 1-Ay yam is not mentioned by Ibn Khallikan and Yaqut al-Hamavi while two other books Kitab al-Ayyam Asaghir and Kitab al-Ayyam al-Kabir are not mentioned by Ibn Nadim. Ibn al- Athir has taken his informations mainly, from Abu ¥baida«s books. He describes battle-days on the authority of Abu Ubaida's Kitab al-Ayyam al-Arab, which is not extant 2 now. But its extracts can be seen IQ the pages of Al-Kamil 3 and Al-Muzhir of Al-Suyuti. Ibn al-Athir has utilized the books of other historians like Ibn Ishaq and Ibn al-galbi. The latter is quoted in connection with Yum al-Kalab. W© find a book named Kitab al-Kalab which is listed among the books written by Ibn al-Kalbi on the subject. The reference made to 6 Ibn Ishaq in connection with Yum Shab-Jabla is no doubt, taken from Kitab al-Mubtada - a section of Ibn Ishaq's Sira, The major portion of Pre-Islamic Arab history, however, has been copied from the history of T&bari. The information pertaining to the discendants of Sam, the narratives of Thamud 6 and Jurham have been copied from Tarikh al-Rusul of Tabari. 1. Albn Nadim, Al-Eihrist, p. 64, 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 1/178-264. 3. Brackelmann G 1/1G2. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Yol. 1/213. 6. Ibid., Vol. 1/1S7. 6. Ibid., Vol. 1/27-29, 31-33, 92-93. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al- Rasulf Vol. 1/211-226, 244-261, 673-676. - 123 ^ The accounts of Tasm and Jadis have also, in part, been ^1 transcribed from the history of Tabari. But Ibn al-Athir has fiirnished additional information in this connection of which ,•' J Akhbar Ubaid b. Sharia may be considered as one of the sources. The accounts of Qahtan, of the settlement of the Arabs in Hira and of Jazimat al-Abrash have been narrated on the authority 3 of Tarikh al-Tabari, but the complete story of Ashab al-Kahf U not mentioned by Tabari. Ibn al-Athir has taken it from other source. The Sham sun and the Jar.1is are narrated on the autho- 4 rity of Tarikh al-Tabari, but the account of Khalid b. Sanan al-Abasi is not recorded by TabariiT Ibn al-Athir has copied it from other source. Ibn al-Athir has recorded the accounts of Muluk Hiymiar under the heading of Ayyam Qubadh. Though most of the informations are, to a great extent, similar with 6 those recorded by Tabari, but the additional information fur nished by Ibn al-Athir has been copied from other than Tarikh al-Tabari| Ibn al-Athir, for his additional accounts, quotes Ibn Ishaq and Ibn al-Kalbi which suggests that oior historian has drawn the informations directly from the books of Ibn Ishai and Ibn al-Kalbi. The stories of Dhu Muwas, Ashab al-Ukhdud, Ashab al-Fil, the conquest of Yemen by Abrah, and reoecupation 1. Ibn al-Athir^ Al^Kmllj Vol. 1/122-123. ^^ Shariya .^ 2. Ubaiid b./ Akhbar Ubaid b. Shriya p. 483,487. 3. Ibid., p.28,118-122, Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Husul, Vol. 1/217, 744-770, 775-782. , 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al=Kamil, p. 127-128,131. Al-Tabari, ^^rikh al- Rasul, Vol, 1/793-808. 6, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/131. 6. Ibid., Vol. 1/143-144, 146-149. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Busul^ Vol. 2/888-916. - 124 - of Yemen by the king of HLmayiar have been copied from the history of Tabari. The happenings of Dhu Qar, the list of the kings of Hlmyiar after Umar b. Hind and the event of the appointment of Mruzan as a governor of Yeman have also been 2 recorded in Al-Kamil on the authority of Tarikh al-Tabari. Persian Sections The Arab historians, generally, divide Persian history into four categories such as - Bashdadian, Kianian, Ashghanian 3 and Sasanids. Our author observes this classification. He puts each dynasty under a separate heading. But Al-Tabari, though he follows the dynastic continucation yet the separate . -• dynasties and their description under each specific heading is not followed by him. We find some distinction he attaches 4 to the second and fourth dynasties. Muluk al-Ashghan whom Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamll. Vol. 1/149-162-IS6, 160. Al-Tabari Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol. 2/917-36-967. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/171-176, Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol. 2/1014^1037. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. V131-132. Hamaza al-Asfahanl, Tarikh al-Ard, p.6-7. M-Blruni, Athar al-3aqia^ pi 102-132. Masudl roughly divides the Persian history into t-^^ro parts - Furus al-Ula and Farus al-Thaniaj under the first category, he puts Bashdadian and Kianian and envisages third category between the first and the second and calls it Muluk al-Tawa or Ashghanian. He calls the Sasanides Furs al-Thania. Al-Masudi, Muru.1 al-Phahaby Vol.2/106-246j Al-Tanbih wal~ Ishraf y p.85-99. Ibn QutaiBa ignores this popular division. He simply describes the accounts without division. Kitab al Ma'arif. p. 320-330. Mutahhar b.Tahir al-Maqdasi, who belongs to a little later period of Al-Tabari, also does not divide the Persian history into four parts but the words Pashdadh or Feshdadh suggest that he knew the popular division and the terms. Kltarb al-Bada wal Al-Tarlkh^ Vol.3/138. Al-Thall who utilized the book of Al-Maqdasi in his great history (ft^3^^l oS^ .Li-l j^ ) does not observe the above mentlone loiS^i&sses. But i"t does not mean that he was not aware of the division because Hamza has already used the terms and i book was aecessable to Al-Thalibi. Al-Tabari, T^Tlkh al-RusulT Vol. 1/7^9 - 126 - sometiraes, he calls Muluk al-Tawaif, comes under the third dynasty. The Sasanid s come under the heading of Muluk al- Furs. Ibn al-Athir first describes persian history in the same order which Al-Tabari has followed. He narrates the events up to the third category of the Persian dynasty inter woven with the histories of other nations. The first one hundred pages of Al-Kamil Vol. I follow the general pattern of recording the events which Al-Tabari and other historians had already set. But afterwards Ibn al-Athir summarizes the first three sections imder separate title's - ^j"^l iS^lj *i^'l^l A^JLJI diJaJlj This classification was originated, perhaps by the Persian themsevles. Because this order was copied along with the material from the books translated into Arabic from Pehlvi. Mas'iidi and Hamaza derived it from the translations. Ibn al- Athir certainly utilized not only the books of Hamaza, Masudl, bi also : . several other important historians. The fourth dynasty, the Sasanides, runs parallel with the histories of neighbouring nations like Yemanides Iraqjd and Romans. Like his great predecessor Al-Tabari, Ibn al-Athir deals this period in detail. He has alloted a considerable 2 portion of the first volume to this period. 1. Al-Tabari, JRTarikh al-Rusul. Vol. 2/813. 2. Ibn al-Athfr, Al-Kalnil^ Vol. 1/122-178. - 126 - After furnishing the information Al-Tabari leaves to ^ ; reader to decide the authenticity and the merit of the accounts But contrary to him Ibn al-Athir adopts critical attitude when he treats his material. For example, the first two categories of the Persian history are not precluded from his critical comments. He considers that this portion is not historical. 1 It is full of ij^j^^ -^lily- . Such comments have not been 2 made by Al-Tabari or \J Masudi. Apart from bringing into lime light Ibn al-Athir's critical sense of history this criticism also reflects upon the cultural conflicts which ran high be tureen the Arabs and the Persians. He wirtes thus •Although Al-Tabari, Masudi, Asfahani, Biruni and others, have not openly criticised the Persian histoiy, yet all of them were 4 conscious of its defects. When our author reaches the Sasanid, the differences about the reign of each king and related events come to an end. It is due to the fact that the sources which they have utilizec were of historical nature and they did not have ' much differenc 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol* 1/23. A modern scholar E. G, Browi mentioning four dynasties, comments "The ti'^o first are entirely unhistorieal, belonging, as we have already said, to the mythology of Avesta and the common Indo-Iranian legends. „ E.G. Browne, A Literary gat story of Persia, Vol. 1/1! 2. Al-MasUdi, Muru.i, Vol.2/105-132. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kaml^ Vol. 1/23. 4. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol. 1/147-148,166,174,176,179,18: 201, 211,226, 230,430,440, 629, 536, 697-619, 645, 683,686-689. Masudi, MuruijVol.2/102-160, Paris Edition, Al-Asfahani, Tarikh al-Ard^ p.6-7. Biruni, Athar al-Baaia. p. i02-l06, 6. Dr. jawwad *Ali, The sources of Al-Tabari's history^ Majma al.llmi. Vol.2/^6 - 127 - Ibn al-Athir quotes a tradition on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi who states that during the time of Tahmurath, 1 the fast x>ras first observedl This statement is not recorded'by 2 3 Al-Tabari, while Asfahani mentions it. Ibes Ibn al-Athir deriv this information fi*om the book of Hamza? Probably /not because Hamaza does not quote the authority. His information is based on eight copies of Kitab al-Siar al-Muluk, about which 4 he has mentioned so much in his book. Al-Masudi and Al-Thalabi do not help us in this respect. Since, later historians do not mention the chain of the authorities, and it is Ibn al-Athi who. mentions it, though occasionlly, one can hold with certair amount of confidence, that Ibn al-Athir directly utilized the book of Ibn al-Kalbi. .5 Hisham b. Muhammad b. Saib al-Kabi 204 or 206 A. H. was one of the greatest scholars of Ansab, Akhbar, the Pre-Islamic history and the history of his own time- . He was an undisputec autliority on the history of Hira, Iraq and Yemen. He took keei interest in tte Persian history of which Ibn Nadim gives testi mony. He mentiones some of his books conscerning the Persian history, among which Kitab al-Muluk al-Tawaif« Kitab Akhz Kisre 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/22. 2. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol. 1/176-176. 3. Hamassa, Tarikh al-Ard. p. 26. 4. Ibid., p.7. 6. Al-Asgalani, Tahzib al-Tahzlb. Vol.9/244. Al-Khatib, Tarikh Baghdad, Vol. 14/46. Y)|qut, Irshad al-Arib.Vol.7/250. Ibn sad, Tabaga^ Ibn Sad^ Vol.6/249. Tabaqat al-Huffaz Vol. 1/314. Brockelmann, Vol. 1/211. - 128 - Rehn al^Arab. Kltab Adl b. Zald al-Abadi and Kltab Haly al- Zahhaq deserve mention. The last book Kitab Ifeiy al-.2ahhaq 1 invites especial attentionj because the statement under discussion has been probably drawn from this book. The title of the book suggests that it was not only concerned with Zahha but it might have included some events about Tahmurath too. We do not find much difference of time between Zahhaq and Tahmurath. Ibn al-Athir«s access to Ibn al-Kalbi's Kitab al-Haiy al-^hhaq or Khabr al-Z^hhaq, and other books is not to be doubted. Another point upon which Ibn al-Athir and Tabari deffer is Jamshid's policy regarding the administration of justice txnder which ;i:;he ordered for several rings to be mintted and to get them engraved upon different words. For instance, he alio ted a ring for war upon which the words of compassion and clemaney were engraved. Tabari does not mention this tradi- 2 3 4 6 6 tion. Masudi and Ifemaza, Maqdasi and Al-Thalabi are eompletelj silents about this tradition. Ibn Mskwah preserves this piec€ of information in his book. Perhaps Ibn al-Athir copied it 7 from the history of Ibn Miskwah, 1. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 96. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/23. Al-Tabari^ Tarikh al-BusuI Vol. 1/179-183. 3. Masiidi, MHJH.1 J Vol. 2/212-US, 4« Hamaza, i^uluk al-Ard^ p. 26. 6. Al-Maqdasi, Kitab al-Bida w Al-Ta"rikh, Vol.3/140. 6. Al-Thalabi, Gharar Akhbar al-Furs^ p. 10-17, 7. Ibn Miskwah, Tajarib al-Umam. Vol. 1/1"'^ - 129 - Aaother possibility is that Ibn al-Athir might have utilized the original sources whence his predecessor drew his information. Ibn al-Muqaffa»s translations might have helped him. Ibn al-Muqaffa has translated *Khvadhaynamagh** or 2 Khavadainamak into Arabic. This translation became popular under the names Kitab Siaral A.1am or Kitab Siar Muluk al-Furs among Arab scholars. We find that a number of books such as Kitab Siar Muluk al-Furs. Tarikh a 1-Muluk al-Furs^ K_itab__Slna Muluk al-Furs, Kitab al- Tarikh Bani Sajan were current in the fourth century A. H. liamazc who mentions the names of the translators and Al-Thalabi who lived in the fifth century A. H., have frequently used Ibn al- Muqaffa*s translations. Ibn al-Athir furnishes much more detai; information than Tabari does. Al-Thalabi mentions other impor- 3 4 6 tant works like Mnnagak, or Kitab aJUwALn or Ainnamacli which were brought to his notice. Ibn al-Muqaffa prepared their a Arabic versions from Pehlvi. Al-Thalabi»s reference to the booi persuades us to think that he utilized not only Kitab Siar al- 6 Muluk of Ibn al-Muqaffa, Bat many others original works. "The !• Bncy.of Islam. 11/404. Jurji, Zaidan, Tarikh Adab al-Lughat al-Arbiya^ Vol. 2/131. 2, Dr. Jawwad Ali, The Sources of Tabari's history. Ma.jma, al~ liffli.. <"^V/'^ 3, Brackelmann, p. 13. 4, Dinwari, IMn al-Akhbar^ Vol. 1/25. Vol. 2/144. 6. Al-Thalabi, Ghurar Akhbar Muluk al-Furs. p. 14. 6. Dr. Jawwad Ali, The Sources of Tabari's history, Ma.jma al- IJjnJT Vol. 11//^^ - 130 - original copy of Siral Muluk might have been lost and the copy which Al-Thalabi possessed would have been a new one prepared on the basis of the original text. Professor Zotenberg, in his preface to the history of Al~Thalabi, holds that '*Thaalibi, pas plus que Lainamari, Tabari, Masudi, N'a utilise directment le Khodainamch d' Ibn al-Muqaffa. Sa principale source a 1 ete un texte remaine de la version Arabe de Khodainameh." But Noldeke holds the view that Dinavari directly utilized the 2 book. Al-Thalabi died in 429 A. H. exactly one hundred 26 years before the birth of Ibn al-Athir. This period is not so remote that we may reasonably think that the book would have disappeared from the great libraries of Baghdad. It is qiiite possible, therefore, that during his visit to the city Ibn al- Athir mighti have used the book. ,1 The absence of one or the other events from Tarikh al- Rusulf Muru.i. Muluk al-Ard. Kitab al-Bada w a 1-Tarikh and Akhbar a 1-Furs indicates the selective attitude of the authors who derived informations from the same source. If we accept the hypothesis that Ibn Qutaiba, Al-Tabari, Hamaza, Masudi and Thalabi utilized Khodainamch, and that if a later historian, who relied on the above mentioned historians, differs from them 1. H. Zotenberg, Ghurar al-Akhbar al-Furs^ Preface, XLIV 2. mnawari, Uun al-Akhbar, Vol. 1/18, Vol,2/146,216, Vol.3/ 384. - 131 - on certain points, we may assume with confidence that the same original source is also utilised by the later historian, becaus* Ibn al-Athir has quoted much more extensively than the others in certain respect. Thus it can be believed that Ibn al-Athir utilized K i ta b Si an. a 1- Muluk. We can also keep in our mind that a number of translatioi of Khodainamch made by Muhammad b. Jaham al Bermaky, Zadwah b. Shawah al-Asfahani, Muhamjmad b. Bahram b. Mitlar al-Ajpfahani 1 and Hisham b. Qasim al-Asfahani were current in the fourth A. il. century/ The names of these books are identical but their contents varied according to the views of the translators. Perhaps some were compilations and others were compendiums, Thu; the information furnished by them varied with each other and sometimes they were even conflicting. This happened because the original books in P^hlvi which supplied the materials were themselves at variance. Thus the same defect crept into Arabic versions. Another important variation between Tabari and Ibn al- 2 Atijir is noticeable in the following pages. Ibn al-Athir narrates how the king of China met Alexander and how subsequent events led them to fight. Tabari omits this, so does Maqdasi. 1. Hamaza, Tarikh al-Ard^ p, 7» 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ 7ol.l/S7-89. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al- Jusul, Vol. 1/694-702. - 132 - But Al-Thalabl records the events, wMch is incomplete with 1 some uniformity in words. Jj -X:- J5U i«C'L J_5»IP JlSi ^y* iiXul Uj ^a;-L«l3!l •V J-^ (J*** Cj-b^ ij"-^ (J "^ ^J ^ Jij^ (J^^ 6* J*^J^^ J?V *^^ .'^^-•^Z ^ I aJbr J,lX! _ ^*Vl o<» "->-T J» - 133 - The agreement between the statements of laoth the historians leeds us to think that probably Al-Thalabi was the soiirce of Ibn al-Athir. Alexander ohce thought of killing all the persian prince and the sons of nobles so that they might not becoiae a threat to his heir and the people of Greece. On this he sought the advice of his teacher, Aristotle, but the latter opposed him. Tabari does not mention this story, while it is mentioned by 1 Miskawaih. Thus, probably he was the source, Al-Maqdasi has 2 also preserved the story. But it is hardly possible that Ibn al-Athir would have taken it from Maqdasi's history. The apophthegms of Philosophers expressed on the death of Alexander invites our especial attention. Tabari, Hamaza and Maqdasi have not recorded them. Nor has Ibn MLskawah. Yaqubi is the first to record them. Next is Masudi who gives a fuller account, in the MuruJ. -ibn al-Athir'is, the third. But although the texts of apophthegms produced by them almost agree, their niunbers differ. This discrepency has been noted by Zotenberg in a statement which runs as follows. "Les apophthe^ gmes des philosophes sur la mort, 'd Alexander (P.450 et Suiv) Sont, pour la plupart, differents des sentences qu' on lit dans la Schanameh le plus grand nombre se trouvent reproduit, sauvent Ibn Miskawaih, Ta,larib al-Umam. Vol, V71-72. Al-Maqdasi, KLtab al-Bada. Vol. 3/162. - 134 - textvellement, mais dlffereamieiit disposes, dans les chroniques d' Eulychius (T.I.P. 289) de yaqubi (T.l, p. 162 et Suiv) de Masoudi (T.I, 261 et Stiiv) d* Ibn al Amid Ahmad al-Makin (Ms Arabe de la Bibliotheque nationale N.294, fol 134 v et 1 Suiv) et d' Ibnal Athir, (T.l, p.203 et Suiv).»» The difference in the content and the number of apophthegems found in the books of Thalabi, Masudi, and Ibn al-Athir leads us to think that Ibn al-Athir had access to the sources which the others utilised. Yaqubi's refers to this event which is also somewhat different from those of above mentioned historians. He mentioB that Aristotle invited all the assembled sages to pronounce 2 their apophthegms on the occasion. Thalabi also mentions 3 Aristotle, However, the diversity in the number and the content in the accounts offered by the historians does not eveii help us to infer that they might have utilized each other's books.in this respect. The invasion of Sabur on Sowad Iraq is briefly recorded by Tabari. But he does not mention the couplets of Luqait al- 4 Ayadi while Ibn al-Athir does. Yaqubi and Ibn Miskawaih too do not mention these couplets. Although, Thalabi does not mentions exactly the same couplets, from the available material 1. Zotenberg, Al-Thalabi, Ghurar al-Akhbar Fursy p. XXXI? 2. Yaqubi, Tarikh Yaqubi^ Vol. 1/162. 3. Al-Thalabi, Akhbar al-Furs^ p. 460. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/136-138. Al-Tabari, 'Tarikh ajUBusul, Vol. 2/836-846. - 136 - 1 in Ms book, we can infer that he was aware of the stanzas. The only source which helps ms in this regard is Masmdi. He ... 2 records these stanzas in his Muruj, But the number of couplet; and comments of Ibn al-Athir indicate another source whence, both the historians probably derived their materials. Ibn al- Athir highly praises the whole Qasida, The information furnished by Ibn al-Athir regarding 3 Qubadh varies with Tabari. Here Ibn al-Athir siverely criti cise Tabari for his lack of historical analysis and judpient. Our author quotes Ibn Ishaq and several others, for contradict ing the facts provided by Tabari. Yaqubi, Masudi and Maqdasi narrate this period very briefly^ But al-Thalabi and Miskawaii 6 devote many pragraphs on Qubadh. The materials which both the historians furnish differ in both quantity and quality. Since Ibn Miskawaih, Thalabi and Ibn al-Athir, produce different informations, the source on which they based their knowledge seems to very rich in details. Probably it was Kitab al-Taj, of Ibn al-Muqaffa, a general book on several muliok .. We find 1. Al-Thalabi, Tarikh Akhbar al-Furs^ p,618-519. 2. Masudi, MuruJ al-Dhabab, Vol.2/176-177 (Paris Edition). 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 1/144-149. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusulf ¥ol. 2/883-892. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-K&mil^ Vol. 1/147-148. 6, Yaqubi, Tarikh Yaqubi^ Vol. 1/186-186. Masudi, Muru.1. Vol. 2/196, Maqdasi, Kitab al-Bada^ Vol.3/167-168, Edited by MCI. Huart. 6. Ibn ^skawaih, Ta.1arib al-Umamj Vol. 1/166-176. Al-Thalabi, Akhbar al-Furs^ p. 686-603, 7. Ibn Nadim, Al-FihristT p. 118. - 136 - 1. ^ a frequent number of references to the book in Uun al-Akhbar 1 of Ibn Qutaiba. This book supplied the information to the historians. If they had utilized each other*s book the simi larity would have been inevitable, A little difference can be observed in the various accounts of the reign of Anu Sharwan given by Tabari and Ibn al-Athir, while Tabari deals with this reign.he quotes a number of verses, which have not been reproduced by our author. On the other hand Ibn al-Athir quotes some stanzas from Umar b. Kalthim and Imra al-Qais which have not been mentioned by Tabari. The story of Muzdak, though briefly touched, is dLff- erently narrated by Ibn al-Athir. This indicates that Ibn al-Athir gathered his information from sources other than Tarikh al-Tabari. Yaqubi, Masudi and Dlnavari are not his sou rces. Maqdasi and Al-Thalabi perhaps were. For both particu larly Al-Thalabi have discussed at length Anu Sharwan as an 3 ideal king. But the general account given by Ibn al-Athir is, to a great extent, more similar to that of Tabari than to that of Tajarib. Ibn Miskawaih omits most of the informations about Anu Sharwan. He omits some aspects of his reign, for example the story of Saif Zi Yazen, the conquest of Yemen and the affai 4 of elephant. 1. Ibn Qutaiba, Uun al-Akhbar^ Vol, 1/21,64 editeci by Brockelmann. .; 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 1/162,163. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul^'Vol. 2/893,894. 3. Al-Th^labi, Ghurar Akhbar al-Furs^ p. 603-639, 4. Ibn Miskawaih, Tajarib al-PmamT Vol. 1/176-216. - 137 - But as a whole Ibn al-Athlr has copiously transcribed the material from the history of Tabari. A thorough comparison 1 between the two texts in this connection shows great identity. The list of the Muluk al-Ashghan recorded by Ibn al-Athir is taken from the source other than Tarikh al-Tabari. because it is completely different with that of Tarikh al-Tabari. Greek and Roman Section: Judging on the basis of the account which Ibn al-Athlr and other Arab historians give regarding the history of Greeae and Rome on the one hand and of Persian history on the other we may say that their knowledge of the former is superficial limited and maiiaily based on secondary sources. It seems that due to some reasons thay were little interested in Greek and Roman history. Whatever material we have on the subject in these books is mainly because such informations could not have been avoided in such books on general history. 1, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. I 17-18, 20-22, 26-27, 29, 66-68, 71, 83-86, 88, 93-94, 96-96, 132-146, 166-167, 167-174, 176-178. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul, Vol. I, 164-166, 170-172, 174-176, 172-182; 201-211, 226-230, 430-442, 628-636, 697-617, 646-60, 676-683, 684-690, Vol. 2/813-899,988-994, 996-1046, 1046-1072. 2. Ibn al-AthTr, Al-Kamilj Vol. 1/101-102. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul, Vol. 1/704-710. - 138 - Most of the accounts of the Romans and Greeks ha'ye been drawn from Persian and Jevish sources. To give an instance the tradition which states the genealogy of the Greeks as mentioned by some Arab historians, goes back to Wahb b.Munabbah Tabari desdribes the statement on the authority of his Shaikh 1 Muhammad b. Sahl. Ibn al-Athir copies the same, Another tradition which traces the genealogy of the 2 Romans through Yafith has been reported by Ibn al-Athir, The major feature of the account of the Alexanderian invasion of Persia, China and Tibet has been transcribed by Ibn al-Athir from Tarikh al-Rusul of Tabari, Tabari briefly narrates the events, Ibn al-Athir gives more detailed informa tion. The additional material which we do not find in the history of Al-Tabari suggests that there were other sources which Ibn al-Athir must have utilized. It has been narrated that after conquering the countries of East and West, Alexander proceeded further towards the Norti where he found certain nations who happened to be the neigh- boursof Yajug and Majug, The people entreated Alexander's helf against Yajug and Majiig which was liberally granted to them. 1. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul, ?ol, 1/222. Tabari quotes a tradition on the authority of Qasim b-Bisher and Abu Koraib that the Prophet says "Arabs are descendants of Sam, Habshits from Ham and the father of Rome is Yafith." 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/28. Biruni, Athar al-Baoia p, 360, Nizami Gangwi, Sikendernama, p, 47, - 139 - With the help of his army and the natives, Alexander construc ted the famous Iron barrier to which the Qur'an refers too. » 1 2 This story has not been recorded by Yaqubi, or Masudi or 3 Maqdasi. Biruni, hov/ever, devotes some pages on Alexander whie provides better information than those offered by Ibn al-Athir and Tlbari. It is quite possible that Ibn al-Athir might have 4 consulted Akhter al-Tiwal as he was acquainted with its author. Another historian Al-Thalabi records a number of stories which grew up around the ^figure of Alexander. Although Dlnawary mentions the story of Yajug and Majug, but he fails to furnish Alexander's penetration into the dark region, his search after the Nee tor, his failure and the success of Khizar reaching there, Al-Thilabi's narratives not only covers these ' legends but also a number of others. The rfi-gure of Alexander after his death, had been a subject of especial interest in the east as well as the West. He became a legendry fojgure among the jews and Christians. A number of mythical stories were created in Alexanderia, the city which was founded "by Alexander himself. These legends had borrowed much from the Greek sources. "All the versions are 1. Yaqubi, Tarikh Yaqubi^ Voai. 1/161. 2. Masudi, Muruj, Vol. 2/247-272. 3. Maqdasi, Kitab al-Bada, Vol. 3/162-154, 4. mnawari, Akhbar al-Tiwal^ p. 31-41, - 140 - derived, mediately or immediately, from the .Greek originals which circulated under the name of Callisthenes. The Greek pseuds Callisthenes (otherwise iisopos) we possess in these recensions, based all upon a book produced in Egypt in tiB third century A. D. But this book itself was a farrago of heterogenous elements - pieces of genuine, history, ancient stories once told in Babylonia of Gllgamesh or Etanna; literary forgeries of the days soon after Alexander, like the oldest part of the (Testament of Alexander) and variations according to the bent of different time and peoples.in the Persian version Alexander (Iskander) became a son of Darius, among the the Muhammadan he turned to Prophet, hot against idols; the 1 Pen of Christian monks made him an ascetic saint," The book under the false name of the author was translated into Latin in the third century. Translations were subsequently made into the most European languages. Further lusuf Ali states "Alexanc was focus of Christian and Jewish learning for some centuries. The Christians, also made Alexander a saint. The Jews carried 2 Alexander's cycle into the East, The legendry tales had cul- - ••• 3 minated into the Sikandernama of Nizami Gangwi. These stories and so many others passed through Je^^rish and Persian medium in1 Arabic /literature. Ibn al-Athir, may have probably known the author 1. Ency. Britannica, Vol. 1/671. 2. Yusuf Ali, Commentary on the Holy Quran^ Vol.2/764-766, 3. Ency. of Islam^ Vol. Ill, p. 937. - 141 - of Slkander Waiaa because he dedicated Ms excellent literary work to Izz al-Din Masud the Atabflk of Musal ;;I.O ri whose house 1 Ibn al~Athir was attached. The Holy Quran which speaks of Htm al-Qernaln stirred the imagination of Muslim scholars. The commentators tried to identify IJiu al-Qarnain. The Jews who were converted to Islam supplied them with all the legends which Jex^rish literature had preserved. Babylonia, Hera and Yeman may be considered as the defussing centres of the tales. Tafsir literature which contair a good amount of these legends served as a rich source for the/ 2 • historians. The additional informations of Ibn al-Athir which we do not find in the history of Tabari requires an extensive inquiry. Probably Tabari drew most of his information about Alexander, from the book of Ibn al-Kalbi. Ibn Nadim mentions some of the books of Ibn al-Kalbi.3 It is difficult to say anything about the contents of these books as they are not available to us. But it can be guess that Tabari transcribed these stories from Kitab al-Tawaif. Probably the same book was the source of our author. !• Bncy. of Islam. Vol. Ill, p. 937. 2, Zamakhshari, Tafsir Kashshaf. Yol. 1/736-738. Al-Bazi, Tafsir Kabir. Vol. 6/509-614, Biruni, Athar al-Baaia, p. 42. 3. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 96. - 142 - Historians mention that Alexander was the son of Darius whose mother was the daughter of Phillip of Mecidon. She was forcibly handed over to Darius and later became his wife. But Darius divorced her due to her bad breath while Alexander was 1 in her womb. She was sent back to Mecidon. There is another story that when Eferius was defeated in the battle field, he was captured. And at the very verge of his death, he entreated Alexander to marry his dauther Roshnak, and to punish his 2 murderers. These entreaties were granted. Another Interesting story preserved by the historians 3 is that Alexander conquered China and E-bet. This is also a fiction. The whole Asia Minor on the Medeterranean coast in 4 the West, the extreme limit to Jaxurat in the North, and Texila in the North Bast, where on the bank of Beas the Antumn, the army refused to go further, were the limits of Alexander's conquest. Ibn al-At_hir gives a list of Alexander's successors. . 6 This is different from that offered by Taba±i. Al-Tabari 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/97. Yaqubi, Ta'rlkh Yagubiy Yol.l/ ^" Al-Tabariy Tarikh al-Rusuly Yol.l/692o 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/97. Yaqubi, Tarikh :maubi,, Vol. V69. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol. 1/699-700. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 1/92. Al-Tabari, J^rikh al- Rusul, Vol. 1/ 4. J. B.Bury, A history of Greece, p. 777. 5. A. R.Burn, ^le^^^^der the Great and Hellenistic Qnpire,p.22. 6. 4Ebn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 1/100. Al-Tabari'^: . Tarikh al-Rusul. Vol. i/702-703. - 143 - reports that a kiiig, named*Batlimus Donus* who ruled for seventeen years succeeded him. But Ibn al-Athir does not ,1 n^ 2 3 mention him.. Likewise Yaqubi , Masudi and Hamaza have not mentioned him. Ibn al^AtM^ probably checked this with other authorities and dropped his name. The number of Batlimus 4 varies with the historians. Yaqubi mentions seven while --6 6 7 Al-Iabari eleven , Masudi thirteen , Hamaza twelve and Ibn al- o Athir ten. Hamaza and Masudi, with slight difference almost agree /upon the names. Masudi*s information is extremely important as in search of historical knowledge he visited most of the ancient cities and libraries. IXxring his journey, he met several christian 9 scholars interested in Greek and Roman histories. He acknow ledges that the differences in reign, names and numbers existed even in the original books. 1. Yaqubi, Tarikh Yaqubi^ Vol. 1/164. 2. Masudi, Muru:!, Vol. 2/286. 3. Hamaza, Tarikh al-Ard. p. 67-68. 4. Yaqubi, Tarikh Yaqubi^ Vol. 1/163-164. 6. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol. 1/703-704, 6. Masudi, Muru.1. Vol. 2/278-284. 7. Hamaza, Tarikh al-Ard^ p. 67-68. 8. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 1/100. 9. Masudi, Al-Tanbih w al-Ishraf, p. 132. - 144 - Ibn Nadim records the names of some books, without mentioning their authors. They were translated into Arabic. Mas'udi might have utilized them. Hamaza copied the accounts from a book written or translated by Habib b.Bahraz a Matran of ..-2 Musul. The list of the Roman kings produced by Ibn al-Athir'/i - 4 has been transcribed from Tabari but the informations about 5 them have been copied from other sources, a fact which has been 6 admitted by Ibn al-Athir himself. Ibn al-Athir writes that many historians except Tabari recorded tte events. Under the heading, jj,j-5UJl ^Jj^^ 2lJs»3lci-lAJ»e,"lJ *AJ (•^P^'^^^j ^^ remarks ijbjJ\ c-Jiip2P» jl ~yb]l*-LJft JMJ^y,JJ^Jjyhlch clearly suggests that he has drawn his informations from several authorities like Sina Muluk_al-.AjdT KJtab al-Ma.1isti., Jawama; .,. H.ia^_Jfla_tun fi al-Syasat. . : :.^-• Nihayat aL^IodgmT Kitab al~Milal a al-Wiha and others. The first few links in the genealogy of the Romans recorded by Ibn al-Athir coincide with those of Hamaza. But 1. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 306-306. 2. Hamaza, Tarikh al-Ard. p. 76. 3. Ibn al-Athfr, Al-KamilT Vol. 1/111. 4. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul. Vol. 1/741-744, 6. Ibn al-Athi'r, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/111-118. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusuly Vol. 1/741-744. 6. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/111. - 146 - other accomits have been taken from other sources because Hamaza furnishes only with the list of kings. Yaqubi, after describing the first category, which coincides with that of Tabari, supplies some accounts, which were, however, not 1 utilize by Ibn al-Athir. The division of Muluk of Rome into three classes iBs been made by Masudi and Ea.r'uni. Ibn al-Athir also followed this division. The accounts which we find in Kamil and Muruj are so much at variance that it is difficult to believe timt Ibn al-Athir would have derived his information only from Muruj He might have taken some accounts from MuruJ but most of his information are based on other books such as Kitab al-Majisti 3 of -Batlimus. An important scholar and astronomer Abu Mashar Jafar b, Muhammad al-3alkhi (272 A.H./886 A. D. ) has written a book entitled Kitab al-Uluf. Brockelmann calls it Kitab al-Advar 4 wal Uluf. The manuscript of this book is still preserved in the Bibliothege national of Paris. Ibn Said al-Andlusi and 6 Ibn al-Qifti have praised his veracity. From the references made by Ifemaza it may be inferred that the book abounded in 1. Ibn al-Athil", Al-Kamil, Vol. 1/112. Yaqubi, Tarikh Yaqubi^ ?ol. 1/163. 2. Masudi, Muruji^ Vol.2/293, 311, 333. 3. Ibn Nadim, Al-IJlhrist, p.262-63. Its first translation was made by the order of Yehya b.Khalid b.Bermaki, after it several translations were made.** 4. Brockelmann S. 1/396, Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p.277. Ifemaza has utilized it. Hamaza, Tarikh al-Ard, p. 69. 6. It^n Said al-Andlusi, Tabaqat al-Umam, p, 56. Ibn al-^fti, Tarikh al~Hukama^ p. 62, ' - 146 - historical material. Al-Masudi had seen the book and utilized it. Al-Tabari, perhaps also got access to it. The possibility of Ibn al-Athir's access to the book is very strong. Another source of great importance to Ibn al-Athir consisted of oral traditions. like a true .historian, he widel] travelled all over the Islamic world and met different types of scholars who supplied him with informations of historical value. Where he deals with the reign of ( ^y ^j-^} LX' '. he mentions about his visit to Jena>s®lem and records the 1 information he received from a group of people. It shows that he gives importance to the oral accounts in this connection. The second category of Roman kings is called by Ibn al- Athir 3j.**uJ) ^^JA «^ . The accounts given by him of the conversion of Qustintin does not agree with that of .'•^''A 2 Yaqubi. The third category of kings who ruled after Islam has been considered equally important. But the names and accounts of each king given in Kamil, MuruJ and Yaqubi vary considerablJ 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily ¥ol. 1/113. 2. yaqubi, Tarikh Yaqubi^ Vol. 1/172. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/114. MastSdi, Muri.1 ^ Vol. 2/314-316. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kami 1^ Vol. 1/116-118, Masudi, Muruj, Vol. 2/333-366. Yaqubi, Tarikh Yaqubi« Vol. 1/171-178. CHAPTER I? THE PSRIODS OF THE PROPHET, TI3E PIQUS CALIPHS MP THE UlvliYyAD The ProphetVs SectiQni. Ibn al-Athir now deals with a period Tirhich comes in a clear light of history. He narrates the birth of the Prophet Muhammad, and discusses his ancestor. He describes the early life of the Prophet, his upbringing, his activities for the betterment of Meccan Society, his propensities towards a pious life, his retirement to meditation, his mission of prophecy, the ensuing trials and sufferings which he had to undergo and his flight from Mecca to Medina, Ibn al-Athir discusses the " period of Prophet's life at Madina at a greater length. He mentions ijhe ©ampai^s which were led against the unbelievers. Arabs in general and Jev/s in particular, who were the two most stubborn and trecherous Opponents of Islam. When the land of Medina was made c'lear of the enemies the Prophet directed his energies to Mecca and conquered it in the ninth year of his flight. Shortly the whole Arabia virtually fell at his feet. Just before his death, he made a last pilgrimage to Mecca in 10 A. H./S31 A. D. A few months late he fell ill and departed from the world for ever. The accounts furnished by Tabari and Ibn al-AtMl* about Abd allah b. Muttalib reveal a point of difference. In recordl - 148 - o the dialogue which took place betvreen Abdullah and a woman named Khaithama, Tabari quotes three couplets of Abdullah. Ibn al-Athir adds one more to them. Similarly Tabari narrates '" ' — 1 four couplets of the woman and Ibn al-Athir records five. 2 Moreover, Ibn al-Athir does not record the same couplets. The age of Abdullah and the time of his death are not mentioned in the history of Tabari while they are mentioned in Al-Kamil, 3 Ibn Sad also records it. This suggests that Ibn al-Athir utilized other source for this piece of information. He might either have copied it/from the book of Ibn Ishaq or from Kitab al- •-"\ Tabaqat of Ibn Sad. The event of Half al-Fuzul is completely missing in 4 the history of Tabari while Ibn al-Athir records It. Ibn 5 Hi sham and Ibn Sad have also preserved it. Ibn al-Athir descri the event on the authority of Ibn Ishaq. Ibn Sad gives a very brief description based on that of Muhammad b. Uiuar. Ibn HLsham quotes the authority of Ibn Ishaq. There is no doubt that Ibn Hi sham copied it from the Sira of Ibn Ishaq. A question arises here as to. why this event was not recorded by Tabari, while J,he also possessed the Sira of Ibn Ish^q? Either 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.2/4. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al- £usul, Vol. 2/1080. 2. Ibn Hi sham, Si rat Ibn Hisham, Vol. 1/68-64. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.2/4. Ibn Sad, Tabaqat. Vol. 1/25. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul, Vol.2/108. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 2/161. 6. Ibn Hisham, Si rat Ibn Hisham^ Vol. 1/46-48. Ibn Sad, Tabaqa Vol. 1/82. ' - 149 - Tabari omitted it or the text whicii was in his hand did not contain information about this event. Ibn al-Athir variably' describes the event. It is, therefore, possible to hold the vim that Ibn al-Athir based his account on the giya of Ibn Ishaq,. The ascention of the Prophet which is recorded W Tabari on the authority of Ibn IMmld differs from that of Ibn al-Athfri It is brief and short. The chain of authorities begins with Ibn Hamid and it goes down to Anas b. Malik. We do not find Ibn Ishaq among the transmitters. Ibn HLsham records this event on. the authority of Ibn Ishaq, Ibn Ishaq has narrated it from various authorities which can be seen in the book of Ibn HLsham. This indicates that our author did not derive it from any book other than that of Ibn Ishaqj because we find a slight difference between narratives of Ibn al-Athir and Ibn Hi sham. Under the heading ( ^.yt^ (J^"^^-i^'^ 0^^(>J O^^^-ici^^ J^ ) we find a long list of the men ^^rho tortured the Prophet and 2 their tyrannous deeds have been recorded by Ibn al-Athir. -3 Tabari has also provided some information but not as systematic and in detail as we have in Al-Kamil. Ibn HLsham gives same 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol.2/18-20. Ibn Sad, Tabaqat, Vol. 1/143; I]?n HLsham, Si rat Ibn His ham ^ Vol. 1/138-143. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul, Vol. 2/1167-1159. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 2/26-28. 3. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul. Vol. 2/1180-1188. - 160 - 1 heading to it. Ibn al-Athir has recorded the material relying on several authorities. The heading Cn/^^i^^ V^ o* o^W-ii^cs^l iJ^J 6^J J^'^ is als( missing in Tabari. He has cast a glance on the event and 2 narrated it only in eight lines. Ibn al-Athir has devoted a considerable space to the narrative. It shows that our author has derived the material from the Sira of Ibn Ishaq. Another point of difference which deserves attention is that Tabari has given a brief description of H^maza b.Abdallah 3 al-Muttalib while Ibn al-Athir's information is lengthy. Ibn 4 HLsham agrees with Ibn al-Athir in the heading and not in the content. Thus, hov/ever, it does not mean that Ibn al-A_thir has not transcribed the event from the Sira of Ibn Ishaq. The differences which exist be tureen Ibn Hisham and Ibn al-Athir are possibly due to the different texts of the Sira which both possessed. The account of Umar's conversion to Islam has been rathe overlooked by Tabari. He makes a passing reference to the 6 event but Ibn al-Athir provides a detailed information. The 1. Ibn HLsham, Si rat Ibn HLsham^ Vol. 1/142-144. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamll^ Vol.2/24-30. Ibn HLsham, Sirat Ibn Hi sham, Vol. 1/110-119. Ibn Sad, Taba^at, Vol. 1/136-139. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul. Vol.2/1189. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol.2/30-31. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al- Rusul, Vol. 2/1187-1188. 4. Ibn HLsham, Sirat Ibn Hisham^ Vol. 1/98-99. 6. Ibn Hisham, Sirat Ibn Hisham, Vol. 1/119-122. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 2731732. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul. Vol. 2/1189. Most of the traditions belong to Ibn Ishaq«s Sira. - 161 - source of Ibn al-A.thir is, no doubt, the Sir a of Ibn Ishaq, In describing the Ghazawats and providing the relevant information Tabari and Ibn al-AtJiir, generally furnish identi- ' 1 "^ 2 cal information. But in connection with 'Ghazva Hamra al-Asad, there exists a wide difference. Tabari^s source is undoubtedly the Sira of Ibn Ishaq. The similarity bete^een the first few lines of both the texts suggests that our author narrated the tradition of Ibn Ishaq in full while fabari left the last part of it. In connection with the campaign of Khaiber, the accounts of Tabari and Ibn al-Athir differ in some respects. The following verses have ^ 3 not been mentioned in the history of Tabari, but Ibn Hlsham, 4 on the authority of Ibn Ishaq records them. He has copied then from the Sira of Ibn Ishaq. It helps us in discovering the source whence Ibn al-Athir has derived the couplets. Ibn Ishaq has served as a source material to our author. 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 2/43-62, Al-Tabari, Tarlkh al-Rusul, Vol. 2/1284-1426. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 2/62. Al-Tabari, Tarlkh al- Rusul. Vol. 2/1427-1431. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.2/82. Al-Tabari, Tarlkh al- Rusul^ Vol. /1675-1684. 4. Ibn Hi sham, Si rat Ibn Hlsham, Vol. 2/184. - 162 - Tiie event of Fadak of which Ihn al-Athir supplies infor mation is again ignored by Tabari, Ibn Hishaai is not silent 2 on the subject; his authority is Ibn Ishaq, It also shows the source whence Ibn al-Athir might have derived it. The campaign of Khalid offers another point upon which Tabari and Ibn al-Athir are not in complete agreement. Tabari provides : scanty information for us while our author devotes considerable length of space for it. The number of verses 2 can not escape the notice of an intelligent reader, Ibn Hisham verses are not mentioned in Al-Kamil while we find some of ;'' i them quoted by Tabari and Ibn al-Athir. The conversion of Kab b, Zuhair to Islam has not been recorded by Tabari, but on the other hand, Ibn al-Athir,narrate the event under a separate heading. He has recorded the 4 material in the ninth year of A. H. Ibn HLsham has also mention it. Beside Ibn Ishaq, he has drawn the material from other sources also. The account given on the authority of Ibn Ishaq displays similarity with that of Ibn al-Athir. It means that our author has sought the help of Ibn Ishaq. The accounts given under the heading -^. \ .\\ \ ,\ , ,. < have been based on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi. Tabari has 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 2/86. 2. 'Ibn a sham, Si rat Ibn Hisham, Vol. 2/196. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol.2/97-99. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al- Rusul^ Vol. 2/1649-1664. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Ka"mil. Vol. 2/109-106. - 163 - utilized other sources tooin this respect. He relies not only on Ibn al-Kalbi, but on various authors while Ibn al-Athir exclusively quotes from Ealbi; it is possible that Ibn al-4thir might have utiliz-ed the books of Ibn al-Kalbi entitled i^\sS (j^^ ^ Ijjl which is mentioned in Al-RLhrist. Under the heading M-Fox/at^lm w al-iwatik, Ibn al-Athir furnishes the account relying on the authority of Ibn Ishaq. 2 Ibn Sad has desdribed the account with the same title. The narrative of Hajjat al-Wada, the illness of the Prophet and his death is followed by a description of Banu 3 Saqifa's story. After comparing the accounts regarding the life of the Prophet furnished by Tabari and Ibn al-Athir, we come to realize that Ibn al-Athir has transcribed almost all the 4 material from the history of Tabari. This survey shows how much Ibn al-AttiLr had to labour in collecting his material from sources other than Tarikh.of Tabari for presenting a comprehensive biography.of the Prophet. 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al=Kamil, Vol. 2/117-118. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-RusulT'Yol. 3/1744-1777. 2. Ibn Sad, Taba^at, Vol. 1/32-33. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 2/115-129. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol. 3/1766-1844, 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 2/2-12, 12-126. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol. 2/1073-114, 1123-1486, Vol. 3/1487- 1820. - 164 - The Section of the Pious Caliphs: The death of the Prophet and the elevation of Abu Bakr to the Callphat'witnessed a gener,al uprisings all over Arabia. Tribal feuds and regional rivalary under the pretence of renegation (Irtidad) threatened the soliderity of the Islamic polity. Many false Prophets like Aswad al-Aasi, Tuliha-Asadi Masilamah-al-Kaz2ab seem to have adopted quite intellegent tactics to exploite the situation and establish their own fame. A number of tribes like Amir, Havazin, Salim, Tamim and Sajah gave up theii? allegiance to Islam. The peoples of Bahrain, Umamah and Yemen follo^^red suit. At this critical juncture, Abu Bakr came out to face the situation. He crushed the rebellion and; restored peace to the peninsula. After resolving the crisis, he establish peace. His reign lasted for two years three months and he 1 died at the age of sixty three. Ibn al-Athir has narrated the happenings regarding the ' 2 period of Abu Bakr on the basis of the history of Tabari. He is the only authority quoted by the author as he himself o confesses in the preface. 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.2/ Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusuly'Vol. 4/47. 2. Ibn al-Athir, AlrKamil, Vol.2/127-172. Al-Tabari, !farikh al^Rusul," Vol. 3/1846-2014, Vol.4/201«-2136. 3. Ibn al-Athir, AI-Kamil, Vol* 1/3. - 166 - The period of linar which is full of gigantic events is described by the author in detail, Ilnar came to power in the thirttenth A. H./634 A. D. when Arabia was internally peaceful. But the two great world powers - the Romans and the Sasanld were hostile and the Arabs had to fight against them. Unar, who was endowed with excellent qualities launched a twofold campaign against the Persians and the Bomans. 12 3 4 The conquests of Qadasiyah, HLmas, Balbakk, Qansarin, 6.6 7 8 Bait al-Muqaddas, Madain, Jalula and Egypt were successfully made. During the reign of Uinar, Ray^ Qumas, Jurjan, Tabaristan, 9 Azarbijan were also annexed to the Islamic world. Khurasan, Taj, Astakhar Kirman, Sijistan and Mukran also became the parts 10 of the Muslim world. When the military operations were in full owing and the Sasanld kingdom was about to be obliterated from the mapj the 1. Ibn al-AtJ3ir, Al-Kami 1 ^ Yo 1.2/172-181. Al-Tabari, Tarlkh_al- Rusuly Vol.4/81-112, Cairo edition. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamll^ Vol.2/190-191.Al-Tabari, Tailkh al- RUSUIT Vol. 4/160-168. 3. Ibidi'-":•;•. 4. Ibid. 6. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.2/193-196. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol. 4/168-165. 6. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol.2/197-201. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul. Vol. 4/170-188. 7. Ibid. 8. Ibn al-Atiiir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 2/218-220. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusulf Vol. 4/226-231. 9. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 3/9-10. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul. Vol. 4/263-266. 10. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 3/13-17. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul. Vol. 6/2680-2708. Leyden edition. - 156 - lllustrous Caliph was killed in Medina by Abu Lulu a slave of Mugbira b. Siiu'bah. His age was sixty three and his reign lasted; ten years six months and four days. The information given by Ibn al-Athir, about those happenings is largely based on Tabarils history. He copies chapters after chapters from the history of Tabari except at one place. The conquests of Halab and Intaqiah about which our author speaks,1 have not been recorded by Tabari. It is possible that the text of Tabari which Ibn al-Athlr utilized did not contain the events. Another aspect which invites our attention is that he possessed the book of Ibn Ishaq entitled 2 Kitab al-Khulafa. The title of the book and some of its quotations in Iljabarl, suggests that the book mainly contained historical information concerning the time of the Pious Caliphs This point seems to be significant. 3 Saif b. Umar al-Asadi al-Tamimi (180 A.H./796 A. a ) who was a great collector of the historical information, wrote several books on Riddah, Futuh and Civil wars. Ibn Nadim had seen those books among which Kitab al-Futuh w al-Rldda deserves mention. Tabari records his name more than three hundred times 4 first in ten A. H. and lastly in the year of 36 A. H./666 A. D. 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.2/191-192, 2. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 92. 3. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist. p.S4, Al-Asqalani, Tahzib al-Tahzib. Tol. 4/296-296. Brockelmann Supp. 1/213-214. 4. M.J.De Geoje, Index of Tabari^ p. 262-263. - 167 - Ibn Ha jar Al-Asqalani (852 A. H./1448 A. D. ) read Kltib al-Futuh w al~Ridda as copied by Al-Dhahabi, who was a predecessor of Ibn al-Athir. It is probable that Ibn al-Athir utilized the book and copied the accounts of Halab and Intakia from the book. Futuh a 1-Sham of Al-Waqidi is also helpful in this respect. The last ceremony of Umar and the story of Shura were copied by Ibn al-Athir from the history of Al-Tabari. We find here complete agreements between Tabari and Ibn al-AtJiir. •1 - After Dinar, Uthman was elected as the Caliph by a committee nominated by Umar. Nearly first six years of his reign were peaceful in which military operations were carried on abroad. Africa and Qubras were annexed to the Islamic land. Yezd Garrad, the last Sasanid king was killed in the year 30 A. I 660 A. D. But the last six years of his rule were marked by internal dissension, tribal feuds and intrigues all over the Islamic world which led to a general uprising against Uthman. Egypt and Iraq raised the banner of rebellion. They sent their contingents to besiege the house of Uthman. When they arrived they made a number of allegations against Uthman and encircled his house. Several attempts were made to bring about reconcilis tion between the Caliph and the riotersj which could have been 1. Al-Asqalani, Tahzib al~Tahzib. Vol. 4/296-296. Ibn Hajjar does not igention ^the^ second book of Salf Kitab al-Gamal w al-Masir Aisha w Ali^ while Ibn Nadim and Broekelmann have mentioned it. - 168 - achieved had not a letter written in the name of Caliph address* to the governor of Egypt been discovered. This episode turned the course of the events into a new direction. The Egyptian contingent, which captured the letter came back to Medina, They were now more violent and determined. They besieged,- the house of Uthman, and within few days, the Caliph was murdered in a most inhuman way. All succeeded Uthman in the days of turmoil and confusior Civil war and, in limited circle the strife between Umyyad and Hashimid took a horrible turn. Muawialj the governor of Seria had come out to avenge the blood of Uthman. In Mecca, !^alha, Zubair and Aisha set out to take revenge of the murder. The joint armies of Talha, Zuhair and Aisha, under the command of the latter confronted the army of All. The result of the battle was in favour of All, Afterwards, Ali had to fight Muawiah and a a battle took place in Siffin which ended without/final decision Two arbiters, Abu Musa al-Ashari and Umar b,'As were appointed to explore the ways and means for reconciliation. But their decision, instead of bringing unity, opened the gate for more dangerous happenings. Muawiyah severed even his nominal relation from Medina and proclaimed himself as a Caliph. Meanwhile Mi, conducting morning prayer in the Mosque, was fatally wounded. He breathed his last witMn a few hours. His elder son Hasan b. Ali was made Caliph. But he was too gentle to hold the sway and to - 169 - counter the growing strength of Muawlyah. Later, Ifesan came to terms with Muawiyah and an agreement was reached beta-reen them under which Hasan gave up his claim to. Caliphate. The history of the pious Caliphs is cautiously presented by the author. He has narrated all the events which were preserved by Tabari. It is the general approach of Ibn al- Athir that he heavily quotes Tabari. He does not leave a singl 1 event narrated by him. But it does not mean that he did not utilize other sources when the occasion demanded. We find many places in Al-Kamil which indicate that Ibn al-Athir consulted some other sources. For instance the appointment of Abdallh b. Sad b. Abi Sarah as a governor of Egypt is recorded by Ibn al-Athir in the year 26 A. H./646 A. D. But Tabari notes 2 that it happened in the following year. The controvercy over different text of the Qur'an and the solution evolved by Uthman is not available in the history of Tabari but Ibn al-Athir 3 "^ records it. n The events related to the murder of Uthman, elegies composed by the poets on the occasion, " j. his line and bio graphical scketch, all have been copied from the history of-. ,,,.,4 r, ^ Tiibarl. The tregedies following the murder of Uthman together with the wars of Jamal and Siffin are transcribed word by word fro1. m Ibthn e al-Athirhistory , ofAl-Kamil Tabari^. Vol.2/127-220,Vol.3/2-161. Al-Tabari; Tarikh al-Rusul, Vol.3/184&,2014, Vol. 4/2016-2245 Vol. 5/2247-2906, Vol. S/2907-3226, 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol.3/33-35. Al-Tabari^ Tarlkh al- Husul, Vol.. 5/2813-2819. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Vol.3/42-43. Al-Kamil. 4. Ibid. Vol.3/59-74. Al-Tabari^ Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol. 5/2936-3060. 6. Ibid. Vol. 3/74-160 Ibid., Vol. 6/3066-3226. - 160 - In the year 39 A. H./669 A. D. Muax:;iyah appointed Yezid b. Shazrat al-Baha^vi as the leader of the Baj Pilgrimage to Mecca, When he reached there a clash with the governor of All took place. Tabari has made a scanty reference to it but Ibn al-Athir has narrated it in detail. Muawiyah appointed Muslim b. Aqabah as the governor of Domat al-jandal and sent Z&har b. 2 Makhal to Samara for collecting religious tax. But these event; are not recorded by Tabari. Another addition which Ibn al- Athir has made to it is in connection with Ali, The biographi cal scketch which x^re find in Al-Kamil completely differs from 3 Tabari. The condition of agreement reached bet'.^reen Muawiyah am - .. 4 Hasan is differently reported by Ibn al-Athir and Tabari. The events of Hasan b. Wida, li"erx-/a b. Nufal, Shabib b. Bajra, Muinal-Khariji, Abu Yala and the a.ppointment of Mughira b. Shuba' as the governor of Kufa, have been discussed in detail .^ 6 in Al-Kamil while they have been omitted by [^abari. The additional information furnished by Ibn al-Athir in connection with the pious Caliphs, has been taken from other sources. A book written by Ibn Ishaq entitled Kitab al- Khulafa may have been a possible source for Ibn al-Athir. But, 1. Ibn al-AtJiir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.3/161. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al- Rusul, ?ol.6/79. Cairo edition. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 3/152. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 3/159-160. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul,' Vol.6/90-91. Cairo edition. 4. Ibid., Vol. 3/161-162. Ibid., Vol.6/94^96. 6. Ibid., Vol. 3/164-166 Ibid., Vol.6/96-96. 6, Ibn Nadlm, Al-Fihrist^ p. 92. - 161 - since the book is lost and its extracts are preserved in the history of Tabari, and the lalter does not provide required ' materials, we cannot hold that Ibn al-Athir utilized the book. 1 t- f-. In connection with Ali our author has quoted Madaini. All b, Muhammad b. todallah al Madaini (136-216,226 A. H.7762-830,839 2 A. D. ) was one of the greatest historians of his time^ . He tauched every aspect of Islamic history. His books exceed more than a dozens among which seven deal x^^ith the history of the Caliphs. The books entitled KLtab l^rikh al-Khulafa^ Kltab 4 Hilyal Khulfa, and Kitab Akhbar al-Khulfa might have been Ibn al-Athir* s source. HLsiiam b, Muhammad al-Kalbi has also 6 written a book named Kltab Sifat al-Khulfa which probably contained the above mentioned material and might have reached our historian. The account of Musturid b. Alfatal al-Kharji is describe in the year 43 A. H. 663 A. D. His account, to a certain extent, is identical with Tabari and Ibn al-Athir. Tabari has copied the account from the book of Ibn al-Kalbi. Our author jicomplet the narrative from whence Tabari leaves. Ibn al-Athir narrates the event relying on the same authority. Ibn al-At.hir further says ( ^» 6-.IJ15) 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamll^ Vol. 3/160. 2, Ibn NadimV Al-Fihrist, p. 100. Brockelmann favours the date of his death 234 A. H. or 236 A. H. Supp. 1/214. 3, Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist. p. 102. Yaqut, Irshad al-Arib^ Vol. 6/309-318. 4. Ibn Nadim, Al-gihristj p. 102. 6. Ibid., p. 97. - 162 - It goes to prove that Ibn al-Athir was familiar with the full -• -- "'- 1 account, and it is possible that Kitab al-Tarikh of Ibn al-Kalb; 2 was under the possession of our author. The Umayyad Section? The Umayyad era, in Islamic history begins with the reconciliation and agreement reached betereen Muawiyah and 3 Hasan b. All in the year 41 A. H./661 A. D. Muawiyah faced several civil wars termed as Kharjid movement in the history. These wars engaged the attention of Muawiyah. • On the south-eastern frontier of Islamic territory, the Muslim army made a sporadic attacks on Sind. During the reign of Mawiyah,Abdallah b. Suwwar al-Abadi and Muhallab b. Abi Suprs 4 led expedition to Sind one after another. But tliese border clashes were not major wars so they were .insignificant. A fei-7 expeditions were also conducted on the western-border neighbour ing to the Roman provinces of Asiaj and notably, the constati- 6 nople was also attacked unsuccessfully. TT Ibn al-Athrr^ Al-Kami'l^ Vol. 3/174. Al-Tabarly larikh al- RUSUIT Vol.6/103. Cairo edition. 2. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 97. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-.KaMly ^ Ydl^.3/161-162. 4. Ibid., Vol. 3/174-177. 6. Ibid., Vol. 3/181. - 163 - The greater period of Muawiyah* s reign engaged him in supressing the Kharjids and administering the provinces which he x^ere lA/orn out with perpetual disorder and discontent.When/died 1 in 60 A. H./679 A. D., Yezid succeeded him in the same year. The succession of Yezid brought about a new situation in the Muslim empire. His omnipotence was challenged by the tero most distinguished condidates - Husain b. Ali and Abdallah b. Zubair each representing separate disgruntled party the Hashimid and the Zubairid. Our historian describes the tragedy 2 of Husain in details. A number of changes in provincial administration were made by Yezid. Unar b. Said was replaced by Walid as a governor of Medina. Salamah b, Ziad was appointed ..., 3 governor of Khurasan and Sejistan. Yezid, in the fourth year 4 of his reign passed away in 64 A. H./683 A. D. For a short period, Muawiyah the son of Yezid was proclaimed as a Caliph, His elevation to the Caliphate coinciled t^ith the rise of Ibn- Zubair, The latter, as a man of strong will and determination, overshadowed the weak Umayyad Caliph, Many provinces came under his rule and some began to flatter and express their allegiance to Ibn gubair. He became so much powerful that the Umayyad felt 1. Ibn al-A1;hir, Al-Kamil. Vol.4/2-3. Al-Jabari, Tarikh al- Rusuly Vol, 7/202. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 4/8-38. 3. Ibid., Vol, 4/8-39. 4. Ibid., Vol. 4/49. - 164 - their end inevitable. But the timely rise of Mem^ran b, al-Bakaj Saved the rule from its collapse. The most sullen apponent Ibn Zubair continued to challenge the authority of Meri^ran. But soon after his power reduced to Mecca. Egypt was again restored to the Umayyads. Before the final end of Ibn Zubair, - 1 Mer^'^an died in 66 A. H./684 A. D. His son Abd al-Malik was made Caliph in the same Year. The n&>r Caliph faced several opposi tions. The Kharjids took arms all over the Islamic world. Nafi b. Azraq, Najda b.Amir, Mukhtar and many others raised the banner of rebellion. Killing, arson, plunder and looting became the habit of the day. But Abd al-Malik with great patience, admirable determination and practical-mindelness, handled the situation. Inspite of these, Abd allah b. Zubair gave him persistant fight. He still held Kufa and Basra; and his governors defended his rule. But the agressive activities of the Umayyad and the ruination of the Kharjids weakened the n strategies of the Zubairid. After the death of Muqab b. Zubair, Abd allah also followed him. A decisive battle took place in 2 the premises of Kabah in 73 A^H./692 A. D» and Ibn Zubair, with admirable courage .j and bravity, gave his life to an end. The Kharjids continued their- subversive activities in different parts of the empire. Shabib al-Khariji, Mutraf b. 1. Ibn al-At_hir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 4/74. 2. Ibid., Vol. 4/134. - 166 - Mughirah engaged the attention of the Unayyad Caliph. A very ambitious young Abd al-Rahman Muhammad b. Al-Ashath rebelled against Hajjaje the governor of Iraqlj and later circumstances led him to give up the loyalty to Abd al-Malik. He continued to fight the Umayyads more than five years, and lastly :. he was beheaded in 86 A. H./704 A. D. The following year, "kbd al-Malik 1 also departed from the world. His son Walid ascended to the Caliphate. He appointed Qutaiba b. Muslim - one of the most able generals as a governor of Khurasan. Qutaiba extended the Umayyad rule to the confine of China. A number of conquests 2 made by the general are described by the historian. Another general Musa b. Nu^air proved an added laurel to the glory of Walid. He advanced the western frontier of the empire to 3 Andalus and established an Umayyad rule there. The third genera who made a chivalrous attack on Sind was Muhammad b. Qasim a daring youth of high ambition. He conquered the land and made 4 it a part of the empire, Hajjaj b. Xusuf,one of the architects 6 of the Umayyad power died in the year 96 A. H./71S A. D. The death of Abd al-Malik, in 96 A. H./714 A. B., marked the decline 6 of the Umayyad. Sulaiman succeeded his father. His rule brough 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 4/198. 2. Ibid., Vol.4/202, 204, 206, 207,209,217,219, Vol. 6/2. 3. Ibid., Vol. 4/213,219. 4. Ibid., Vol. 4/206-206. 6. Ibid., Vol. 6/222. 6. Ibid., Vol. 6/3. - 166 - sever damage to the house. Qutaiba b, Muslim and Muhammad b. ^ 1 ^, Qasim were put to death. Sulaiman made several administrative changes and within three years of his reign, his life came to 2 - an end. Umar b. Abd al-Aziz took the term. His reign is markec with the beginning of the Abbasid movement. Shortly after the 101 ascention to the caliphate, he died in one hundred one A. H./ 3 •' 719 A. D. Yezid b. Abd al-Malik comes to the power in 101 A. H./ 719 A. D. The Kharjids again raised their heads but they were supressed. The dismissal and appointment of the governors has 4 been common feature of his reign. Yezid b, Muhallab raised the banner of rebellion and lastly he was killed. He made people to take oath of loyalty ;: for his brother HLsham and son Walioj respectively, so when he died in 106 A. H./723 A. D., his brother HLsham was made CalipheT He faced a number of crises. The growing Abbasid movement, x^ith unrelenting strife of its mill tan leaders, caused fatal blow to the provincial administration. The preachers of the movement spread all over the empire. They instigated people for rebellion and created hatred against the Onayyad. HLsham rigorously tried to save the pending fall of his house. Daring his considerable reign ranging over 20 years, he did his utmost for revitalizing the dying spirit of the 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al^Kamil. Vol. 4/23. Vol. 5/4, 2. Ibid., Vol. 6/14. 3. Ibid., Vol. 6/22. 4. Ibid., Vol. 5/37,39,41,42,43. 6. Ibid., Vol. 6/46. - 167 - Umayyad. But after his death 126 A. H./742 A. D., within seven years, his successors - Walid b, Yezid 126 A. H./742 A. D.,Yezid b. Walid 126 A.H./743 A. D. Ibrahim b. Walid 126 A.H./743 A. D. Merr^ran 126 A, H./743 A. D. Sulaiman b. HLsham no longer retain the Sway. The final callpase came in the year 132 A. H./749 A. D The primary source which continues to serve Jbn al- Athir is the history of Tabari. He has utilized no doubt, other sources5 it happened not because Tabari supplied unauthen- tic information and Ibn al-Athlr preferred others to him, but, infact, Tabari failed to provide needed information. Sometimes our author omits a portion from a lengthy narrative described by Tabari in the same way, when he thinks that Tabari overlooke; or neglects an important aspect pf a particular event, he deriv( it from other sources. I have tried to trace out such places, though the comparision bett«reen Tabaii% history -an-el Al-Kamil word by word has strictly been made and to point out the places where Ibn al-Athir utilized other sources, does not mean that unmentioned happenings were not copied from Tabari. The major portion of the Umayyad history, beginning with the conflict beti^/een Muawayiah and All, and later Hasan b. All, has been two. f*- derived by Ibn al-Athir from the history of Tabari. The condition of agreement reached bet?»reen Muawiyah and Hasan b. All on the question of Caliphate is vaiiably reported 2 by the tn^ro historians. Al-Kamil provides details of the agree- 1. Ibn al-AtJair, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 6/158. 2. Ibid., Vol.3/161-162. Al-Tabari, Tarlkh al-Rusul. Vol. 6/94-96. ' - 168 - ment and relevant events which differ with Tabari. Ibn al- Athir has collected the material from other sources. A possibl source for the information may be the Ansab of Al-Baladhuri. Abu Jafar Ahmad b, lahya b. Jablr al-Baladhuri 279 A. H./892 A. D. lived a little after Abu Mikhnaf, Wa"c|idi, Haitham b. Adi and Madaini, whose treatizes and works were extensively 2 utilized by Baladhuri in his Ansab. We find a frequent reference to the above narrators.Abu Mikhnaf, Waqidi, Ifeitham b. Adi and Madaini have recorded the infonnation about the o period underdiscussion ;z5in their valuable works. The preserva tion of the historical knowledge by Baladhuri provided the chance not only for the safety of previous historical kno^-rledge but he has transferred it to the later historians. The access of Ibn al-Athir to Kitab al-Ansab of Al?f Baladhuri is above suspicion. Here, what I have to press is that Ibn al-Athir might have derived the information from Ansab of Al-Baladhuri. Because the infoimation underdiscussion has been recorded by Abu Mikhnaf, Haitham b. Adi and their contemporaries who subsequently were quoted by Baladhuri, has Tabari/recorded detail information on the Kharjids but the following narratives such as Hasan b. Wadia, Fer^«ra b.Nufal, Shabib b. Bejra, Mainal Kher|Ji, Abu Mesan, Abu Yala and Sallam 1. Brockeljnann. S. 1/216. Yaqut, Irshad al-Arib^ Vol. 11/127-132 2. Baladhuri met Waqidi and Madaini, Yaqut, Irshad al-Arib, Vol. ^2/127. 3. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 93,98-101. - 169 - b. Ghalib have been overlooked by Tabarl. An additional Infor- mat!on is also recorded by Ibn al-Athir regarding Musturid b. o ^, 2 Alfatal Khariji. Tabari's information is based on the authorit of Ibn al-Kalbi and the supplement is also made relying on the same authority. Ibn al-Athir might have received the informa tion by an intermediary source, because Ibn al-Kalbi did not write a single book on Kharjids. This view is based on the list of Ibn al-Kalbi»s book wlrdch is produced by Ibn Nadim. The information in connection with Muawiyah and Ziad b. - 3 Sumyiah furnished by the tT«To historians differs substantially. What Tabari has recorded is Incarporated with the additional material by Ibn al-Athir in his history. But latter rejects \ Tabari's version and furnishes authentic information4 . Ibn al- Athir*s view coineids with the narrative by Masudi. But merely this identity in substance is not sufficient to hold that Ibn al-Athir derived this information from Muru.i; because our historian present such additional points which are not mentionec by Masudi in this respect. Masudi records the story on the n 6 authority of Mamar b. Muthannah, But he has not quoted complete tradition of Mamar. He has briefly copied it and it is similar tc 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.3/164-166, 166-167. 2. Ibid., Vol. 3/174. 3. Ibid., Vol. 3/174-176. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol.. 6/ 4. Masiidi, Muru.ijal-Dhahab, Vol. £/21-26. Paris edition. Ibid, Vol. 6/22. Paris edition. - 170 - that of Ibn al-Athlr. Since our historian has furnished the rest of the account it suggests that Ibn al-Athir had knowledge of the full tradition. Perhaps his source was the Ansah of al-Baladhuri. Ibn al-Athir records that Sind was attacked in 43 A. H./ 663 A. D. and 44 A. H. by Muhallab b. Abi Sufra. But Tabari does not mention the event. We can not say that Tabari did not find the information concerning the conquest of Sind by the Arabs because he preserves occassional references in his book on this topic. It affirms the viev/ that he was familiar with the material. The books of Madaini were, infact, accessable to him. He is quoted several hundred times by Tabari. Madaini wrote three treatizes on the subject named Kitab Thaghar al-.Hin( . 3 Kitab Ummal a 1-Hind and Kitab Mukran. We can not make pretention that our author has definitel] drawn the information from the books of Madaini. But it is quite possible that in some way or the other he might imve 4 benifitted from his work. It is strongly convincing that Ibn al-Athir, through Baladhuri's book, got access to the informatic of Madaini. Futuh al-Buldan of Al-Baladhuri has preserved the 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 3/174-177. 2. M.J. De Goeje, Index of Al-Tabari. p. 400-401. 3. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist, p. 103, 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-KamllT Vol. 3/160. - 171 - 1 information of Madainl. A great similarity can be observed in the narratives in connection T,rith tf'fo attacks above mentioned betifeen Al-Kamil and the Futuh. . Baladhuri records these t^ro attacks in his Futuh on the authority of Madaini. Further narratives such as the conquest of Sind by Muhammad b. Qasim support the view that Ibn al-A.thir, if he did not copy from -. "^ 2 Madaini, utilized the Futuh and copied it word by word. Beside-, ^ - '^ -.- — utili2±ng the treat! zes of Madaini, Al-Baladhuri ferice quotes 3 Ibn al-Kalbi in this connection. The death of Hasan b. Ali in 49 A. H./669 A. D. as reporte 4 by Ibn al-Athir has no mention in Tabari. Al-Kamil preserves obituary note on Hasan. The material furnished by the author is possibly derived from the Ansab of Baladhuri. I can not press the point with certainty because the full text of Ansab is not before me. The attack on Constantinople made by Yezid b, Muawiah has been described with more detail in Al-Kamil than in TabariVs history. • The biographical sketch of Yezid recorded/ by Ibn al-Ath has not been mentioned by Tabari, In the same way obituary not< on Mer^-ran b. al-Hakam is again missing in yabari. These infor- 1. Al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-3uldan, p.436, 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.2/223-224. Al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, p.441-446. 3. Al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, p. 439-444, 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 3/182. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al- Rusul, Vol. 7/84. 5. Ibn al-Athir, Al-KamilT Vol.3/181-182. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul, Vol. 7/84. - 172 - mations have been collected from other sources even the book 1 of Hadith were utilized. Unfortunately the full text of Ansab is not before me other-rise it would haven been of much help. The following wars: '•r and _^^^l pj- have not been recorded in the history of Tabari whil we find the parallel of these accounts in the Ansab of Al- Baladhuri. Ibn al-Atjhir has transcribed, with many omission, especially of verses, word by word from the Ansab. Not only tihat which are pointed out by S. D.F. Goitein - the editor of Ansab but more chapters were copied by Ibn al-Athir. The kill- ing of Musab b. Zubair, the happening of Zafar b. al-Iferith 6 and the episode of Abd allah b. Zubair have their source in the Ansab of Baladhuri. The death of Hajjaj b. Yusuf and the obituary note on him, is recorded by Ibn al-Athir while Tabari 7 keeps silent. He reports the event in few lines. The same condition remains in connection with Yezid b. Abd al-Mali;^. The 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 4/49-61. 2. Ibid., Vol. 4/119-126. 3. Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf^ Vol.5/313-331. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.4/125-^130. Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf. Vol. 6/331-360. 6. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol.4/130-132. Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf^ Vol. 6/298-308. 6. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 4/134-140. Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-Ashraf^ Vol. 6/366-379. 7. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamll, Vol. 4/222-223. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul. Vol. 8/1268. - 173 - biographical portion of Yezid does differ with I^hari in 1 content, Another place where Tabari provides different materia with that of Ibn al-Athir is in connection with Abu Muslim. Tabari narrates Abu Muslim in few lines but our historian 2 furnishes vith detail information. The fall of the Umayyad' and general massacre of the family is completely neglected by Tabari. The major portion of the Umayyad history, except.those events to which I have alluded, have been described in Al-Kamil on the authority of .. 4 the history of [fabari. This fact has been ascertained by:the coaparative study of both the texts. Africa and Andalus: Tabari reports that Aqaba b. Nafa •'.'•as deposed from the governorship of Africa in 60 A. H./670 A. D. But Ibn al-Athir does not accept the view. He thinks that Aqaba was appointed 5 governor |Jin this yetr. He claims that his information is basei 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol.5/4&-46. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul. Vol. 8/1464-1466. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Ka'mi 1, Vol. 6/93-96. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusuly^ Vol. 9/1726-1728. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 5/161-162. Al-T;abari, Tarikh al-Rusul, Vol. 10/44-50. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.3/163-206. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul, Vol. 6/94-275. Cairo edition. Vol.7/188. Le$-den edition, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.4/2-223. Vol. 5/161-162. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul. Vol.7/188-816, Vol.8/817-1268, 1269-1600, Vol. 9/1601-2017. Vol. 10/1-50. 5. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol.3/185, Al-Tabari, j^rikh al- RUSUIT Vol. 7/94. - 174 - on the books written by the scholars of Maghrib. He continues n to narrate the events concerning the period of Aqaba. Muslema b. Mukhallld succeeded Aqaba. After relating the events, he remarks: CK~^J j which leads us to think that he mi-ght have possessed a certain book of Waqldi on the subject. Ibn Nadim mentions a book "'1 named Kltab al-Tarikh al-Kabir. The book was probably a comp rehensive history of early Islamic period. liifortunately this book has lost. It is also possible that Ibn al-Athir might have received this information from an intermediary source; because it has identity with the material furnished by Al- 2 Baladhuri in his futuh on the authority of Al-Waqidi. Aqaba b. Nafa continued to be governor of Africa upto 66 A. H./674 A. D. Muslema b. Mukhallld succeeded him for few 3 years but Aqaba was again appointed governor. After fer^ months he was killed in fighting with the rebellious Berbers under the leadership of Kasila. The anarchic condition of Africa continued to be serious till 69 A. H./688 A. D. when Abd al-Mall] assumed the charge of the Caliphate. Zuhair b. r^|als tried to crush the rebells but he and his apponents met the same fate. 1. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrlst^ p. 99. 2. Al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan, p. 236. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 4/42, - 176 - and both were killed. This time Hasan b. Human was sent to Africa, He completely eliminated the rebells and brought the condition under his control. He was deposed in 69 A. H./688 2 3 A. D. and Musa b, Nusair took his place. These accounts are not in available/the history of Tabari. The succeeding happenings at, in Africa and Andalus were continuously neglected by Tfeibari. 4 •'> 6 The conquest of Andalus, the death of Abd al-Aziz b. Nusair, the attack of Anbsa b. Shahm al-Kalbi the governor of Andalus 6 on the christians of borderland of Andalus are not mentioned in Tabari. Further, the murder of Abd al-Rahman the governor 7 . of Andalus, the appointment of Ubaid allah b. Habhab as governo] o of Africa and the rebellion by the people of Andalus after the " _ 9 death of Aqaba b. al-Hajjaj in 123 A. H./740 A. D. have constantlj been overlooked by '^abari. These infoimations, as Ibn al-Athir points out, have, infact, been derived from authentic sources - like the books written by the historians of Maghrib themselves. 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 4/43-44. 2. Ibid., Vol. 4/143-144 3. Ibid. Vol. 4/206. 4. Ibid. Vol. 4/212-215. 6, Ibid. Vol. 6/8. 6. Ibid. Vol. 6/61. 7. Ibid. Vol. 6/64. 8. Ibid. Vol. 6/69-71. 9. Ibid. Vol. 6/92-93. - 176 - The happenings related to Africa coincids with the materials recorded by Ibn al-Azarl al-Marakashl in the book named Al-Bayan al-Mughrlb fi-r^hbar a 1-Maghrib. We know very little aboMt the place vhere he spent h.ls life; vhat is inferre from the book is that he, lived in the thirteenth century.A. D. According to Ibn al-Aza'ri,Aqaba was terice appointed as a governor of Africa. His first term lasted till 65 A.H./674 A. D and in the same year in 62 A. H./681 A. D. he was killed at his second term. The first term and its duration is clearly narrated by Ibn al-Azari but the second can be established through the paragraph devoted to Kasila the Berber re bell leade: The appointment of Zuhair b. Qais as governor and his defeat leading to the death is again invariably stated by Ibn al-Athir and Ibn al-Azari, but this does not mean that Ibn al-Athir has utilized the book of Ibn al-Azari, because, though, their state, ments are substantially identical but variations exist in detail. For instance, the background of Kasila's religion, his conversion to Islam and the confidence which he had in Ibn al- Mahajir are recorded by Ibn al-Azari. The encounter occurred bet^'reen Hasan b. Numan and the Kahina - a Berber woman is similarly stated by both the historians. But Ibn al-Azari fur nished more information than Ibn al-Athir. TMs kind of add!tic 1. Ibn al-Azari, Al-Bayan al-Mughrib fi-Akhbar al-Maghrib^ Vol. 1/11. Bncy.of Islam^ Vol.2/389. 2. Ibn al-Azari, Al-Bayan al-Mughrib fi-Akhbar al-Maghrib. ~ Vol. 1/17-19. 3. Ibn al-Athir^ Al-Kamil. Vol.4/143-144. Ibn al-Azari, Al-Bayan al-Mughrib fi-Akhbar al-Maghrib,, Vol. 1/22-31. - 177 - and omission strongly suggests that both, historians utilized the same and common sourcesvhich were very comprehensive and detail in nature. After Hasan, Musa b. Nusair took the charge of governor ship in 89 A.I-J./707 A. D. Ibn al-Athir quotes a tradition, on the authority of Waqidi which says that a certain Abu Salah succeeded Hasan. But, since this statement is not strong in its authenticity, Ibn al-Athir gave it secondary importance placing it in the last. Further informations of the succeeding governors one after another are also missing in Tabari. The information about the death of Abd al-Aziz b. Musa b. Nusair 2 is negligently recorded by al-Tabari, he has completely neglect the account of Ubaid allah b, Habhab. He was appointed a governor of Africa by Hi sham b. Abd al-Malik in 117 A. H./736 A, D3. After Habhab, Hanzala and Abd al-Rahman b. Habib, became the governors in 126 A. H./742 A. D., 126 A. H,/743 A. D, respect- ively, Ibn al-Athir's knowledge about Africa and Andalus was comparatively tnust'-'orthy because he consulted those books which were ^^rritten by the reliable authors who were ^-rell informed about their own countries and peoples. Such authors 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 4/144. . 2. Ibid., Vol, 6/8. Al-Tabari, Tarlkh al-Rusul^ Vol.S/l306. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 6/69-71. 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 6/100, 116-199.. - 178 - appeared in the very early of Islamic conquest. A notable historian who invites our attention is Arib b.Sad al-Katib al-Qurtubi 364-363 A.H./974-973 A. D. who epitomized the history of njabari and supplemented to it the informations about Africa ^., 1 and Andalus which apparently is missing in Tabari. This source served a later historian Ibn al-A2ari who was contempora: of Ibn al-Athir and has two books on his credit - one on Jifrica 2 and another on Andalus. Ibn al-Azari was a contemporary of Ibn al-Athir, but we can not hold the vie^r that the circumstanc have brought them together; because the biography of Ibn al- Azari, even his name has not been determined by Ibzi, so how is possible to hold the view that Ibn aI^Azari would have met Ibn al-Athir. But the material furnished by Ibn al-Azari and its identity, thought with some variations, with Al-Kamil, make; to us/conjecture that probably Arib b. Sad might have been one of the sources which both historians might have utilized. Their sources possibly might have differed in broader sense, but the common source on limited scale is difficult to be doubted. The narratives upto the fall of the Umayyad, in connect ion with African hi story, show sufficient similarity between • 3 the materials furnished by Ibn al-Athir and Ibn al-Azari. 1. Brockelmann Vol. 3/48, Arabic, Cairo edition. 2. Ibid., Vol. 3/48. 3. Ibn al-Azari, Al-Bayan al-Mughrib fi-Akhbar al-Maghrib^ Vol.2/32-67. Ibn al-Athir, Al^Kamll^ Vol.S/8,69-71,100, 116-119, 130. - 179 - Another historian Abd al-Malik b. Ifebib vrho flourished in the beginning of ttiird century A.. H. 238-174,302 A. H./862- 790,914 A. D. was deeply interested in history, Erom the reference made to him by Ibn al-Azari in his book, it seems 2 that the author wrote a book on the history of North Africa. The sources which served Ibn al-Athir in connection with the history of Andalus does not agree with Tabari. TabarF though he has too briefly touched the history of Andalus, used -3 secondary sources. Perhaps only Waqidi provided help for him. The portion of pre-Islamic history of Andalus in Al-Kamil is history. completely missing in Tabari's/ Tabari can be considered indi fferent towards this part of history. Ibn al-Athir himself expresses surprise over /tTabari's negligence. Our author exclusively based for the information on a number of books whic were available to the historian. Ibn al-Athir describes a brief history of pre-Islamic Andalus before he narrates the invasion of Tariq. This portion shows clear identity, though wi th" slight variation, with the information recorded by Al-Marfekashi and Ibn al-Azari. The latter one provides the information with detail for the compari^ 1. Al-Zerkely, ^Alam^ Vol. 4/302. 2. Ibn al-Azari, Al-Bayan al-Mughrib fi-Akhbar al-Maehrib^ Vol.V42. 3. Ibn Nadim, Al-RLhrist^ p.99. "^The book KLtab al-Tarikh al- Kabir probably contained the information, because we do not find any book on this topic which is written by Waqidi, p.99 4. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamll. Vol. 4/213. , writin 6. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.4/212, when Ibn al-Athir starts, the history, he uses plural verb in reference of the authorities. - 180 - sion. The dynastic; . order and the relevant material show a maximum identity hetrAreen the accounts produced by Ibn al-Athir and Ibn al-Azari. From vMch the name of Andalus is derived and assigned to the country is*meeting point bettA/een the two 1 historians. But it is suprising to note that Ibn al-Qutia. does 2 not touch the history" of pre-Islamic Andalus. The reason of Tariq's attack on Andalus has simultaneouj ly been stated by Ibn al-Azari and Ibn al-Athir, and anidentity is found in the accounts of the historians. If the question of source is touched upon from another point of vieT«r it may help us in finding out the common sources TAThich Ibn al-Athir and Ibn al-Azari might have utilized. It is to be noted that certain authorities have been mamed by Ibn al-Azari. The most quoted historian is Al-Razi. Abu Bakr Ahmac b. Muhammad b. Miisa al-Razi was a noted historian, 326 A. H./ 4 936 A. D., who took keen interest in the history of Andalus and wrote several books on the subject among which Akhbar ^u^uk al- 6 Andalusy deserves especial mention. The most frequent reference 1, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.4/212. Ibn al-Azari, Al-Bayan al-Mughrib fi-Akhbar al-Maghrib^ Vol. 2/1-4. 2, Ibn al-Qutia, Tarikh iftltah al-Andalus^ p. 1-4. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol.4/212. Ibn al-Azari, Al-Bayan al-Muehrib fi-Akhbar al-Maghrlb^ Vol. 2/6-12. 4. Brockelmann. S. 1/231. 6. Ibid., S. 1/231. - 181 - to the historian made by Ibn al-Azari suggests that his hooks extended valuable help to the author and he utilized them. There is no doubt in this vier-r^ because had Ibn al-Azari receive information through secondary source he would not have mentione according to his usual way. But a question arises did Ibn al- Athir get apportunity to utilize the book? It is difficult to answer in clear affirmation. Another historian whose work helped Ibn al-Azari was Ibd al-Malik b. Habib 238-174,180 A. H./862-790,796 A. D. ffls historical knowledge also helped Ibn al-Azari. The historical knowledge and works of Ibn al-iQutia can not be ignored in this respect. Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Umar b. Abd al-Azig b. Qutia 3 flourished in the fourth century A.H. 367 A. H./977 A. D, His 4 •" book Tarlkh iftitah al-Andalus was a reliable source for the history of Andalus. It begins with the conquest of Andalus by Tariq and comes to an end at the time of Abd allah b. Muhammad 299 A.H./911 A. D. This book was frequently utilized by the later historians like Ibn Hazm. Abu Ali Qali, when he visited Andalus met him and highly praised him before Hakam al-Thani the caliph. It is most probable that Abu Ali Qali might have 1, Al-Zerkely. '^Alam, Vol.4/302. Ibn al-Azari favours the death of Habib in 239 A.H. Al-Bayan al-Mughrib^ Vol.2 Brockelmann, xkxk S.1/231. Bncy.of Islam. Vol.2/379. Ibn Habib visited Mecca and Medina, Ibn al-Furzi, Kitab Tarikh Ulma al-Andalus. Vol. 1/226-228. Al-Zabbi, Mughiatal-Multaml! p. 364-366. 2, Albn al-Azari, Al-Bayan al-Bughrib, Vol. 2/42. 3. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat. Vol.4/4-6. Encv.of Islam^ Vol.2/40Q. Brockelmann^ Vol. 3/89-90. 4. It is first published in 1967 from Cairo vmder the editorshj of Abd allah Anis. 6. Ibn al-Qutia, Iftitah al-Andalus^ /> /Z/ - 182 - brought the historical knowledge of Ibn al-Qutlah to the Mashrii and thus it would have become familiar to the historians of Mashriq, and Ibn al-Athir is not an exception. Hafyyan b. Khalf, popularly called Ibnlfeyyan 377-469 A. H./ 987-1076 A, D., was a keen student of history and Hadith. He is also quoted several time by Ibn al-Azari« Ibn I^yan visited Baghdad and lived for sometime there. He learnt Hadit|i from Abu Ali Sad b. al-H^san Arabi al-Baghdad!. With him, Ibn I§-yan carried his historical works and familiarized them to the Mashrl A historian of Jdthirteenth century Abd al-Wahid al-Marakashi who migrated, for unknown reasons, to the Mashriq, has frequently quoted Ibn Hayyan. It indicates that the books of Ibn Ifeyyan were available in Mashriq during those days. The period of Ibn al-Athir coincids with the time of al-Marakashi, so if Marakashi finds the works of Ibn Ba.Ty§m for his assistance, why can Ibn al-Athir, when he lives in the same period and in the same region, be doubted to have utilized the books of Ibn H^yyan It is mo Sit possible that our author might have heavily relied on Ibn B^y an. The historical books of Ibn Bayyan named as Al- Muqtabis fi-Tarikh Andalus in ten volumes and Al-Mubin in sixty 1. Al-Zerkely, Alam^ Voi, 2/328. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol.1/467. Bacy.of Islam. Vol.2/382. 2. Ibn al-Aza'ri, Bayan al-Mughrib^ Voi, 2/167,263,337,353,418, 437, 3. Ibn Khallikan, Wafagat^ Vol. 1/467. CA^^^ /fir $> - 183 - volumes deserve especial mention. Ibn Ba.zm 466 A, H./1063A, D. has also written a book named *liliJl ^jly ^J jj#j_;_Jl iki; ilUj been It has/referred too by Ibn al-Azari and Al-Marakashi, and possibly it might have been under the study of Ibn al~Athir. Our historians access to the work of Ibn al-Raqiq invites consideration. Ibrahim b. Qasim Abu Ishaq al-Qairavani lived in the first quarter of the fifth century A. H. 417 A. H./1026 2 A. D. His fame as a historian and literateure spread far and wide. Ibn Khalladun in his Mukadamah, speaks of him in high words. His history Tarikh Africa w al-Maghrib was utilized by Abd al-Wahid al~Marakashi and Ibn al-Azari. The former carried with him the historical knowledge of Ibn al Raqiq, probably not for the first time, to the Mashrik and introduced it to his 3 contemporary historians. The flow of historical knowledge from the Maghrib to the Mashrik continues it does not stop. We find Muhammad b. Fattuh b. Abd allah b. Fattuh, Abu Abd allah b.Abu Nasar al Humaidi spreading the historical informations in Damescus and Baghdad. In 448 A. H./1066 A. D., he came to Mecca and later proceeded to Baghdad and settled there permanently. He died in 488 A.H./1096 A. D? He was pupil and friend of Ibn 1. E^cy.5f Islam, Vol. 2/384-86, Ibn Hazm, Kitab Nakt al-«Arus Z» fi Tawarikh al-Khulfa' bi-al-Andalus, par Ibn Hazm, ed de C.F.Seybold, dans La Revista det Centrs de Bsludios histori- cos de Granaday su reins, Grenade, 1911, Fare 111,p.160-180 et IV p.237-248. E. Levi - Provencal, Histoire de L^Espagne Musulmane, I960. 2. Al-Zerkely, Alam, Vol. 1/61-62. 3. 4, Al-Zerkely,'Haffl, Vol. 7/218-219. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat. Vol. 3/410. - 184 - Hazm. His historical work Jaa^^atal-Muqtabis TAras considered 1 one of the most valuable sources for the history of Andalus, A contempoary and student of Ibn al-Athir, Ibn KhalUkan has utilized this book. He refers to the book when he narrates a 2 biographical skectch of Musa. b.Nusair. Bis familarity with Ibu 3 Bashkvral's work is also above doubt. Ibn al-AtMr, most probat ly, came to know these works during his visit to Damascus and Baghdad and utilized them. From this survey it seems that a large/ number of histo rical works were current during those days in the East, and most of them were written by African and Andalusan historians. But it does not mean that only these historical works were the source for the world historians like Ibn al-A_thir. Their number may increase after further investigation. 1. Al-Mujab fi Talkhis Akhbar al-Gharb^ p. 28. Ibn Khallikan, Wafavat^ Vol. 4/402. 2. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol. 4/402, 3. Ibid., Vol.4/403. CHAPTER T THE 'ABBASID PBRIOD After, the Umayyads the 'Abbasids established their rule in 132 A. H./749 A. D. Ibn al-Athir continues to ceseribe the historical account as the wheel of the time rolls ahead. A cha'.in of caliphs vho came one after another is presented by the author. After Abu al-Abbas. Al-Saffah, Mansur became the 1 2 caliph in 136 A. H./763 A. D. His reign lasted nearly 22 years. Mehdi took the charge of the caliphate in the same year. He continued to rule upto 169 A. H./785 A. D. He was succeeded by Hadi. who, having been in power for a year and three months 3 or four, died in 170 A.H./786 A. D. After H^di, the celeberated caliph - Al-Rashid was proclaimed a caliph in 170 A. H./786 A. D. He remained in the office of the caliphate for 23 years, Uro 4 months and 18 days. He died in 193 A.H./808 A.]). Amin assxamed the power, but a serious conflict bett^een Amin and his brother Mamun had developed which resulted in the killing of Amin in 198 A. H./813 A. D. This Mamun became the unrivatLed caliph. His period ranged over a considerable length of time. It ended - ^ 6 wit1. h Ibthn eal-Athir death o,f MamuAl-Kamiln in^ 21Vol8 A.H./83. 6/1723, A. D. Al-Mu« tasim 2, Ibid., Vol. 6/8. 3. Ibid., Vol. 6/34. 4, Ibid., Vol. 6/69. 6. Ibid., Vol. 6/97. 6. Ibid., Vol. 6/146. - 186 - succeeded Mamun in the same year and played Ms role for eight years and eight months. HLs death in 227 A. H./841 A. D. brought Wathiq in pox^er. In the year 232 A. H./846 A, D. After the 2 •• death of Wathiq Al-Mutawakkil succeeded him. HLs reign 3 continued upto 247 A. H./S61 A. D. in which he was killed. Muntasir could not live more than six years after the as sump- tion of poi»rer (862 A. D. ). He was succeeded by Musta»ln, who 4 was late killed in 248 A.H,/862 A. D. He ruled for four and 5 a half years, after which he died in 266 A. H./868 A. D. Al-Mutaz accepted his turn in the same year. Next year, in 266 A.H./ 6 869 A. D. he was deposed and died. MuHamid al-allah was proclaimed a caliph in the same year. His reign lasted 23 year 7 and six months. He died in 279 A. H./892 A. D. During his last days, he was naturally a puppet in the hand of his brother 'All Ahmad Muaffaq. The successor of Mu'tamid became Muta(|id who ruled for a co - Ltt number of years. With his death in ^8 289 A. H./901 A. D., a new caliph Muktafi was brought into power. 9 He died in 296 A.H./907 A. D. Muqtadir succeeded him, but withi: 1, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 6/178. 2. Ibid., Vol. 7/10-11. 3. Ibid. Vol. 7/29. 4. Ibid. Vol. V60. 6. Ibid. Vol. 7/64. 6. Ibid. Vol. 7/76. 7. Ibid. Vol. 7/161, 8. Ibid. Vol. 7/169. 9. Ibid. Vol. 8/3. - 187 - a fet^ months he was deposed. Ibn al-Mm*taz eame into power, bat his fortune no longer favoured him, and Mmqtadir again captured the power. He vas again deposed from the caliphate in 317 A.H./929 A. D. but later on he held s^^ay for three more 1 r. years. Lastly in 320 A. H./932 A. D. he was murdered. Qahir after retaining the caliphate for tr-ro years, '-fas forced to yield to another candidate, Ahmad b. Muqtadir in 322 A. H./93S A. D. He was designated as Al-Badi. The most remarkable event during the time of Qahir was the establishment of the Bwrahid rule. Al-Radi died in 329 A.H./940 A. D. He ruled for six 3 • " years, ten months and ten days. Ibrahim b. Muqtadir assumed in - the power/the same year. He was called Al-Muttaqi. He was succeeded by his son Al-Ta»ia in the same year. He was deposed _4 in 333 A. H./944 A. D. leaving the place for Al-Mustakfi. The weakness of the Abbaside caliphs reached its eulibination when Maz al Duawlah b. Bwrah conquered Baghdad in 334 A. H./946 A. D. and later^> the caliphs became puppets in the hands of Bu^ahid rulers. Mustakfi was deposed and Muti» was brought into power. 6 He was in the office for 29 years and about five months (974 A. J After Tai'a who completed seventeen years eight months and six 6 days, Qadir came into power in 381 A.H./991 A. D. He died in T, Ibn al-AthIrT Al-KamilT Vol. 8/76. 2. Ibid., Vol. 8/S8. 3. Ibid., Vol. 8/118. 4. Ibid., Vol. 8/13«-137. 6. Ibid., Vol. 8/21G-211. 6. Ibid., Vol. 9/27. - 188 - 1 422 A:.H./1030 A. D. HLs reign covered a considerable time. He ruled 41 years, 3 months and Wenty days. His son Qa'iiB succeeded Mm. HLs period was considerably long. He died in the year 467 A.H./1079 A. D# completing 44 years, eight p -•"• 3 months and five days. MtJUItadi, 487 A. H./1094 A. D., Mustazhir 4 •• -S- •• - 612 A.H,/1118 A.D. Mustarshid 629 A.H./1139 A. D. Al-Bashid 630 A. H./1136 A. D. Muqtafi 666 A. H./1160 A. D. Mustanjid 666 A. I 1170 A. if Al-Mustadi 676 A. H./1179 A. D. Nasir Le lin allih IG ^ 11 622 A.H./1276 A. D. Al-Zahir 623 A.H./1226 A. D. Mustan^ir 640 A. H./1242 A. D. served the office of the caliphate success ively. The above sBamary of the caliphs of the »4bbisid period is presented T,rith a veiw to give ^^ a general idea of the con tents of Ibn al-Athir»s history %• The author, hovever, goes into the details of the period* 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 9/142-143. 2. Ibid., Vol, 10/32-33, 3. Ibid. Vol. 10/79. 4. Ibid. Vol. 10/188. 6. Ibid. Vol, 11/10. 6, Ibid. Vol. 11/16. 7. Ibid. Vol, 11/96, 8 Ibid. Vol. IV134. 9. Ibid. Vol. 11/173. 10. Ibid. Vol. 12/168. 11. Ibid. Vol. 12/176. - 189 - An analysis of the sources of Ibn al-.A.thir»s historical account pertaining to the Abbasid period sho'^^s that the major portion of the historical information, especially upto the year 302 A. H./914 A. D. has largely been taken from the history of Tabari. Tabari*s information and the method of presenting the material continues to guide Ibn al-Athir, This vier-r is based • 1 on a thorough comparison befc^een the t^ro texts. But ve can not deny that at a few places regarding some events, our historian utilizedother sources. Such account is related with 0 the Abbasids. For example after narrating an account, he quote; - _ • 2 Ibn abi Usma's history as an authority, Harith b. Muhammad b. Abu Wsama 282-186 A. H./896-802 A. D. is mentioned as a tradi- tionist and a compiler of Musnadj but his history is not mentioned by the scholars. Since Ibn al-Athir mentions the history of Abu Usama there is every likelihood that he would have utilized the book. The way in which Ibn al-Athir has utilized the history of Tabari requires some discussion. When we say that Ibn al- Athir has copied major portion of the historical accounts pertaining to the ^Abbasids, from the beginning upto the year 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-liail, Vol.6/161^226, Vol.6/1-180, Vol.7/ 1-182. Vol. 8/1-29. Al-Tabari T Ta~rikh al-RusulT Vol.10/ 22-377, Vol. 10/377-640, Vol, 11/611-1330, 1330-1467, Vol. 12/1441-2278, 2273-2296. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 6/161. 3. Al-Dhahabi, TSlzkarat al-Huffaz^ Vol.2/175-176. iar Bada Mma«jam al-M\a^.rallifin, Vol. 3/176. - 190 - 302 A,H./914 A.D., it generally means that ibn al-At.litr copies the accQimt not always T.rord by i.rord but he pays attention to th contents and copies them. There is hardly an aceonnt in the history of Tabari which is left out by Ibn al-Athir. Our historian has completely taken either the content or both the contents with the words from it. If an account is very lengthy in the history of Tabari and it is narrated from different sources, then its abstract is taken by the historian. He derives the content and briefly reproduces it in his G^m words. Ibn al-Athir reports* which shows how Ibn al-Athir has copied the historical material from the history of Tabari. It also suggests that how for Ibn al-Athir relied on the history of Tabari. The sources of IJabari^s information concerning the ^AbbaTsids are of t^'To kinds, the first one is the recorded materia and the second one is oral. Among the x-rritten sources the book of Ibn Abi Khaiti^ma is to be mentioned. Abu Bakr Ahmad b. Zuhair al Nasai« was known as Abu Khaithama, He wrote a book 1. Ibn al-AtJiir, Al-Kamjl^ Yol. 1/3. 2. Al-Dhahbi, Tazkarat al-Haffrz^ Vo4. 2/166. mji Khalifa, Kash al-Zunun. Vol. 1/276. Al-Zerkely, Ali b. Muhammad al-Madaini was one of the greatest his torians of the third century. He was bom in 136 A.H./762 A. D, 2 . .. - and died in 226 A.H./839 A. D. The date of > Madaini»s death coincides with the birth of Tabari. It means that TSibari did not see Madaini. But it is certain that Tabari utilized the historical works of Madaini through his pupils like Zuhair b. 3 Bakkar 266-142 A.H./8S9-769 A. D. and Ahmad b. Abu Khaithama. The 1. Al-Dhahabi, Tazkarat al-Huffaz. Vol. 2/156. Dhahabi records that Abu Khaithama reeejfeved tradition from Ahmad b. E&nbal and Ibn Ma'in, genealogy from Mus'ab, Ayyiam al-Nas from Madaini. He was taught literature fey Muhammad b. Sallam al-Junbi. Haji Khalifa, gashaf al-Zunun^ Vol. 1/276, 2. Ya"qit, Mu'.iam al-Udaba".' Vol. 14/124-138. Ibn Nadiim, Al- Fihrist^ p. 163-168. Al-Zerkely, "-Alam. Vol. 6/140, Bncy.of Islam^ Vol. .111/81-82. 3. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat. Vol,2/68-69, Ibn Nadim, Al-gihrist p. 166-167. Al-Zerkely, ^Alam^ Vol. 3/74. - 192 - former died when Tabari vas 30 or 31 years old. Thus Madainl's ^ook Kltab Akhbar al-Khulafi" al-Kabir and Kita'b Akhbar al- Saffah became the source of Tabari. The first book contained the informations from the time of Abu Bakr the first caliph upto the ^Abbaside Caliph al-Mustasim. Another book of Madaini is mentioned as Kltab al-Tarlkh al^Khulafa in the Fihrist of Ibn Nadim. But it is difficult to knov the contents of the book as ^^TQll as the period it dealt with. Further, a very rich and valuable work is Kltab Javalat al-Abbasiya of which Ibn Nadim does not give full name. The i^ork consisted of several books some of which were later available to Yaqut in Siokkaria's 3 manuscripts and it may not be credulous to think that with the whole collections of Yaqut, these books were also transferred 4 to Ibn al-Athir after the death of Yaqut in 626 A. H./1228 A. D. Madaini moved in a wide circle of the men of distinction, the judges of Baghdad like Yehya b. Dkthum, ministers of the government and favourite companions of the caliph al-Mamim. Ibrahim b. Ishaq al-Musali (160-236 A.H./767-849 A. D.) was one of the favourite companions ^hom Mamun held in high regard. 1. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 102, 2. Yaqut, MuMam al-Udaba^ Vol. 14/134-36, Eney.of Islam. Vol. III/81-82. 3. Yaaut^ Mu*iam al-Udaba^ Vol. 14/134-136. 4. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayaty Vol. 6/178-189. Al-Zerkely, 'Alam, Vol. 9/167. 6. Ibn Khallikan, Wafajat, Vol. 1/182-84. AL-Zerkely, Alam. Vol. V283. - 193 - Ibrahim frequently visited him and lived during the reign of Al-Rashid, Mam\m and Wathiq. Being so esteemed in the court of Mamun, and having a wide circle of friends who held high offices in the government, he was closely in touch with the affairs of the Abbiside empire. He •'«ras himself interested in lexLeology, music, histoiy and theological isubjeets. Madaini had a very intimate relation with Ibfahim and possessed remark able position, which enabled him to acquire first hand kno^'- ledge about the Abbasides, He might have benefiH:ed not only from official library of Mamun and his predecessors, but the documents, secret papers, and governmental registers were also made accessible to him. Thus the accounts ^rhich Madaini wrote in his book Kitab Al-Daalat al-Abbasiya^ was reliable authentic and rich. Madaini's information •'•'hich covered wide range came 6 Another authority whose books Tabari utilized, is '"' - 2 Haitham b. ADIL (174-207-309 A.H./790-822-921 A. D. ). He was a man of letter and genealogy. He had friendship with Ifesan b. 1. Madaini is quoted several htmdred times by Q^bari which shows that 3^bari heavily relied upon him. In^ex of ITabari p. 400-401. ' 2, Samani in his Ansab reports that he died in 2p9 A.H. on the same date in which Buran's marriage with Mamun was performec and perhaps he was among the"participants and the death came while the celeberation was in gyocess. Ibn Nadik, Al-Fihristy p. 161-62. Ibn Khallikan, Wafa^tt, Vol.6/167- 166. Yrqut, MuMam al-Udaba^ Vol. 9/114-116. - 194 - Sahal (236-166 A.H./860-782 A. D. ) the grand minister and some times the governor of the caliphe Al-Mamun. His daughter Haran was married to Mamun. liis house was considered a resort for the men of distinction and high repute and Hait_ham was among one of them. Haitham was provided with all kinds of facilities by him. Besides, he was among the frequent visitors to the court of Mansur, Mehdi, Hadi and Rashid. These relations and special circle in which Haitham moved and lived- facilitated him togather important and reliable information for his histori cal works. Of his fifty books recorded by Ibn Nac3im in Al- Fihrist at least two Kitab al-Daulah and Kitab al-Iarikh perhaps, consisted of the information about the Abbasides. Theji were arranged according to the annalistie order. !rabari has 2 • * ». quoted Haitham 31 times-, mostly in connection with the Abbasid History. He received the historical knowledge of Hai^am.b. Adi through his books which was later recorded in Al-Kamil Ibn al-Athir did not make a slight change in the contents which he copied from the history of Al-Tabari. Thus the historical knowledge of Tabari about the 'Abbasid upto the first half of the third century, has mainly been drawn 1. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol. 1/390-91. Al-2erkely, ^lam., Vol.2/207. 2. M.G. De Geoj, Index of Tabari^ p. 618. Ibn Khallika"h does not mention Kitab al-Paula among the ^books of Ifeitham. Perhaps it did not reach Ibn Khallikan otherwise he must have mentioned. Wafayat« Vol. 6/167-68. - 196 - from the above historians whose close association with the 'Abbaside enabled them to record first-hand information in their books. The authorities upon whieh Tabari has relied have been discussed here with a view that their historical knowledge and its value has great importance for us, because Ibn al-4thir has derived the information from the history of Tabari and recorded them in Al-Kamil. H© did so with great honesty. For the later period upto the year 302 A. H. Tabari* s information heavily depends on oral sources. His sentences fairly suggest the authorities who have supplied information to him. He does not often quote the name of the transmitter who conveyed information to him. Why does i* happen? One of the answers and the most convincing is that Tabari did not like to mention his authorities due to political reason. Probably, 1. 11-Tabari fTarikh al-Rusul^ Vol. 12/1502 2, Ibid., Vol. 12/1624. 3, Ibid. Vol. 12/1636. 4. Ibid. Vol. 12/637 6. Ibid. Vol. 12/1669-70. 6, Ibid. Vol. 12/1700. ?• Ibid. Vol. 12/1807. 8. Ibid. Vol. 12/1993. 9. Ibid. Vol. 12/2266. 10. Ibid. Vol. l2/t»»t3r2294. - 196 - lie and Ms transmitter feared piinislment.. Another reason whie is the least important is that Tabari did not remain very particular about mentioning the authorities in concluding portion. But sometimes he records the names of the transmitter; It is because of the fact that the information was in compli ance with the political tune of the time. There was no fear of serious consequences. I have remarked that Tabari himself was afraid of the ruling power because the information which he preserved about his period is not proportionately detailed. He concludes the last volume of his history in 666 pages covering 37 years from 246r302 A. H./869-914 A. D. It is pertinent to note that Tabari concluded the Abbaside portion at the cl©se of the year 294 A, H. 914 A.D. and gave permission for its transmission. But the accounts of later period which begin with al-Muqtadir were not permitted for circulation according to Yaqut. At the same time it is relevant to mantion that Tabari does not supply sufficient information after 295 A. H./907 A. D. Probably, the present text of Tabari*s history may not be considered a complete one but the text which was in the hand of Ibn al-Athir might have con tained the missing material. But if we think that the additiona 1, Ibn al-AtJiir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 12/1441-2294. 2. laqut, J^u'jam al-Maba. Yol. 18/70. - 197 - information recorded by Ibn al-Atiair after 29fi A. H./907 A. D. Wits not copied from Tarikh al~Tabari» Then it means that some other books served as a source to him. To our Imck Ibn al-Athi: himself solves the problem. He narrates an account in 302 A. H.^ 1 914 A. D. on the authority of Ibn Miskawah which testifies, tha- Ibn al-Athir has started to copy the account from other sources than Tarikh al-Tabari. The comparision of the accounts reeordec by Ibn Miskawah and Ibn al-Athir supports the view. Africa and Andalus: The accounts of Africa and Andalus during the period of '"Abbaside is usually missing in Tabafi. But our author has devoted considerable pages to the description ©f African and Andalusan history. The following accounts under each year have been narfated in AL-Kamil. The entrance of Abd al-Rahman b. Moawiah in Andalus and the establishment of the Onayyad rule 2 there in 139 A. H./756 A. D. is narrated by Ibn al-Athir. Tabari avoided the history of the Um.ayyid in Andalus. He has mentioned it in two lines. "^w pJ\ Jl b^-Vj 4Jy ^c,j,\ L^. Ai it means that Ibn al-Athir's accounts pertaining to the histories of Africa and Andalus have been copied from other sources than the history of Tabari. 1. Ibn al-Athir, AL-Kamilf Vol. 8/28. 2. Ibid., Vol. 6/182-85. 3. Al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul^ Vol. 10/126, - 198 - During the follcwing years, 139 A.H./766 A. Q., 140 A. H./ 2 3 4 767 A. D., 146 A.H./763 A. D., 148 A.H./766 A. D., 161 A.H./768 A. D., 166 A.H./772 A. Eu, 168 A.H./784 A.D., 171 A.H./787 A. if, 9 10 11 172 A.H./788 A. D., 176 A.H./791 A. D,, 177 A. H./793 A. D, , 178 12 13 14 A.H./794 A. D. , 179 A. H./796 A. D. , 180 A.H./796 A. liT , 181 16 16 17 A.H./797 A. D. , 186 A.H./802 A. DT , 187 A.H./802 A. D. , 189 A. I 804 A, DJ^, 191 A.H./806 A. LJ®, 194 A.H./809 A. ijf ^, 198 A,H./ 21 22 23 813 A. a , 201 A.H./816 A. Du , 204 A.H./819 A. D. , 208 A.H./ 24 26 26 822 A. D. , 219 A.H./834 A. Du , 222 A.H./836 A. D, , 224 A.H,/ po P5^ IPQ 838 A. D. , 228 A.H./842 A. D. , 230 A.H./844 A. a , 234 A,H./ 848 A.^^, 238 A.H./862 A. if"^, 240 A.H./864 A. B?^, 246 A.H./ 33 34 36 869 k,-£u , 247 A.H./861 A. D. , 260 A. H./864 A. D, , 260 A.H./ 1. Ibn al-Atiii r^ Al-Kamil^ Vol 2. Ibid.. , Vol. 6/213. 3. Ibid.. , Vol. ^217-18. 4. Ibid. 5, Vol. 6/4. 31. Ibid., Vol. 7/23. 6. Ibid. , Vol. 6/22-23. 32. Ibid., -Vol. 7/28. 6. Ibid.. , Vol. 6/27. 33. Ibid., Vol. 7/33-34. 7. Ibid.. , Vol.. 6/37-38. 34. Ibid., Vol. 7/87. 8. Ibid. , Vol. 6/39. 36. Ibid., Vol. 7/89. 9. Ibid.. , Vol. 6/48. 10. Ibid. > Vol. 6/44-46. 11. Ibid. t Vol. 6/49-60. 12. Ibid. , Vol. 6/48-49. 13. Ibid. , Vol. 6/66. 14. Ibid. , Vol. 6/61-62. 16. Ibid. , Vol. 6/63-64, 16. Ibid. , Vol. 6/62, 17. Ibid., , Vol. 6/78. 18. Ibid.. , Vol. 6/6&.66. 19. Ibid., , Vol. 6/108, 111-116. 20. Ibid., , Vol. 6/101-112. 21. Ibid.. , Vol. 22. Ibid., , Vol. 6/128-129. 23. Ibid.. , Vol, 6/130. 24. Ibid., , Vol. 6/130-160. 26. Ibid., , Vol. 6/161. 26. Ibid.. > Vol. 6/172. 27. Ibid. J, Vol. 7/2-3. 28. Ibid., , Vol. 7/6. 29. Ibid.. > Vol. 7/17. SO. Ibid., , Vol. 7/22. - 199 823 A. I^, 261 A.H./874 A.!?, 268 A. H./881 A. Dt, 273 A.H./886 A. 287 A.H./900 A.l£f 288 A.H./900 A. D., 296 A. H./908 A. Du, 300 A. 912 A.D?, 301 A.H./913 A. D?, 302 A,H./914 A. D.*^ the whole accotints have been drawn from other sources, than Tarikh al-Taha The sources for African and Andalusan histories dis- ciissed above under the Uaayiyad,most possibly again, served Ibn al-Athir. Most of them might have extended their help £o Ibn al-Athir. Only the history of Ibn al-Qutiya terminates at the time of Abd allah b, Muhamaiad who died in 299 A.H./911 Aw D. Sicily8 Ibn al-Athir deals with the history of Sicily also from the time of its conquest by the Muslims. HLs information on tht history of the Island is very likely based on recorded material available to him, Ibn al-Athir does not mention the authorities who helped him in this respect and provided him with information. Moreover we do not possess a single book which is written on the subject during the early of the'^^Abbasid's period whbse information may 1. Ibn al-AtJir, Al-Kamia>j Vol. 7/93-96. 2. Ibid., Vol. 7/122-23. 3, Ibid. Vol. 7/l«l. 4. Ibid. Vol. 7/166-67. 6. Ibid. Vol. 7/171. 6. Ibid. Vol. 8/7-14. 7. Ibid. Vol. 8/22-24. 8. Ibid. Vol. 8/24-27. 9. Ibid. Vol. 8/27-29. 10. Ibid. Vol. - 200 - be compared with the accounts preserved in Al-Kamil, But merely on this ground^it cannot be held that historical books pertaining to Sicily were not written during the early of the fourth century A. H. When we start investigation ofs. such books written on the history of Sicily we find some books helpful in this respeci l^hey may be supposed as a possible source for Ibn al-Athir. For example Haji Khalifa mentions two books, which were written in this connection. One of them entitled Tarlkh Siallyah was .> .... '. 1 written liy Ibn Qattaa Ali b. Jafar al-Siqli and the other book having similar title was written by Abu Zaid al-Ghumari. These two books might have directly or indirectly helped Ibn al-Athir as a source. It is to be noted that some regional historical books did contain the account of other areas too. For instance, Futuh Misr of Abd al-Hakam dealt not only with the accounts of the ' also conquest of Misr but/the conquest of Africa and Aadalus '-..^-V-i'- 3 have been described in it. In this way, the books which were 1. He cjied in 615 A.H./1121 A. D., ifeji Khalifa, Kashaf al- Zunun, ?ol. 1/297. 2. The times of the author is not mentioned by the Ifeji, ^a^haf a1-^Hi^qn,^ Vol. 1/294, 3. The Futuh Misr of'Abd al-Hakam was edited hy Torrey and ^ published from New Havan in 1921. The author The accounts of Sicily recorded by Ibn al-Athir in A-L-Kamil and Ibn al-Assari in Al-Bayan al~Mughrib present a grea identity but there was a remote chance for Ibn al-Athir to utilize the book of Ibn al-Azari as I have already discussed. So the only way left for us is to suppose that the above mentioned two books and possibly the histories of Neighbouring countries such as Africa and Andalus might have supplied his torical information to Ibn al-Athir. Al-Andalus: The importance of Ibn Hayy.an regarding the Andalusan history from the second century upto the time of Itn Ifeyy.an needs a little more consideration. Ibn B&yyan held one of the the highest post «ls^l v-*>-L» equivalent of Wazir or al-H^~jib, His grandfather was among one of the top clients of Abd al- Rahman al-Awwal - the founder of the Um^a^yad rule in Andalus. After it, Ibn Hayyan did not hold any post. He devoted a con siderable time of his life in historical s4udy. This devotion 1, AJ-i Adham, Baz Muwal Rakhin al-IslamT p. 66-69, - 202 - and close association with the ruling power ^provided Mm with ti best opportunity to accumulate authentic information for his historical books. The foregone historians about whom a considerabJte dis- „ ..2 cussion has already been recorded like the descendants of Razi, Mamun b. Hashim al-Sanbasi, Hasan b. Muhammad b. Mufarraj, ~. 3 Ibn al-Qutia preceeddd Ibn Hayyan. Many learned authorities like Abu Ali Ghassani and Ibn Khalladun affirm the veracity and truthfulness of Ibn Hayyan. Perhaps his historical works were one of the most consulted and reliable authorities for the The historical works of Ibn Ifeyyan do not exceed more than two. The first one entitled Kitab al-Mugtabis fi larikh Ajidalus consisted of ten volumes. It begins with the account of Muslim conquest of itodalus till the time of the author. The Manuscript of the book Al-Muatabis exists in Oxford and Constantinople. Dairat al-Ma'arif Vol.2/481. Some parts of the book have been edited and published by M.Antune,E Levi Pro Wencal and Garcia Games.^ Mugtabis,Is Kitab al-Muatabis fl T4""rikh Rid.lSLal Andalus^ par Abu Maiwan Ibn Baiyaa, ed. dela partie relative aux rigne d'al-Hakam la et de *Abdal-Rahman II, par^ E, Leui- Provenscal et Abdal Hamid Bey al-Abbadi, Alexandria (Sause prene). Muqtabis II kitab Ml-Mugtabis fi Tarikh Bid.ial al~Andalus par Abu Marwan Ibn Hayyan, ed. Partie le (3 e Kisam) du p Meichar M-Antune, chronique de regn© du caHfe Umaiyade Abdallah a Cordove, Paris, 1937. Muqtabis III Kitab al~Muqtabis fi Tarikh Rid.ial al-Andalus, par Abu Marwan Ibn Hayyan, ed. it Trad.esp. du la partie relative an regne d'al Hakam II par E, Garcia Gomez. Leui-Provenscal, HLsteire de L Bspagne Musulaan^ p. Muhaaimad b.Musa came to Andalus as a Merchant in 249 A. H. and was attached to the Amir Muhammad. I^ter he took interest in history and wrote a book, Kitab al^R'aieh.His son Ahmad was also scholar of history. The grand child of Muhammad Isa b.Ahmad continued the tradition of his family and wrote two books, Kitab Tarikh Andalus and Kitab Hijab Khulfa' al-AndaluSf Ibn al-Qmtia, Tarikh If titahal Andalus p. 23-24, Dairat al-Ma'arif^ Vol. 2/481. - 203 - later iiistoriams. Ibn al-Azari and many others reverently refer to Ibn Hayyan. Abdul Waiiid al-Marakashi, who lived in the thirteenth century A. D. quotes Abu Marwan Ibn Efeyyan, It means that Ibn Hayyan's works were available in the Mashriq. It is also a fact that MarakaTshi had written and completed his book on 24th of Jamad al. ikhara 621 A. H./1224 A. D. on the request of - r- ,. • -- -••• 2 a certain wazir of the Abbaside caliph-Nasir Le Din allah. Another historian Abu Abd allah al-Humaidi who is a contemporary of Ibn Bayyin left many historical works behind him. Al-Humaidi was a widely travelled scholar. He was fortumte enough to have benefitted from all the contempoary scholars who were living all over the Islamic world. He met Khatib al-Baghdadi and Abii Nasr Ali b, Muqla and exchanged knowledge with them. His interest in history in general and Andalus in particmlar is well known. Khatib al-Baghd^di and 3 Ibn Muqla both held him in high esteem. Ibn al-Athir was familiar not only with the author but also with his works. He remarks in the obituary section of the year 488 A.H./1096 A. D. that Al-Humaidi al-Andalusi was born before 420 A. H./1029 A. D. 1. Abdul Wahid Al-Marakashi, Al-Mu« jib^ p.20^ 21Q. Yaqut al-Hamavi repeatedly quotes Ibn Hayyan. Irshad al-Aril ¥ol. 12/247. 2. Ibid. 3. Yaqut, Irshad al-Arlb^ Vol.7 p.58-60. - 204 - and died in 488 A. H./1095 4. D. He learnt HaditJa in Andalus, Egypt, Hejaz^ and Iraq and he is the author of the book (>*• A«?JI and ^ ij.iT''^^^^' He was learned and reliable/his works were donated for public use and so people fre(t,uently utilized then, TMs reference suggests that our author might have utilized the works year of Al-Hmmaidi, which contained the information upto the/480 A. H, 1087 A. D. For the material of Andalusan history from 488 A. H./1095 A.D. in which Humaidi died, who had written, besides other , n • • •' ... 2 3 books —— Bughyat al-Musta'jil fi al-larikh^ onwards to the time of Ibn al-Athir, the sources turn to be oral. But it does not mean that recorded material were not available to the his torian. Though the account pertaining to the "MiMahhadun" dynasty of Andalus are based on oral authorities, his sencfcence "u-.jJtJl ^J^Jy, y^»_«4 J13 IJ^" clearly suggests that Ibn al-Athl: possessed written records as well. But soon after this Iremark he rejects the fact and produces his own information on the subject. We find a .very clear reference which provides positive evidence about the authorities. He, while stating the length of Musadimah's rule as 70 years and the total number of the 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 1/88. Y^qut, Irshad al-Arlb^ Vol.2/68-60 (Yaqut has utilized the books of Al-Humaidi. 2. Ismail Pasha, Hadiat al-Arifin, Vol. 2/77. 3. IbA al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 10/145-46,173,201-208, 214,224. 4. Ibid., Vol. 10/201. rulers as )four — Yuiuf, All, Tasiifiii and IsJaaq, add; which suggests that Ibn al-Athir has utilized both the oral and written records. - The above statement of Ibn al-Athir gives us reason to think that he had ascertained the account before putting them into record^ and thus his information is very reliable and authentic. Here to mention the name of a scholar who was the Professor of Majd al Mn - the elder brother of Ibn al-Athir -— Abu Bakr lehya b. Sadun al-Maghribi al-Qurtabi, is very rele- 1 vant. Many other scholars and physicians of Andalus were frequent visitor to the famous house of Ibn al-Athir. It is a significant point that from 642 A. H. onwards the historical accounts of Andalus and Africa gradually decrease due to the fact that the Oral authorities, being far from their hoae land, were not able to furnish Ibn al-At_hir with fresh and 2 detailed information. It is why that in the last two voliMes of ^J-lCamil, especially the twelfth one does not contain detailed information and they reduce '.to a few lines. Another possible reason for the scarcity of the materials is the poli tical upheaval of the time. The crusaders were constantly 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 10/206. 2. Yaqut, Irshad al-Arib^ Vol. 6/238-41. 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-MmilT Vol. 11/13,36,41,43,46,47,62,68, 69,79,84,90,107,109,117,134,140,146,190,191,196. Vol. 12/44,46,67. - 206 - attacking on Asia Minor and Egypt, Andalus was under the grip of internal anarchy and external fear. The Mangels, coming out in great swarm from Ciiina, had invaded central Asia. Thus the fear of Mangols plunged the whole Muslim world into grief, and despair. This three side danger made the communication among the Muslim states and movement from a country to another 1 most difficult. Internally the warlike condition and the insecurity of the highways on which the merchants, travellers and scholars traded^ prevented the Andalusians from setting out on journey, '•> Alavid Dynasty of Africa{ .,.•, The material in connection with the Alavid dynasty which was established in Africa in 296 A. H./908 A. D. was derived from mahy sources, notably from the works of Amir Abd al-Aziz o who is referred to by Ibn al-Athir. He says: Jtr^'"^ js*' 1. Ibn al-Athir, Tarikh al-Daulat al-Atabekia^ p. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 8/8. 3. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol. £/256. 4. Ibid,, - 207 - the book ( u^j^^ jU^^ o* o^b (^^' )• I^ is possible that tl book might have got a title and which was different from the one by which it was popularly known. This happend«6«to the possible alter nation made by calligraphers. Another possibilit also exists that the aiithor probably wrote more ;. .c than one book among which one got the titles " >^jj^\ j ^j}\ f^.b" The question whether the author whom Ibn al-Athir quotes is the same to whom Ibn Khallikan has referred, requires consideration. The rule of Alavids which was first established in Africa grew stronger with the march of time. 4t one stage it extended its South-eastern frontier to the Nile and consolidate( the whole Egypt under its banner. Their rule lasted up to the 1 year 667 A. H./1171 A. D, when it breathed its last. Since the author belongs to the sixth century A. H. as it can be deter mined from the references made by Ibn Khallikan-; and; Besides- Ibn al-Athir and Ibn Khallikan, both utulized him in connection with the Alavid history, the opinion that the author quoted by the two historians is the same has valid ground. This source probably continued to serve Ibn al-Athir at least upto the year 607 A.H./111S A. D. From the year 302 A.H./914 A. D. or 303 A.H./916 A. D. in which Tabari finished his history, our historian naturally depends on a number of sources. 1, Ibn al-Athir, Al-KamilT Vol. 8/8. - 2G8 - Abba si dig: A comparison of the last two volumes of Taj a rib al-Umam^ with Al-Kamily shows that there exists a striking similarity between the two texts, and there is great identity between the information presented by the two authors. Abu Ali Ahmad b. Yaqufe b. Miskawah, 421 A. H./1021 A. D. though basically philosopher, chemist, took great interest in history in his later age and he wrote the famous history 2 Ta.iarib al-IMaBi. This book, especially its last two voliimes is very important source for Ibn al-Athir. The accounts till 340 A. H./961 A. D. in the Ta.iarib are based on written records for which we have evidence in his 3 own words but from 340 A.H./961 A. D. till 369 A. H./979 A. D., most of the information was derived from oral sources. Some 4 of the events recorded by him happened in his presence. So T, Ibn MLskawahf Tajarib al-Umam. Vol.2/136-37. 2. Ibn Miskawah was very close to the ruling class and the nobles of the Buwahi'd court. He served as a Librarian to the Wazir Abu Muhammad al-Muhallabi" and later, he enjoyed the favour of Ibn al-Amid. Ibn Miskawah expresses great veneration for Muhammad b, Husain Ibn al-J^id. This devo tion to learning, vigourous mind and wisdom attracted the attention of the Buahid Prince Abd al-Dowlahwho appointed him Treasurer. After "Abd al-lbwlah, Samsam al-Dawlah showered his favour upon him. Thus Ibn Miskawah was con sidered one of the most influencial persons in Al-Bay. Ibn al-Qifti, Tarikh al-Hukama^ p. 331-32. Yaqut, IrshSd al-Arlby Vol. 5/5-IS. Ibn Miskawah, Ta.larib al-Omam, Preface by Leona Cetani p. ZTI-XV. Ency.of Islam^ 961.2/404. Brockelmann G.l p.417 S 1/682-84. 3. Ibn Miskawah, Ta.iarib al-Umam^ Vol. 2/136. He says: 4. Ibid. Vol. 2/393. "fe* say^ -^iJj^. J-«>^^y ^U, 3 OAU. C/Ay^ - 209 - this part of his history may be considered a very original and authentic. Among one of the written sources upon which Ibn Mi-skawah relied was Thablt b. Sanan who is frequently quoted by the 1 -. historian. Sanan*s history is the main source of information to Ibn Miskawah. 2 Thamt b. Sanan b. Thahlt b, Qurra (365 A. H./975 A. a), who llveidMM^the reign of the Abbaside caliph al-Mutie wrote a 1. Ibn Miskawah, Tajarib, Vol. 1/99, 200,231, 338,268, 376, 387, Vol. 2/12,72. 2, Thabit emerged up from a family of a great name in the field of philosophy, ma thematic, and medicin. His grand father Thabit b. Qurra was a reputed scholar in these fields He bequethed his very rich tradition to the youngest of his family. Thus our Thabit proved a worthy inheritor of his grandfather. Thabit did not confine himself only to philosophy and medicine but he extended his interest to the ^ field of history. He recorded the contemporary events covering the Abbasides and Buawhids. Thabit, in the beginning relies on his father and teachers. This can be witnessed in the extracts preserved in the Tajarib. Ibn Miskwaih records: This statement suggests that Thabit, for previous years, base his information on very important personalities who were not only VQTY close to the affairs but were also involved in them. Thus the information recorded by Thabit bears authenticity. The later portion which belongs to author's period is, probably, based on his owe eye observation. The other narrators may not be ruled out. In this way, the materials recorded in the history of Thabit is to be consi dered very valuable. Ibn Khallikan and Ibn al-Athir both praised its authenticity. Ibn al-Qif1;£, Tarikh al-Hukamay p. 109-10. Yaqut, Irshad al-ArJb. Vol.7/142. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol. 1/279. Ha^i Khalifa, Kashaf al-Zunuh^ Vol. 1/290, Bncy.of Islam^ Vol.IV, p.733. Ibn Miskawah, Ta.jgrib al-Umam, Vol. 1/231. - 21G history in continuation of Tabari's history. HLs work eontaine the historical information from 296 A. H./1004 A. D. till the end of 363 A.H./973 A. D., te/o years before his death. Ito al Qifti, Ibn al-Athir, and Yaqiit record that the length of period which covers his history is 68 years. But Haji Khalifah gives different statement. He suggests that the histoiy IPecorded the events from 190 A. H./806 A. D. It creates great confusion in the mind. The gap is very wide. All the his torians state that 296 A. H./907 A. D. is the starting year for the history of Thabit and the Haji gives quite different date. The question whether Ibn al-Athir utilized Tbabit's history is very important. Our historian does not quote Thabit as an authority, whom he consulted but in the end of 363 A. H./ 973 A. D., he remarkss u-t 6^ 0-.^^.^ iQV^ cr^^ *^^ ^IA^I Jl" We find him making a similar statement about Tabari at another place. He sayss _ This similarity of the identical statements made by Ibn al-Athir in connection with the two historians suggests that our his torian did utilize the history of Thabit. The following discu ssion substantiate the view. 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 8/214. 2, Ibid., Vol. 8/29. - 211 - Unfortunately, the history of Thabit is not extant otheiwise the comparison might have helped us in arriving at a definite opinion. But the extracts of the book preserved in the Tajarib of Ibn Miskawah and its remarkable identity V:i:.h with the accounts recorded in Al-Kamil^ reasonably suggests that Ibn al-Athir directly utilized the history of Thabit. More over the above reference to Thabit b. Sahan made by Ibn al-Athir tells us that the historian knew the history of T_habit. Since Thabit was senior to Ibn Miskawah and he was the most trusted authority of Ibn Miskawah^ It is very likely that Ibn al-Athir might have paid greater;', attention to the history of Thabit rather than Ibn Miskawah; because the origi nal one requires priority from historical point of view. The mcjde of the sentense also suggest that the book was accessable to Ibn al-Athir. The identity which exists in the materials recorded by Ibn al-Athir and Ibn Miskawaih strongly proves that Thabit's history was the common source for both the historians. Anong the identical accounts recorded by both the historians. One ought to be quoted here. Ibn MLskawaife narrates a detailed account on the authority of Thabit, about the Abbaside caliphr- Muttaqi and his tragic end, his arrest and the process of making him blind. Thabit reports the account from Abu al-Abbas l^mimi- al-Razi that the latter was the cause for all the destruction brought upon the caliph. - 212 - The same statement is available in Al-Kamil^ uiir i^y- iy> u^^j <5j'^^ ^_3»*^l ^L^Jl ill>-U 4J dwjuJl u-^ ^^li^" Thus the historical accoimts go; ahead with complete identity. But it is very important to keep in mind that in relation with many happenings, this identity exists not only in the contents but even in the words. It means that the Tajarib might have served as a source to Ibn al-Athir. During the year 344 A. H,/965 A. D* the account recorded by Ibn Miskawaih, on the authority of his great patron - Ibn al-^aid the vizir, is the same authority upon which our historian has 3 relied. This is an evidence to hold that Ibn al-Athir probably copied from the history of Ibn Miskawaih. Though the similarity exists in the accounts of the Tajarib and Al-Kamil, the way which both the historians adopt in recording the infoimation varies due to the difference in the nature of the two books. The Tajarib includes the happening; of a limited area - especially pertaining to the kingdom of Buwahids. So his narratives are in details. On the other hand, 1. Ibn Miskawaih, Ta.jarib al-Umam, Vol. 2/82-3. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 8/137» 3. Ibid., Vol.8/108-70. Ibn Miskawaih, Ta.larib^ Vol.2/169-62. - 213 - Al~Kamil is conpreiiensive in its nature, it includes Buawhid, Abbasid.s, Fa timid, Alavid of Africa and the accounts of Andalus and Sicily in its compass} therefore, the accounts are briefly narrated and balanced. Moreover, Ibn al-Athir write a compre hensive world history. He did not leave or overlook© any region, while Ibn Miskwaih had excluded from his history. For instance Ibn Miskwaih does not pay much attention to the Samanid very few narratives about them are given any place in the ^- 1 Tajarib, In this connection he remarks: 4_*iba« bib j^l l*;l c—'U L^ ^a> ^^l (j-fl«JI ^y ci-jlj^l rfJui, j^Ju fj\ ^yJL^ ^jl^" f * It shows that Ibn al-Atiiir tried hard to make his book very balanced and comprehensive. It also suggests that there were many books on regional and dynastic; . histories which were utulized by Ibn al-Athir. But, unfortunately, he does not mention the works upon whlcte he relied. We find a number of books pertaining to the history of Khurasan which were referred .„ 3 to by Haji Khalifah in his Kashaf al-Zunun. These books might have been %he source of Ibn al-Athir. 1. Ibn Miskawaih, lajarib, Vol. 2/81-106. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 8/153. 3. Haji Khalifa, Kashaf al-Zunun^ Vol. 1/292, 309, - 214 - It is also to be noted that Ibn al-Athir, has utilized a good number of historical works even in dealing with the Buwahidsj because, sometime we find certain information which have not been recorded by Itn Mlskawaih but our historian has 1 furnished them. Anyhow, the Tajarib of Ibn Miskawaih supplied very rich infoimation concerning the Buwahids from 303 A.H,/ 915 A. D. upto 369 A. H./940 A. D. to Ibn al-Athir. The account of Ahmad b. Sahl which is missing in the 2 Tajarib has been dealt with detail in Al~Kamil« It indicates that Ibn al-Athir has utilized not only the Taja:rib but other historical books which dealt with the Buawahids. The obituary note on Muhammad Jarir al^Tabarl also shows two authorities which have been quoted by Ibn al-At^r - Ibn 3 Miskawaih and Abu Bakr al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. What has been . 4 written by Ibn Misrkawaih about Tabari is copied by Ibn al-Athir. Baghdad!*s information pertaining to Tabari is also quoted by Ibn al-Athir. It shows that Ibn al-Athir has received infor- .6 mation from the history of Khatib al-Baghdadi. "No more authori. 1, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 8/37-38. Ibn Miskawaih, Ta.iarib Vol. V69I74. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Sol, 8/37-38. Ibn Miskawaih, Taj^arib, Vol. 1/69-74, 3. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol. 8/43-44, 4, Ibid., Vol. 8/43-44. 6. Khatib al-Baghdadi, larikh Baghdad. Vol. 2/164-65. - 216 - ties - At»u Ahaiad Husaia b, 41i b. Muhammad al-l^zi and Abu Muhammad Abd allah b. Ahmad al-Ferghani are also quoted in tills respect. Our historian has utilized not only historical works but also literary books. He quotes Muhammad b. Hani - the poet of Andalus in connection with the Fa timid prince-Mad of Egypt, Ibn al-Athir informs us about the establishment of 2 the empire of Ghazana in 366 A. H./976 A. D. But this portion has not its^ parallel in the Tajarib, Ife has utilized other historical works. Another historical work which may be considered as a vital source for the years to come from 369 A.H./979 A. B. upto 389 A. H./1008 A. D. is the supplement of the Tajarib prepared by the great Wazir Abu Shujaa Muhammad b. Hisain, known as 3 Zahir al-DLn of Rozaravsry (488 A. H./1096 A. D. ). His..' piety and justice has been praised by many historians. But it is significant that the supplement deals with the time far from his period —- nearly a century back. It covers on3y 21 years. Our historian knew the supplement and has mentioned it among 4 the works of Abu Shujaa. Y* Ibn al-Athir, Aldarsil, Vol. 8/206. 2. Ibid., Vol. 8/227. 3. Ibid., Vol. 10/87. 4. Ibid., Vol. 10/87. M I^n Miskawaih, Ta.iarib^ Vol. 1/84. - 216 - The Wazir, naturally, deals with the Buwahids in details whil e other dynasties have not been mentioned by Abu Shujac, Even the early activities of Mahmud of Ghazana, and the ruling family of the Samanids have been neglected by the Wazir. HLs supplement infact covers very short period of time. Any how it may be held as one of the sources which was utilized, for the period under discussion, by Ibn al-Athir. When we compare the accounts from 369 A. H./979 A. Dt to 389 A. H./1008 A. D., recorded in the Tukmilah of Abu^Shujaa with the accounts of the same period preserved in Al-Kamil, a great identity is evident. The accounts from 369 A. H,/979 A. D. •1 to 389 A. H./1008 A. D. testify the opinion that Ibn al-Athir has drawn the information of the period under discussion ^ especially of the BiMahid from the Tukmilah of Abu Shujaa. Not only the identity exists in the materials but fortunately, a reference is also preserved in Al-Kamil which confirms the view. Ibn al-Athir remarksx^^-^orj'^Jp'«J^-^ ty^j^'^**j" which strongly supports that Ibn al-Athir has copied the accounts from the Tukmilah. In this connection a notable historical work of Abu Ishaq as-Sabi (313-384 A. H./926-994 A. D. ) concerning/Buwahid 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-KamilT Vol.9/2-64. Abu Shuja-, Tukmila Vol. 3/10-332. 2. Ibn Al-Athir, Al-Kamily Vol, 9/62. 3. Ibn Khallikan, Mafa^, Vol. 1/20-21. Ibp al-Qif1ji, Tarikh al Hukamah^ p.76-7@. Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad, Vol. 14/76. Haji Khalifa, Kashf al-Zunuh^ Vol. 1/290. - 217 dynasty, deserves to be mentioned. The author was compelled to write the history of the house; and its process of comple- 1 tion was supervised hy the prince Azd al-Dowlah himself. The - 2- hook is mentioned by Ibn al-Athir. But it is doubtful whether Ibn al-Athir thought it reliable for the use, because it was written by the order of the Prince and thus was not very unbiased. The history of Thabit b. Sanan was supplement and it ... 3 was again supplemented by his nephew Hilal b. Muhsin al-Sabi (369-448 A.IJ./969-1066 A. D. ). He has written many books among which two mainly concern history. HLs work !yuhfat al-Umaya., was very voluminous of which a part is edited by A,F.Amedruz. Perhaps this book might have been accessible to the historian. But his second work on history containing the informations from 360 A. H./970 A. D. to 447 A. H./1066 A. D, is very important from our point of view,because the work, though its loss is most deporable, may be considered as the main source on the history,of Abbasides for Ibn al-AtJd.r. a But it is very significant that the man of such/high calibre and reputation was not mentioned by Ibn al-Athir in the obituary notes. Is it acceptable to assume that our historians 1. Abu Shujaa, Jukmila, p. 23# 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 9/4. 3. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol. 5/152-126. Yaqut, Irshad. Vol. 7/142. Khatib al-Baghdadi, Tarikh Baghdad. Vol. 14/76. Haji Khalifa, Kashf al-ZunuhT Vol. 1/290. Ency.of Islam^ Vol. IV, p. 20-21. - 218 - did not know the author and his work? It is very difficult to accept this opinion, because those historical works which were definitely known to our historian preserve a lengthy account about fJilal b. Muhsin. This point fairly suggests that the historian and his works were known to our author. But the question whether he utilized the works of HLlal is merely <\ matter of conjecture, because he does not mention it. It is a general attitude of Ibn al-Athir that he does not mention the authorities but some had fortunately slipped from his pen and got mentioned in his histoiy^ but a large number of books have not been mentioned. Instead of mentioning Mlal, our author mentions the date of the death of his cele brated. Son Ghars al-Mi»amah Abu al-Hasan Muhammad b. Sabi Sahib al-Tarikh, His history is in continuation of his father's work. TMs indicates that Ibn al-Athir was aware of tte work and most probably he had utilized it.- ' - „ • 3 Muhammad Ibn Sabi 416-480 A. H./1025-1087 A. D. continued to record the events upto a considerable period. The book entitled Uun' ^ al-Tawarikh was very important and reliable. 1. Khatib al-Baghdadl, Tarikh Baghdad^ Vol. 14/76. Ibn Khallikai Wafayat^ Yol. 6/162-163. Yaqut, E'alaifl. al- Udaba^ Vol. 19/294-96 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamilt Vol. 10/66. 3. Ue was literateure, Secretary and "ar; historian. He was highly regarded and respected by the Caliphs and Princes, and he established a library in Baghdad to which he donated four thousand books. Al-Sabi, Tuhfatul IMara^ Preface. H&ji Khalifa, Kashf al-Zunun^ Toi. 1/290, Ibn Khallikali, Wafayfft, Vol. 6/162-166. - 219 - He has recorded the accounts which were authentic and reliable. The date, in which he terminated his history is suggested by 1 Brocklemann 479 A. H./1086 A. D. It is extremely possible that Ibn al-4thir might have utilized the book for the period. From 480 A. H./1087 A. D., another historian Muhammad b. " ... -2 Abd al-Malik b. Ibrahim al-Hamadhani continued to record the historical accounts till 5i5 A.H./1121 A. D. Thus Ibn al- Hamadhani preserved the information of 32 years. Now the important question is whether Ibn al-Athir utilized the works of Ibn al-Hamadhani. There is every likelihood of Ibn al-Athir' access to the works of the historian. We have a definite evidence which decides the issue, Ibn al-Athir has not only recorded the date of his death but he remarkss which confirms that Ibn al-Athir has utilized the work of Ibn al-Hamadhani. This reference again suggests that a number of other books supplied the information to Ibn al-Athir. Ibn al- Hamadhani lived at the time when the Saljuq's decline was set in. He touched not only the happenings occured in Baghdad but, also extended his interests in the history of the Saljuq who 1, Brocklemann^ Vol, 3/47. Arabic, 2, Ibn al-Hamadhani belonged to an educated family of Hamadhan;if (name of a village) where he was bom. It seems that he settled in Baghdad in his early of childhood. He was Shafa^i and one of the greatest traditionist historians. Subkey quotes the opinion of Ibn Najjar as he remarksj "The art of historiography ended with him* while Ibn al- Tusi thought him among the descandents of traditionists and scholars. Subkey, Tabaqat al-Shafa£yahT ?ol.4/81. Ibn al- Jowzi, Al-D^untaziffi.' Vol. 10/8, 3, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol» 10/231. - 220 - built their ovm glory on the ruins of Buwahids. Ibn al-Hamadhai is quoted by Ibn Khallikaii in connection with the history of 1 ,,. 2 the Saljuqs, It means that Hamadhani books contained the infoimations of the Seljuqs which were copied by the later historians. Ibn al-Athir relied on the history of Ibn al-Hamadhani but it is difficult to day j'how for Ibn al-Athir has utilized the books of Hamadhani, because we do not possess the history of the author. However it is possible that Ibn al-Athir might have copiously copied the accounts from the history of Hamadhani and most of the informations for the period v under discussion were taken from it. We cannot say that Hamadharxi»s book was the only source on this period>many other histories were at the disposal of Ibn al-Athir which might have been utilized by Ibn al-Athir. After 616 A. H./1121 A. D., where Hamadjbtai terminated his history, the most possible source for Ibn al-Athir is the histoi of Ibn al-Zaghuni. He has started to record the accounts from 616 A.H./1121 A. D, down to the year 627 A.H./11S2 A. D. in which 1. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol. 4/168. 2. He has written a numberp of historical works like Uun al-Sia Tabagat al-guaha^ Akhbar al-Wazara -— a supplement of Tohfat al-Umara^ A supplement to the history of Tabari and a third supplement to the Tukmila of Abu Shujaa. These books suggests the nature of the content which might have been rich source for the later historians. - 221 - 1 lie died. This toook deals with the tijtnes of Al-Mustershid the Abbaside;; caliph, till his own time 527 A.. H./1132 A. D. Thus the history of Ibn al-Zaghuni may be considered as a lixik source between Hamadhani and Sadqah b. al-Haddad the profess of Ibn al-Zaghuni. It preserved the information of twelve years pertaining to Iraq. Ibn al-Athir's access to the book is not certain because, he does not clearly mention it. But it is certain tiiat he knew the history and possibly utilized it. He remarks: ^^ ix^*J^^ 5!> J-.-^ ci^J JIJ^J O-ir^^^Cr. 25a^^y« which fairly suggests the cognizant of Ibn al-Athir of the history of Al-Zaghuni. Since we do not possess the book it is not fair on our part to hold, with certainty, that Ibn al-Athir utilized the history and if he did so then how? Whether he copied the 1. Ali b. Abd allah known as Ibn al-Zaghuni was born t^ at Baghdad in 466 A. H./1063 A. D. He completed education there and was a scholar of wide interest. History, Jurisprudence and Hadith were the main subjects in which he acquired a great name. Beside several works on many subjects, a book of history is mentioned.^/ Haji Khalifa think it a supple* ment to the history of Ibn al-Hamadhani, but others hold it as an independent book. Ibn al-Zaghuni died at Baghdad leaving many theological books behind him. Ibn al-Jowd^ lived with him a number of years and received much benefits from him. Ibn al-JowzI', Al-Muntazim, Vol. 10/32. ibn Kathir, Al-Bidayah. Vol. 12/206. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 11/170. - 222 - complete book of Ibn al-Z^ghtmi or some parts of it. Ibn al- AtMr generally does not copy the whole contents of a particul book but he seeks assistance from various books on a definite period when he deals with it. For instance, when he takes up the period of Ibn al-Hamadhani and records the accounts of it several authorities are quoted: " O^^j-*^^ O^ tjJy ^\1^\ Sj S^ This suggests that Ibn al-Zaghxani in any way, might not have been the only source for Ibn al-Athir, but many other historica, works supplied information to him. The wheel of historiography which was set on by Ibn al-Bamadhani and given /'impetus by Ibn al-Zaghuni was forced to roll ahead by Sadaqah Ibn al-Hadda( Sadaqa b. al-Husain al-Haddad (673-477 4. H./1177-1G84 2 A. D. ) was a historian, theologian. Jurist, literateure, poet and writer of Baghdad. He has prepared a supplement to the history of Ibn al-Zaghuni which terminates at 527 A. H./1132 A. D, and extended it to the year 670 A. H./1174 A. D. Thus he recorded the accounts of forty seven years. He lived in Baghdad through- out his life and witnessed all the happenings occui^d in Baghdad 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 10/38. 2, Ibn al-Kat.hir preserves a number of opinions expressed by scholars about the Sadaqah. Ibn al-Sai« pays a great reverer to his professor Sadaqa. But despite his great scholarship and wisdom, fortune never flashed upon him. He led througha>« a very miserable Hfe. Sadaqa adopted the profession of calligraphy as a means of livelihood, but always remain poverty-striken. From his verses Ibn al-Jowzi has drawn a conclusion that he was heritic. Ibn Hajar quotes the couplet Ibn Kathlr, Al-Bidaya. ?ol» 12/298-299. lasan al^Miaah Vol. 3/184. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Ka'aiilT Vol.lVlVO. Abu Fida, Tarikh Abu Fida^ Vol. "3/64, Ibn Imad^ Sha zra t al- Dhahab, V. 4/2 - 223 - or heard them by reliable source. So his history is to be considered ''•'•.. "•..- very important and reliable. We have no evidence that Ibn al-Athir utilized the book of §adaqa but he mentions the date of his death in which he remarks^y,|^l^_^L" J-,i ^ JJl jl J^^\ 4>«^l Cy. "^ -^Jy * ^^® sentence, it least suggests that he knew the work of Sadaqa which probab. was available to Ibn al-Athir. But this historian was not the only source upon whom Ibn al-Athir relied; but many others like Harun b. Abbas al-Abbasi al-Mamuni may be considered as a source j;for Ibn al-Athir. He was a contemporary of §adaqa and died in the same year. He wrote a contemporary history _ 3 which was lati;er utilized by Ibn Khallikan. Among the most distinguished historians of this period is Ali b. Hasan-known as Ibn Asakir (671-499 A.H./1123-1106 4 A. D.). He was one of the brightest stars who formed the cons tellation in the field of scholarship and knowledge during the sixth century A.H. He wrote a large nujjber of books among which the most celebrated is the history of Damascus, prepared on the line of the history of Baghdad in eighty volumes. This excellent work of a great mind still exists and has been 1. Ibn al-Athir, Alrlamil, Vol. 11/170. 2. Ibn al-Imad, /, :\',1 dhazarat al-Phahab. Vol.4/245-46. 3. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol. 4/161. 4. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat, Vol.2/471-473. Ibn KatMr, Al-Biday Vol. 12/294. Al-Subkey, Tabaqat al-Shafa^yahy fol.4/273-77. Al-Dhahabi, Tazkirat al-Huffrz^Vol.4/1328-33. Y^gift^MuMam al-Udaba^ Vol. 13/73-87. Ibn al-JowzI', Al-Muntazim^ Vol. lQ/9£ «. 224 - published. Our historian has utilized the history of Itan 'Asakir. He quotes him when he deals with the accounts of the Saljiaq in the context of Syria's history. He remarks: which confirms that Ibn al-Athlr has utilized the history of Ibn al-Asakir. Ibn al-Asakir collected information with great labour and patience. He travelled far and wideband accumulated vast Information for his history. Besides, i^ established wide contect with the scholars of other countries of which an example is to be noted. Abu al-Kasim the son of Ibn al-]tsaklr, reports t . one day a certain friend of my father Abu al-ifesan al-Muradi of Andalus came to my home with four bundles of books. These books had already been learnt by oral transmitters by my father. Seeing the books my father burst with joy and expressec gratitudes for God for having provided them without wear and tear." He further adds, taking one of them, it appeared as if he possessed the whole world. It shows that Ibn al-Asakir was,, extremely fond of knowledge and ; ' paid keen attention to acqul] information for his history. Ibn al-Athlr utilized the history of Ibn al-Asaklr and, J.: has drawn some informations from it. But he has not frequ ently copied from the book. Because,y>ythe period under discussic he seems to have recorded most of the account relying on oral 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 10/38. - 226 - authorities. A. contemporary and friend of Ibn al-Asakir is At)d al-Karim b.Muhammad al-Samaani (662-506 A. H./1206-1112, A. D. )• He was interested in Hadith, Fiqh, history and genealo^ His two historical books the Dhail of the history of Baghds of al-Khatib and the second one the history of Mery invite our 1. The father and the grandfather of Al-Samaahi were considere to be the greatest traditionists and Jurists of their times His father was Shafaie and the grandfather belonged to Hanafi school. Ibn £ll-Athir, in his compendieum, Kitab al-Lubabj of Kitab al-Ansab remarks thus: 4^JJ^2JP j\Sj2,i^\ ^jb\j a^ft^Jl f^L-*L. ijjoslj ^-jt ^^j |-i--il>j Samaani visited Jerusalem while it was under ' christians Bokhara and Samarkand were also visited by the author. Ibn Najjar mentions that the number of his teachers re^aches seven thousand. Among his transmitters Ibn Asakir, (^"sim I Asakir, deserves mention*.'.. He spent his last days at his native city Merve. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol.2/378-81. Al-Subkey, I!abaqaty al^Shafajyah, Vol.4/669-60. Al- Dhahabi, Tazkirat al-Huffa; Vol. 4/1316-18. Ibn al-Athir, Al-KamilT Vol. 11/126. Ibn al-Athir, Kitab al-Lubab^ MS. M. A. Library. - 226 - attention. Tiie former book was in fifteen volumes and the of latter one consisted/more than twenty volumes. It means that their content was of a wide range and very rich. Ibn al-Athir was familiar with the historical works of Al-Samaani. It is possible that Ibn al-Athir might have utilized them while deal ing with the contemporary history of Iraq. The historical informations about the Ghazanavids from 366^665 4.H./976-1160 A. D. which are preserved in Al-Kamll. have their sources in a number of books. But only one source is -v _ ,-, ..._, referred by Ibn al-Athir/Muhammad b. A.bd al-Jabbar al-Utbi Iwhich -., ;„. (427 A. H./1035 A. D.)/is twice quoted by Ibn al-Athir. Tarikh Utbi possesses not only the historical value but also its literary importance is known. It's verse-laden and allegorical language generatesadmiMs'tratiorii-n the mind of a reader. "^^ The present text of the book includes the accounts from the beginning of the dynasty to the year 409 A. H./1018 A. D. 1, Muhammad b. Abd al-Jabbar al-Utblj originally from Al-Ray, was brought up in Khurasan and 'Iraq, He served as a Secretary to Amir Abu Ali, Abu Mansur Subuktakin and, later he assisted Shams al-Ma»ali. He settled permanently in Nashapur. He was interested in poetry, literature and history and wrote two books which belong to literature and history respectively. Lataif al-Khutab was a literary ;book and Tarikh'Utbi was on history. Brocklemann records the date of his death 413 A. H. but the author of Hadiat al- Arifin thinks that Utbi died in 431 A. H. Al-Thalabi, Yetimat al-Dahr. Vol.4/281-85. Haji Khalifa, Kashf al-Zunun Vol. V124. Ismail Pasha, Hadiat al-ArifinT Vol.2/68. Brockelmann, G. 1/647-8. - 2.21 - Utbi's information is authentic and reliable, because most of the events were witnessed by the autlwr himself and rest of the accounts are recorded relying on trusted authorities who were 1 the eye-witness of them. Thus the information pertaining to the Ghazanawids from the beginning of the dynasty, to 409 A. H./1018 A. D. recorded in Al-Kamily have been drawn, to great extent, from -.a !Iarikh Utbi. Ibn al-Athir has taken the account from the book and reproduced them in his own excellent style. This fact is established after a thorough comparision between the two texts. 2 Ibn al-Athir has occaionally quoted AL-Utbi in his history. But, along with the accounts of Utbi, he records the opinion of others. For example, under the title of 'Tahir b. Khalluf', narrating a long account, he remarks: ^y which obviously suggests that the account; which is furnished by Ibn al-Athir is not taken from the history of Utbi but some other source is utilized for this piece of information. After 409 A. H./1018 A. D., the accounts pertaining to }1 have the dynasty evidently/been narrated on the authority of other sources. But Ibn al-Athir do^s not mention the source. More over, we do not find any other book except Tarikh al-Utbi, in -»ter 1. Al-Thalabi, Yetimat al-Dahr^ Vol. 4/205. 2. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 9/67-68, 69. 3. Ibid., Vol. 9/69. - 228 - Arabic which may be taken as a possible source for the Ghazanavids. But a very remarkable work u:j.s':." in Persian which exclusively deals with the history of Ghazanavids^is I&.rikh Behaqi. The book is highly valuable, because its author recorded whatever he saw with his own eyes. There may be some hypocritical elements in the book but as a whole the book is trustworthy and valuable. The author of the book Muhammad al- Husain al-Behaqi was Secretary to the rulers of the dynasty. He served Muhammad and his successors until the last ruler — ^ who Farrukhza^was dethrowned. After it, Behaqi confined himself 1 to his house and passed away in 470 A. H./1077 A. D, He wrote the history of the dynasty. He named it T&rikh^Nasiri after Nasir al-QLn Mahmud. Behaqi was well-versed in Arabic and composed poems which suggests his strong knowledge of the language3. The book was written in Persian*was it possible for Ibn al-Atiilr to utilize the book without the acquintance of the language'^%^ 1.A1-.Sa£ad4 j Al^Wafi ^ f • • , Vol. 3/20. Al-Zerkely, ^\41aa, vol. 6/331-32. 2. Itsvvery valuable edition is prepared by the famous Iranian scholar Sa'id Nafisi and it has been published from Tehran. Its Arabic version has also been published from Cairo recently. 3. SaTadi, Al-Wafi^ lolJ 3/20, ' - 229 - But it is difficult to determine whether Ibn al-Athir knew Persian though some points favour it. In those days educated men of such a high calibre generally^ knew Persian for academic and administrative ,.reasons. Moreover, Ibn al- Athir, at certain place translates a Persian word "* f''-^c^ " into Arabic " tJj-^* ^ **. This Persian word is also recorded by Al-Tabari, HLlal al-Sabi and many others, but its Arabic translation is not recorded by any one. It suggests that Ibn al-Athir had knowledge of this language. At another place, oui historian records the death of Qadi Abu Bakr al-Mahmudi and maintains that the Qadi was the author of many famous books among which one was written in Persian in the style of Muqamat ,. ' 2 al-Hariri. This reference also provides support to the above opinion. Any how if it is accepted that Ibn al-AtMr knew Persian then it can be established that Tarikh Behagi was also read by Ibn al-Athir. Mahmud generally kept the Abbaside caliphs informed of the conquest which he made in India and of which a reference is preserved in Wafayat. So it is alsd possible that Ibn al-Athir might have gathered the information from such letters and dociMents which were available in Baghdad during those days. 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 2. Ibid., Vol. 11/118. 3. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayal, Vol. 4/265-66, - 230 - For the accotints of Sham (Syria) ranging over more than one century, from 441 A. H, to S66 A. H./1160 A. D., the history of Ibn al-Qalanasij was one of the sources for Ibn al-Athir. The author Bamaza b. Asad b. Ali b. Muhammad Tamimi, Aba Yala (464-666 A. H. ) was a reliable historian and a distinguished jurist. He was entrusted with the post of secretary twice in Baghdad. HLs supplement records the events from 441 A. H. as it is reported by Yaqut and Ibn Asakir, down to the year 666A. E The account concerning the crusade in the history r/holds special importance because the author has closely been attached to the affairs. So the account recorded in the history of Ibn al-Qalanasi, is based on eye-witness. Our historian Ibn al-Athir has frequently utilized the 2 history of Ibn al-Qalanasi though he mentions him only once. 1« like most upperclass citizens, he was well-educatedj^ in literature, theology and law, and went into public service as a Secretary in the Correspondance Bureau or Chancery of which, apparently, he rose to be head. In addition, he •twice held the highest civil office in the city, that of ra'is oi Mayor, though the exact function attached to this office are not quite clear to us. He died on Friday 7th. first Rabi 666 A. H./1160 A. D., over ninety years of age. He was therefore, already of mature age when the first cinisad bust upon Syria and though he does not appear to have taker any part in the actual fighting, HLs chronicle is of excep tional Interest as presenting a contemporary account of the fortunes of the crusaders, in so far as they were known at Demuscus from the beginning of the crusad down to the year of his death. H. R. Gibb, The Dspiuscus Chronicle of the cruse p., 8-9. Yqqut, Mu'a.iam al-UdaM^ Yol. 10/278-80. Ibn'Asakir, Tarikh mmiscus^ Yol.4/43«. Yafai«, Mirat a 1- Jenin^ Vo 1.3/3C Da'irat al-Ma'arif. Vol.3/467. Brocklemann, 3.1/686. 2. Prof. Gibb holds that the book was extensively quoted by Sibt Ibn al-Jowzi and Ibn al-Athir in their general his tori The Damascus chronicle of the crusades, p. 10. Ibn al-Athi~r, Al-Kamil. Yol. 10/198. Ibn al-Qalanasi, Tarikh Yala, p.202. - 231 - Another historian Ibn al-Azraqi al-Fariqi 590 4. H./1193 A. D. is a possible source for the information of the Seljuqo-s in relation with the account of Mayya Fariqin, When Itei Khallil narrates the biographical event of Mahmud b. Muhammad Malikshah b. Alp Arsalan,he quotes him. Fatimidst For the history of Fatimi'ds in Egypt (297-667 A.H./909- 1171 A. D. )our historian does not mention any source. But the only help which comes to our assistance is guess and imaginatioi We can think on reasonable grounds the possible sources which Ibn al~Athir might have utilized. Among the noted historians who wrote on the Fatimids of Egypt is Al-Safeii. Ibn Yunus Abd al-Rahman b. Ahmad al-Safadi (348 A.H./969 A. D. ) wrote two books on the history of Egypt. A supplement to them is preparec by Yei^a b. Ali Khazari known as Ibn Tabtkl (416 A.®./1026 A. D. ] Another supplement was prepared by Husain b. Ibrahim b. Zulaq 2 (387 A. H./997 A. D. >. Besides these historical books, many othei books may be considered to have been the possible source S'QT ; Ibn al-Athir. 1. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol.4/270. Haji Khalifa, Kasfaf al- pmmiy Vol. 1/277,307. 2. Haji Khalifa, Kashfal.Zunun, Vol. 1/303,304,306. - 232 - For the account of Selguq in later centuries and of the Atibeks, Ibn al-Athir has acquired information from an impor* tant source. The historical works of iunad al-DLn Al-Asfahani, have supplied valuable infoimation to Ihn al-j&,thir, but it must be noted that Ibn al-Athir has not copied much from the works of Asfahani. He mentions Al-Berq al-Shimi in the contex' of biographical sketch of Salah efi-lin and of the conflict flared up between Salah e|-rin and the Atabek of Musal. 1, Muhammad b. Muhammad Imad al-DLn was born at Asfahan in 619-A.m/112j5'A.D.' ~ . . Ife came to Baghdad in the early of his childhood. He was educated in the famous Nizamiah College of Baghdad where he became master in Shafai' Jurisprudence. He developed an excellent tasts of literature and poetry. After completing formal educa tion, he met the Wazir — 'Ain ed-Din Yehya b. Hubaira who was very much impressed by the ability and appointed him as a administrator of Basra and Waslt respectively. After the death of WazLr he lived in Baghdad tasting all kinds of sufferings and trials. Later he decided to leave the city and he reached Damuscus in 662 A. H. It was due to his reputation that great justice Qadi Kamal al-Dtn welcomed him and he stayed in the Nuriah College which late became Amadia College. When he arrived Demfliscus it was made known to Najam tt-dLn Ayyubi. He came to him and paid his respect.. Najam ^t-DLn always held him in high regard and entrusted him the most important affairs of the govern ment. The sultan sent him as an Ambassador to the Galiphe Al-Mustanjid, when he returned to DamSLscus the Professorshi of Amadiah was offered to him which he accepted. After serving the post he had to leave the city due to the death of the Sultan.He reached Musal and fell seriously ill. After getting recovered he came to know the news of Salah al-DLn's intention to capture Damascus, then he came back to the city and met the Sultan in amas. Since then he became one of the most reliable courtiers of the Sultan. He served the post of Deputy Wazir. When Sultan died his fortime aldo fluctuated once again. Hfe conflined himself to his house and died in 697 A. H. Ibn Khallikaii, Wafay^t^ Vol.4/233-3^,. Safadi, McMMli Vbl.l/lS2-40. Tash Kubra 2&d2 Mif tah as-Saadahy Yol. 1/214-16. Abu Shama, Kitab al- Rozatain. Yol. 1/144, Yaqut, MauMam al-Udaba^ Yol. 19/11-28. Brockilmann, S.1/^8. - 233 - 5mad a^DLn wrote serveral historical books which are very important and one of them has been utilized by Ibn ai-Athir. Our historian quotes Al-Berq al-Shami as a source for the contemporary account. But it is difficult to hold that Ibn al-Athir has copiously copied the information from the book v/iiich because, after narrating the account of a war/took place between Saif a.i-DLn and Isaiah al-Dln, Ibn al-Athir quotes^ the statement of Amad qi-Dtn and criticises it. It evidently suggests that Ibn al-Athir did not copy much /from Al-Berq al-Shami, but the major source for the contemporary accounts is oral, Ibn al-Athir rarely quotes contempoary histoiles^ because he seems to be inclined towards oral authorities. For the accoimt of the princes of Arabela and Sinjar from 639-^26 A.H./1144-1228 A. D., our historian has relied on a number of sources to which he refeips thus: Al-Behaqi was well-versed in Arabic and Persian. He wrote a large number of books i?ii. both the languages. He was. basically a student of Mathematics and Astrology, but he was 2 later attracted by history and literature and wrote a number of 1. Ibn al-AtJiir, Al-Kamil^ Yol. 11/162. 2. All b. Zaid Muhammad b, Husain al-Behaqi was born at a town l^ear Behaq, Saba/ar, founded by the famous Sasanid king Sasan b, Sasan in 409 A. H./1106 A. D. He moved to another village where his father had a very large farm in tte very early of his childhood. After the death of his father he came to Merve in 618 A. H.yil24 A. D. When he was merely 27 years old, the post of Qazi of Behaq was offered to him. But he declined it. He wandering from city to city through out Persia, Finally settled in Nesapur. HLs mother and the son Ahmad died in 649 A.H. He himself died in 666 A. H. Ibn aLAthlr. Al-Kamil. Vol. 11/162. Yaqut.MuaMam al-Udaba. Vol 13/219-40T - 234 - books among which l^asharib al-.!fa.larlb w -Gharajb al-Gharlb^ Tarikh Hukmai Islam^ and !ia'"rlkh Behaq were historical works. The account recorded in the Masharib had especial relevance with the princes of Arabel and Singar and with the region in which the historian lived. The accoiant evidently seems to be authentic. It can be inferred from the mode of his life which the historian spent. He was purely academician and devoted to learning. It is due to this fact that he resisted all kinds of temptations. Therefore, treating the account- he aight have been objective. The idea that Behaqi might have included fragmentry infonnation about Mahmud's expidition in India in his books deserves attention. For Behaq holds Especial importance in connection with the GhazanavidS. The people of the city had close relation with the dynasty* Muhammad b. Husain Behaqi the famous historian of the house deserves to be mentioned. HLs services to the houseand his famous historical work might have facilitated for the access of historical infonnation to the people of Behaq, and thus Zahir 6(1-Ein might have recorded relevant information in his book which later reached to Ibn al-Athir. V For the contemporary accounts of Iraq another source is to be mentioned which supplied through very little, information to Ibn al-Atjbir. Our historian has utilized the history of - 235 - Ibn al-Jowzi (508-697 A. H./1114-1200 A. D. ). Ibn al-Jowzi has written a history which terminates 2 in 574 A. H./1178 A. D. Al-Munta2am is quoted only once in connection With snowfall in Baghdad in 667 A. If./1171 A. D,} 1, Abu. al-Ferj b.al-Jowzi was born at Baghdad. HLs father died when he was three years old. HLs aunt carefully brought him up and took him to Hafiz Ibn Nasir who taught him Qur^an, Hadith and other subjects. Afterwards, he joined the famous Nizamiyah College and showed remarkable ability in achieving success and perfection. He was an excellent orator of his time. Jlqh, Badith and history were the favourite subjects of Ibn al-Jowz±» It is said that the speeches of Ibn al-Jowzi were so power ful, enchanting and full of information that they attrac ted M lacs of people at a time. HLs audience included different types of people like Caliph, Wazir, Commanders, Scholars, Students and the common men. It is said that he has written more than two hundred and fifty books among which Al-MuntazLm - a historicak work is to be noted. It is published in ten volumes from Hyderabad and is thought to be a part of in continuation of Tabari's history. Thus it may be considered as a supp lement to the history of'Abd al-Malik al-Hamazani. He died in 697 A.H./1200 A. D. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat^ Vol. 1/32. Ibn al-Imad, Shazrat al-Dhahab^ Vol.4/329-331. Al-Dhahabi, Ta^kirat al-Huffaz^ Vol. 4/1342-1348. Ibn Kathi>, Al-Bida'y Vol. 13/28-30. Bncy. of Islam. Vol. 2/ 2, Ibn al-Jowzi, Al-Muntazim^ Vol. 10/289. Hsrderabad Edition. 3, Ibn al-Athlr, Al-Kamily Vol. 11/154. - 236 - t»ut there is every likelihood that the book would not have frequently been utilized by our historian; because we find a criticism put forth by Ibn al-Athir against the impartiality of Ibn al-Jowzi. He comments that the people, especially scholars, holding contrary opinion to him or being inconformity with him, were critiaised by Ibn al-Jowzi. How far this judge ment of Ibn al-Athir impairs the veracity of Ibn al-Jowzi, at least in relation with his history, is very difficult to deter mine. Because the partial approach of Ibn al-Jowzi to a.ny individual;' does not mean that he treated the historical account with the coloured eyes. It is quite possible as it is thought, that he might have been objective while recording the accounts. The accounts of Ghayath al-Dln and Shihab al-DLn, in the beginning, have been copied from the written records and ;ilater they were added to the oral information. From the remark made to tills effect, it is inferred that a number of books were curren during those days whose access to the historian is confirmed lay Ibn al-Athir himself. He says: The expeditions led by Shihab al-DLn Ghuri in India durin the following years 647 A.H./1152 A, D., 683 A. H./1187 A. D., 588 A. H./1188 A.D., 690 A. H./1193 A. D., 692 A. H./1196 A. D., 697 A.H./ 3 1200 A. B., are recorded by Ibn al-AtMr. He harrates them relyi] 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil. Vol. 12/64. 2. Ibid., Vol.. Ilj562. 3. Ibid., Vol. 11/63766, 213. Vol. 12/36,41,47,66, - 237 - on oral authorities. The accounts from 683 A. H./1187 A. D, onwards have been gathered from the people of high status. For example, he narrates the event of 583 A.H. on the authority of a merchant friend. He remarks: The invasion of Banaras by Shihab al-Din has got very interesting description in Al-Kamil. Ibn al-Athir has recorded the event on the authority of a person who witnessed the event. He says! L^M^ ^ J^^ ^^U, JNL ^. jjl o-L^ J^ j jy.^l ^^^l UJ« L^jiUs-^>, Uii-l ^l iLiil 4-^ J '^j^ i^^ ^^j J*?- 45U*^l_j Jill ^ He further informs us that there were a number of Muslim officers in the Hindu army who settled there since the time of Mahmud. He again quotes a merchant friend who informed him about the clash that took place between the combined forces of Ghayath al-DLn and Shihab al-ltn on one side, and the army of Khurasan on the other. He remarks: f • /' * 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-KaSjl^ Vol, 11/66, 2. Ibid., Vol. 12/41. 3. Ibid., Vol. 12/66. - 238 - This again suggests that the oral authorities helped our historian very much. He relied especially on those who had seen the event with their own eyes. At another place when he depicts the biographical sketch of Shihab al-fin, oral authori ties are repeatedly quoted* The information of the Atabek dynasty which covers a great portion of Al-j^amil.. has largely been acquired from oral source. It is relevant to emphasise that the family of our historian was a noble one. It has achieved a social, political economic and educational immensity due to the great favour accorded to it by the Atabeks. The father of Ibn al-Athir was a governor of Jazirah Ibn Umar on behalf of Qutb al-Din of Musal who died in 665 A.H. His elder brother Majd al-DLn occupied several high offices in the court of the Atabeks. HLs younger brother Ziya al-Mn b. al-Athir enjoyed office of the Wizarat in various courts. These, and several other apportunities facilitated him in acquiring huge, first hand, and even confidential information not merely about the Atabeks also but/about all the then contemporary Muslim kingdoms. Ibn al-Athir referB,-: to various kinds of people among 2 whom his father is quoted not less than five times. He is lastly referred to in §66 A. H./1169 A. iJf 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil, Vol. 12/84. 2. Ibid., Vol. 11/17,42,116,133. 3. Ibid., Vol. 11/133. - 239 - When our historian says: olUJl J5 U'-^J ^'^^^ U ^|J-«JJ J-^l O^ AJI O-M ^>, ^.^^. ^* j^" I "^j^l ^-U ji«l JU * ^ " i^JU, 6i-^c> t>-.oi c5^ " ' ' "«iG -•» Ui c5*i^ it certainly means that the people were not ordinary one but they belonged to a very important class and many of them might have been involved in the events. His illustrierV^i.;. brother;. 13 Majd al-DLn has been quoted. The history of the house of Salah al-r£n has been described with great honesty. Ibn al-Athir does not appear to be very prejudiced to Salah al-DLn who may be alleged to 1. Ibn al-Athi"r, M-Kamil^ Vol. 11/5. 2. Ibid., Vol. 11/17. 3, Ibid. J Vol. 11/41. 4. Ibid., Vol.ll/ltt2. 6. Ibid., Vol. 11/113. 6. Ibid., Vol. 11/128. 7. Ibid., Vol. 11/161, 8. Ibid., Vol. 12/36. 9. Ibid., Vol. 12/76. 10.Ibid., Vol. 12/76. 1$. Ibid., Vol. 12/109. il.Ibid., Vol. 12/128. 13. Ibid., Vol. 12/113. - 240 - have shown disloyalty to the house of his own benefactor as well as of the historian. The source from which Ibn al-Athir has drawn the information is generally oral. The only written record which he has utilized and mentioned is Al-Berq al-Shami of al-|mad. But it is not very reasonable to limit it to only this book; many official and secret documents might have been on the disposal of Ibn al-4thir which provided useful information. The opinion requires to be authenticated with a solid evidence Ibn al-Athir. while narrating the defeat of Salah al-Din in Ramla, mentions: which not only proves the opinion but it also defines the extent to which our historian was able to have access. Further, he narrates most of the besieges, attacks,and conquests, rely ing on himself. He had participated, most possibly as a his torian, in the expeditions of Salah al-QLn, Mad al-DLn of who ' _ Sanjer/be sieged the forts of Jabla, Lazeqia, Sahun, Bakas, 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 11/162, 2. Ibid., Vol. 11/167. - 241 - Shaghar, Sermenia, Berzia, Darb Sak, Baghras, Kerk, Saghd, Kukab, and conquered one by one, he was with the Muslim army. At one place he says that: Further he refers to the same event in the following words: HLs following words: suggest that the people from whom he has taken the information were reliable and eye witnesses. When the son of Sala^h al-QLn Malik al-Aziz Uthmanattackes lamascus, our historian was present there. This account is recorded on the authority of his own observation. He says: "ta^l t^\ju, ^f^Jk J>U J-a«JL{ S^u^ ^^* Another authority on the history of Salah al-Din's family is Shi ha b al-QLn. Shi ha b al-DLn was one of the most trusted nobles of Malik al-Zahir Ghazi b. l^alah al-OLn upon whom he greatly relied. When the Ghari died in 613 A. H./1216 A. D., he left a child as an heir of the government. But, since the boy was too young to rule, Shihab al-Dln being a very 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al~Kamil, Vol, 12/6. 2. Ibid., Vol. 12/10. 3. Ibid., Vol. 12/13. 4. Ibid., Vol. 12/13. 6. Ibid., Vol. 12/30-31. 6. Ibid., Vol. 12/32. 7. Ibid., Vol. 12/43. 242 sincere loyaljand selfless noble took the charge of the govern ment fend well administered it on behalf of the ooj, Ibn al_ Athir had very friendly relation with Shihab al-Din. He 1 records good opinion about him. This relation put the historiaj into such a position which have greatly facilitated /( to acquin with the state of affairs prevailing there. Anyhow the major part of Ayyubid history has been recorded by Ibn al-Athir relying on oral authorities. Now the Tatars invade central Asia. Our historian expresses great anxiety and sorrow. He holds his pen to record the happenings with broken-heart and lamentation. This can only be felt by reading those pages devoted to the material. Under the heading'^*^'-*'^. t^'>^* ^^^Lp-^*^ " he has expressed his grief and sorrow. The source of his informations is comp letely oral. He has gathered them from various kind of people. When he writes about Khuwarzam Shah towards whom Tatars marched he quotes: ^^ J\ ^^ .^Ij, l^U« c,^S^^L^\ j^^ j^Jj J^ « fyiJu^\jy,\ sMj CS^P^!^' f^ X? • * • • • iCjir*, (j-^-r^, jy>^^ OM»IS1^1 j 4 JX. Jai^j Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 12/120-121, 2. Ibid., Vol. 12/142, - 243 - When he records obituary note on the death of Khuwarzam Shah, an oral authority is quoted by Ibn al-Athir, More authorities are quoted thus.' ^^^^.^^^« ^ «CK-^'>^ *>"" ^" c..^ » « ^ .^L^. « These references suggest that Ibn al-Athir tried to make wide acquintance with the people of various kinds for accumulating the historical information. He quotes christian scholars and travellers with whom he had made contact for the acquisition of knowledge. When he records the clash^ took place between the • . Is ruler of Intakia and the Armans, a christian authority/quo ted thus: 4jJ^ cu)U J L^U ^y^j JUJI t^' (> J 6^ dtjUJ» ^ "ilS* ^> 1x4 ^ J^" He reports the account of a battle which took place between Tatars and the people of Russia on the authority of a Russian 10 merchants i J :-h whomu' he happened to have met. 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 12/143. 2, Ibid., Vol. 12/14.6. 3. IMd., Vol. 12/146. 4. Ibid., Vol. 12/146. 6. Ibid., Vol. 12/148. 6. Ibid., Vol. 12/194, 7. Ibid., Vol. 12/196. 8. Ibid., Vol. 12/196. 9. Ibid., Vol. 12/180. 10. Ibid., Vol. 12/160. ~ 244 - The Source of Tarikii al~lbwlat al-Atabukeyja - Muluk al-Musalj Tarikh al-Dowlat al-Atabukeyia is one of the most valuable works written by Ibn al-Athir. He has written l historj of a long period in which the heroic role of Atabek family has been discussed in detail. The book is not merely a regis ter of the military and the war account, but also a substantial material of social and economic importance. It supplies valuable information for understanding the period and its social, economic and educational ..conjlitions. The book begins with the history of Qasim al-Dowalah Aqsanqar (472 A. H. ) the first governor in the family who was forefather of the family, and ends with the death of Nur al-DLn Arsalan Shah in 607 A. H. Thus the book covers the period of one hundred and thirty years, which was one of the most remark able periods of Islamic history. The author has written the book with the sense of gratitude and devotion which he had for the house of the Atabek. The major part of the accounts have been recorded relying on oral authorities. Among the authorities, the father of Ibn al-Athir is the most important oi.i and stipplies the largest portion of the accounts. He has been quoted not less than 1 twenty five times. His father was /'since long attached to the 1. Ibn al-Athir, Tarikh al-Atabeka. p. 58,71,81,82,86,97,110. 113,131,136,136,140,143,147,149,167,201, 212, 231, 265, 268, 341. - 246 - Atabeks. He was administrator of the jazira Ibn IMar for many years. He was highly respected by the people who almost loved him.- The post of Treasurer was offered to him in 666 A. H. by Qutab al-DLn Mudud. He discharged the responsibility of the office with great honesty and skill. Being so much close to the Atabeks, and holding various high posts, in the government he ^as able to observes the events very closely. In this way his informations gainL importance and authenticity which subsequently were preserved by his able soii, Ibn al-AtjyTr has recorded the accounts on the authority of his father after his death. He recalled the accounts from his memory. He further remarks that most of the info una tions away which ought to iiave been composed, have slipped/from the mind, but nevertheless a lot of them are still preserved. Ife has deliberately omitted much of the accounts in order to write a short book. Next to the father of Ibn al-Athir is Ma^d-al-Hn the elder brother of ,the historian. He was offered the post of Wizarat by Nur al-Hn Arsalan Shah but he declined it on health tromidsi Ibh iai-Athir recMved informations from his brother and recorded them in the book. Usamah b. Murshid, Kamal al-DLn Ibn al-Adim - the author 3 of Zubdat al-Halab fi Tarikh Halab^ and Muhammad b. H^mid, 1. Ibn al-Athir, Taflkh al-Atabeka^ p. 337,339,363. 2. Ibid., p. 1S9. 3. Ibid., p. 226, - 246 - '• ^ 1 al-Imad al-Katib are quoted once each respectively. Ibn -:, .„, 2 Asa.lr is also quoted twice. The other authorities, though they are oral, are not mentioned. He simply write such words: which, in fact, indicate the authorities who were closely associated with the historian. Sometimes he names them as .^ -~ 6 A14Biqah Qatlagh al-Kamali and Baha al-QLn all b, Shukry. 1, Ibn al-Athir, Tarikh al-Atabeka, p. 162. 2, Ibid., p. 126, 3, Ibid., p. 124. 4, Ibid., p. 124. 6. Ibid., p. 126. 6, Ibid., p. 294,300. CHAPTER VI ARRMGEMMT AMD PRESMTATIOM OF THE MATERIAL The method of recording and presenting the historical information had already developed to its perfection before the time of Ibn al-Athir. Its evolutionary process may be consi- the dered to have taken not a very long time, because witliin/first two centuries of Islamic era, the discipline of historiography, like all the branches of Islamic learnings developed to a recognized standard. Many historians adopted both-chronological and annalistic orders for compiling historical v/orks, which later culminated into the great work O^arikh al-Rusul w al-. Muiuk of labari. When Ibn al-Athir designed to produce a comprehensive, he rich and balanced history of Islam, /had the example before him of the history of Tabari. Though, he had introduced certain deviation from the already set pattern and technique of his toriography, its fundamental structure and basic principle remained unchanged. He followed both the methods-chronological and annalistic which v/ere unavoidable for his voluminous history- al-Kamil» The portions of prophetic history, technically called al-Mubtada and the history of Persia, Greece, HDme. uhd. Pre-Islamic Arabia have been recorded according to chronological order. This order does not tell the exact year in which a particular event had happened though it observes the order of - 248 succession in time. Thus the happenings recorded under this order do not express confusion about their succession. Since it was very difficult rather impossible, to know the exact has year the historians/followed this method in writing the history of antiquities. This method was especially applied in recording the antiquities by the Persian and Greecs authors. Moreover, the example of Torah was before the Greek authors which in later times served as a standard for the Syrians. Ibn al-Athlr has followed this method when he begins the history with the creation. From Adam to the Prophet Muhammad all the account have been disarranged under this system. The flight of Prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Medina provides a n&i situation in the field of Arab historiography. Historians fixed the event of flight for time reckoning.. Ibn al-Athir persued it for putting the information under each time. year according to Succession in / This discipline is called annalistiic. The period of the Prophet Muhammad, from the time of his flight, and the parallel account of the neighbouring countries is followed by the history of the pious Caliphs. Then, the Umayyadii anc^Abbasides are described successively. The contemporary events have been preserved under the same system. Ibn al-Athir records important and big events under sep arate heading in each year. So that la reader may find ' - complete story without deliberation and may not fall into dis traction. After narrating the full account, he again mentions - 249 1 each part of it in respective months and years. Tnose whicli are of little importance are recorded together under one heading at the end of the year. Such events are like the death of an important person, famine, natural calamities, earthquakes and inundation. The death of kings, distinguished persons, and scholars have especially been recorded under this heading. The contribution to methodology made by Ibn al-Athir is that a coherent and complete picture of anevent is presented at one place even/it occured in several months and years. For example if an event took place during one or t/ro years, then our historian does not cut it into pieces^ and furnish each one in respective year in which.it occuredj but he records the whole account at one place. He violated the annalistic discipline. When iDn al- Athir reaches his own time and records the account of Tatar's 2 invasion in the year 617 A. H. The early historians especially Tabari has presented an account, though sometimes of contradictory nature, according to the months and years in which it occured. If an event is very long and takes many months or years, he cuts it into parts and 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 2/220. 2, Ibid., Vol. 12/137. - 250 - notes down eaei.h part of it according to its accurance. TMs way of recording the event creates trouble and confusion, because, at first sight, the full event is not grasped or understood by a reader. It requires a prolonged consideration and keen attention. Ibn al-Athir has deviated from this method. Moreover, he does not narrate contradictory statements about the same event in full, but, the most authentic tradition is selected and narrated along with brief reference to contrary points. This fact can obviously be noted when Tarikh al-Tabari and al-Kamil are comparatively studied. Another point which deserves special mention is that Ibn al-Athir has completely dropped the/, chain of transmitters while Tabari has utilized the chain because he was very much particular about it. For, the time of Tabari was very near to the period in which historiography was under great influence of Hadith science so he was bound to follow the same discipline. The story tellers, "Akhbariuuns" strictly adopted the chain of transmitters; because if they avoided it they had to face severe criticism. They were already considered to be a sus picious class by the traditionist. Their authenticity was doubted. So it was highly impracticable for the story-tellers to drop the chain of their Khabar. Thus influence of traditi- onists continued to dominate until., the period of Tabari. Tabari himself was a noted traditionist. He was fully aware which of the importance of chain/could have not been separated from a Khabar in any circumstance; even in the field of historiographj it was indispensable element to authenticate the event. Since the art of historiography, which had already- matured as an independent subject, continued its reformatory development, the value of chain in connection of historiography received discouragment. Historians began to delite lenghty chain which unnecessarily made the iook':l!8ng*iii[. A number of historians, before Ibn al-Athir, dropped it from the contents. The anna lis tic method of arranging the information was developed and persued by many historians long before Ibn al- Athir. Now a question arises as to how and when this disci pline was evolved by the Arabs. Whether the Arab historians independently arrived at the idea or it was a direct or indirect result of foreign influence. An affirmative answer to the latter question is difficult to be held. A hypothesis to this effect can be formed having a historical perspective in view. The Greek influence of historiography, particularly in connection with Annalistic order, is hardly permissablej because all the works translated from Greek or Syriac into Arabic were of later period when the annalistic order had already been in practice among the Arab historians. Further, it is not established that even the translated works were written according to the order of Annal. Professor Rosenthal remarks, "it is a common knowledge that none of the classical works of Greek historiography ever reached the Arabs, nor do we have any express information about the exlstance of complete Arabic translations of Byzantine chronographies", but he further dellberaties that"in Byzantine literature the existance of ilnnalistic chronicles is not to be denied. He feels that when John Malalas reaches his own time he employies annalistic form, "in the same year, at the 1 end of the same indication." There were some books which preserved cultural history as well as datas concerning scholars, philosophers, and church dignataries. Natural calamities, like earthquAke, thunderstorm, flood, plagues famines have been recorded which characterize Annal form of historiography. Frcaa this Professor Bosenthal has a speculated that probably ^Greek Arabic cultural relation, in the beginning of Islamic expansion might have kindled the idea in the minds of Arab scholars. Notwithstanding the above speculation, the evidence actually supports the idea that Annalistic form was developed by the Arabs along with all round evolution of Islamic learnings, The developnent of Islamic learnings had started during the end of the second and the beginning of the third century A. H. Hadith, Fiqh, Tafsir, literature and other branches of Islamic learnings took many steps in their evolutionary march. They were speeddy taking shape as an independent science. Hadith and Akhbar literature were being collected, scrutnized and compiled. A number of great traditionist were born who advanced 1. F. Bosenthal, A History of J^usllm Historiography, p. 66-67. - 253 - the progress of Hadlth literature. Tiius the creative genius of Muslim scholars took initiative in other fields too. Anurgent need to give law, based on Islamic teachings, to the society, compelled the intellectuals to take interest in the formative efforts of Islamic jurisprudence. For this perpose a number of jurists appeared in the second century and most of them mastered in Hadith themselves tesac. Since Qur'an and Hadith were two keystone upon which the whole system of Islamic jurisprudence was to be built, thfe perfection in these two branches was necessary for being a doctor of Slqh. Thus these sciences, inter related with other subjects, made a tremendoiis progress during the third and fourth century. This was to happen due to the inner urge and self-consciousness of the rising Muslim society. The inner upsergence of the Arab society ushered into preserving its glorious hesitage which was splendid and most wonderful. Therefore historical studies received attention of the people, A class of story-tellers or (Akhbariyun) appeared who tried to preserve not only the pre-Islamic heritage, but ais( they began to collect the information of the neighbouring nations. Some translations from Pehlvi and Syriacc books were rendered into Arabic which enriched the historical consciousness of the Arabs. These story-tellers arranged the materiflti«i in chronologi cal order which was prevalent among the persians. It is an established fact that the Islamic era was already current since - 264 - the time of the pious caliph - Uaiar. The existance of Islamic era might have striik the mind of the historians to arrange materials in a more scientific and accurate way and thus they mighjfc have /developed Anna lis tic system quite early. . It is not known who first applied tMs system, but the first extant book written according to annalistic order is the great history of Abu jafar Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari which became a poineering work in, many way for later his torians. But it is doubtful to hold that it was the first book written in annalistic order. It seems untMnkable that such a system would have developed and applied suddenly without prior evolutionary process. It is quite reasonable to think that a beginning in this direction must have been made much earlier from the time of Tabari, Ibn Nadim records that Haytham b, Adi (207 A.H. ) wrote a book entitled Kitab al-'larikh al-Sinin^ which giB=>j>e<5 propounds that annalistic order had already been practiced by an early historian. Another story teller or (Akhbari) Jafar b. Muhammad b. al-Azhari b. Isa 2 (276 A. H.O had applied the annalistic order in his book. These 1. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 146, 2. Ibn Nadim mentions the date of his death 279 A. H. ; but laqut holds that he was born in 200 A. li. and d4.ed in 279 A.H. He wrote a book entitled, Kital) al-Tarikh al- Slnin, Ma.1«mal al-Udaba^ ?ol. 17/186-87. Ibn Nadim, Al-Fihrist^ p. 146. - 266 - evidences greatly support that annalistic form was already in practice before the time of Tabari which facilitated I&bari in adopting this discipline and making it more refined and developed. After Tabari annalistic system haio been followed by many historians like, Masu^, Ibn Miskawah, Abu al-Farj Ibn al-Jowzi and others who wrote general, dynastic:/., and regional histories. Ibn al-Athir has followed the system. His second book Tarikh al-Atabeka is also compiled under the same system. "• Comparison with other historical works of similar type." The first and most important historical book which is to be compared with Al-Kamil is Tarikh al-Rusul w al-Muluk of Mtihammad b. Jarir al-Tabari. It was a poineering work in the field of universal history which reached us and to which our historian owes too much. The comparison between Tarikh al-Rusul w al-Muluk and Al-Kamil finds sufficient ground for the assessment, J&TO very broad devisions can be made when a comparative study is to be initiated. The first one concerns technical aspects; that is methodology of arranging the material; and the second one purely concerns the subject matter.. The first aspect is alreadj given due consideration. The discipline and method do not vary between the two historians. Both of them employ the annalistic order to record the events. Although Tabari is - 266 - forerunner, even then there are some points of difference. For example the traditional way of reporting the events, wi.th strict observance of Asnad, was given up by Ibn al-Athir. We do not see the long chain of transmitters which is purelj^ a charachristic of Badith literature in al-Kamil. This differ- f ence is not merely a supericial change which differentiates history from Hadith but it also signifies the conceptual change which took place during the time of Ibn al-Athir or little before. The subject of history and its field was given separate and independent entity. It was thought as an outer exprenion of human will thus history freed itself from the vestige of Hadith influence both in technique and form. Tabari was bound owing to environmental and personal reasons, to observe Asnad. I say environmental because no one could escape the sever criticism of Muhaddithin when he did not mention chain during the time of Tabari. He was considered irreliable fabricator and lifir. / Ibn al-Athir treats of historical account without abiding himself with Hadith technique. It means that while arranging the material, he again does not follow Tabari. For instance Tabari narrates an account even if it happened during one or more years deviding it into pieces and then arranging it according to the months and the years, but Ibn al-Athir does not do so. He first furnishes the account in full length the at one place and after it describes/event again according to the months. - 267 - Ibn al-Athir has another difference in the technique of arrangment, with Tabari, that is, he forms an independent and separate heading at the end of each year under which the account of minor importance or small one have been recorded. He entitlesrHdJuJl ilA^yd. jlj^2j&yj" Though Tabari records the information of title importance too but he does not set separate title for it. I think it is not a particular quality only of Ibn al-Athir. Although Masudi, Ibn Mskawah have not evolved it yet another historian who preceded Ibn al-Athir, infact, developed it. We find Ibn al-Jowzi (697 A. H. ) sets the title though it varies in word H^I^^I ^ i^Jl -la J J^ 6*/^" which, later, most possibily became an example for Ibn al-Athir. The second sphere in which a substantial difference exist; between Tarikh of Tabari and Al-Kamil is the material one. Both historians look at history from different point of view which of consequently bears influence on the selection/the material. This point has been /Idealt with in the last chapter wherein such questions have been touched. A striking feature of Al-Kamil is its comprehensive nature which we do not find in any other book of similar type. It is continuously held, though not without exaggeration, that Al-Kamily from the subject view point, is the reproduction of the history of Tabari which terminates at 303 A. H. This view 1. Ibn al-Jowzl, Al-Muntazam fi' Tafikh al-Muluk w al-Umam^ Vol. 8/212-213. D.S. Morgoliuth, Lectures on Arab historians, p. 169. - 268 - is based perhaps not very much on the comperative study of both the texts. Ibn al-Athir admites in the very beginning that he has largely compied from the book and preserved all the information which Tabari has furnished in his history. But a large portion of the historical account has been furnished without the help of Tabari. The portion which describes pre-Islamic Arab history provides sufficient proof to this effect. The Persian history in 11-Kami 1 also owes other source than that of Tarikh Tabari. The Roman account again goes to the same direction. The Umayyad accounts vary from Tarikh al-Tabari both in contents and volume. Ibn al-Athir has recorded some very important information which Tabari, due to his prejudice against the Umayyads, has carelessly avoided. The additional information was taken from the original sources of which I have already discussed at a considerable legnth. The Andalusan account has completely been neglected by Tabari, while Ibn al-Athir has proportionately given it due place in Al-Kamil. Ibn al-Athir records not merely those happenings connected with the Muslim period, but he, as a true historian shows keen interest in too pre-Islamic history of Andalus/ It reflects the tolerant attitude of the historian. The vast area which Ibn al-Athir has convered, the huge information which he has furnished make his book outstanding/world history; more comprehensive than any other work of similar type. - 269 - Another remarkable difference between 41-Kami 1 and Tarikh al-HJabari is that the former preserves some occasional criticism in regard to certain portion of the history. For example Ibn al-Athir expresses doubt on the veracity of Persian antiquities. The number of Persian dynasties their succession and highly exaggerated deeds attributed to them, have been "t" put to criticism. He criticises their authenticies and he remarkss AJU *y ^Js. 4>*ojlc. LP^^I J_* Ub 4L, \JUS\ J5 JI^ «i« J^(> J^lijsi j cJ5" ««ij»ji^\ wUl^ ^^^ L^'li ^IJallj Jjs-j^l UvLbj ^U-u.";)!! L^j>MM ^^\ *'L^'ill ^ \j^ P^'li g^^l J-^ -L»J Us U/j UJI J L^ -u, JSJ js y-l •'Ljil He again remarks in connection with Bourasb or Izdahag-j JLA ^ «-,?%& 1 (-5*^ Jul 4A» p^j 3 JjUl j^yjl v.^jlil ^^ IjiJlij!.'' This and alike criticism which occasionally has/appeared in Al-Kamil determines the attitude of Ibn al-Athir towards history. It se'ems that Ibn al-4:thir valued not only the also who authority but/the statement of the narrators/have got equal importance for him. He emphasised on the nature of account as well as on its narrators. This kind of rational thinking of Ibn al-Athir is not to be vitnessed in the history of Muhammac b.Jarir. This discrepancy exists not because of Tabari's 1. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil^ Vol. 1/23. 2, Ibid., Vol. V27. - 260 - inferiority, the only reason is the difference of time and personality. Muhammad h, Jarir was of a persian origin. Therefore his natural learning towards Persian history and culture is understandable. He lived during the early of the fourth century when the political power of Islam was in fact in the hand of the Buwahids, which is to be considered the climax of Persian revivalist tendency so it was very logical to bear influence on the mind of the learned class and Muhammad b. Jarir was not an exception. He has copiously recorded Persian history without least criticism. On the other hand, he has shown antipathy to Pre-Islamic Arab history which may be ,-; taken as an intolerant attitude of the historian. The complete absence of Andalusan history in Tarikh al-Rusul is also wonder ful omission. This, if I am allowed to say calculated negli gence of the historian has made the work not very balanced and unbiased. A notable work which preceded Al-Kamll is Al-Muntazim fi Tarikh al-Mulut w al-lMam of which the last six volumes out of ten have been discovered and published from JHEyderabad. The fifth volume starts with the account of 267 A. H. This book, though it has been one of the sources of Ibn al-Athir, is far behind of Al-Kamil. Abu al-Farj has collected the material not of general character but he has attached much - 261 - importance to persons and to tlieir biographical sketches. Therefore his history is mainly concernedfeindividuals. A few accounts have been narrated which possess general political characteristics. His area of interest is also comparatively limited. So Al-Kamil exceeds al-Muntazim regarding the histo rical material. The next book which possesses certain charac teres tics of a imiversal history is Kitab Tajgrib al-lMam w Taaqib al~ Hamam of Ibn J4iskawah. It deserves to be compared with Al-Kamil. So far the material of the book is concerned, it is arranged Ibn al-Athir according to the same order which/has followed . But the author has treated of subject while keeping certain principles before him and applying them in selecting the material. His conception of history is pragtnatic which guides him in handling the material. It is a fact that Ibn Miskawah was a Persian. Therefore it was natural for him to pay more attention to the Persian history. The Ta.larib contains disproportionately Persian account. Pre-Islamic Arab history attracted his attention. So far it had relation with the Persian, a lot of Battle-days, were neglected by the author. The Prophet* s history is fur nished not generously. The accounts of Arab kingdom has meag- erly been recorded. When he comes to describe the contemporary events, his main interest lies in the Buwahids who virtually _ 9 [ have tried to trace all the books which are mentioned by Ibn al- fithir as his sources. For the remaining information, I have adopted i comparative method in ascertaining their sources, I have Gom.pared Ghe accounts with those recorded by preceding historians and have :ried to find out similarities or dissimilarities between them. The sixth chc.pter discusses technical aspects of Ibn al-Athir's listorical writings. The method of presenting the material adopted 5y the historian ha.s engaged my attention. In this regard, a jomparision of Al-Kamil with other similar works has been made. The seventh chapter evaluates Ibn al-Athir as a historian, in this chapter I have tried to a::!sess his attitude and approach co^;ards history and the manner in ^(/hich he has dealt with historical 3vents. This assessment has been besed on a detailed study of the listorical works of Ibn al-Athir. [ submit that chapters three to s^ven are original and contribute ::o knowledge regarding Ibn al-Athir in particular and Arab listoriography in general. Mahmood al-Hasan Research Scholar, Dspartment of Arabic & Islamic Studies, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. - 262 - ruled all over the Abbasid dominion. Thus Ibn Miskawah has recorded the account bearing, regional character. What was happening in Egypt, Africa and the Umayyad 5of • Andalus is completely missing in the Tajarib. Perhaps he was so much obse;s§ed with the official environment which was in fact anti Arab, that it never allowed him to look beyond the Buwahid's territory and their interest. Thus the I^Jarib al-Umam covers a limitted area of Islamic history. The first tt/o volumes, though, they contain historical information of Ancient Persia, Greece and Rum, display comparatively diffectiveness. Contrary to the Ta.jarib^ Al-Kamil provides more comprehensive and valuable information. The last portion of Tajarib again shows unbalanced and disproportionate characteristics of the book. The contemporary account furnished by Ibn Miskawah is indeed recorded with great length which could not have been completly preserved in Al-Kamil. We .see that Ibn al-Athir records the accounts already furnished by Ibn Miskawah in abridgettform. This characteristic of Al-Kamil distinguishes it from Ta^ja^rib and make it the most comprehensive and universal history. The above comparison does not mean to minimize the impor tance of Tajarib. The information especially about the Buwahids, though not completely free from Political insinuation, is of high value. It is rich and reliable. It is due to this fact that Ibn al-Athir, while dealing with the period under discussion has enormously copied from Tajarib. - 263 - Al-Kamil fl al-Tarikh is one of the greatest imiversal histories which attained celebrity not only in its own time also but/in later centuries ' -o. It had, indeed, removed the defects found, in Tarikh al-Rusul of Tabari and thus it deserves to be called a more sound, comprehensive and harmonious work on the Islamic world history. Ibn al-Athir tried hard to record the account of all the then accessable region to the historian, and, in doing so he has shown a remarkable skill, vast knowledge and great accessability to the sources. Probably, he learnt Syriac and Persian for consulting original sources which may be considered two very important vehicles for imparting the ancient Greek, Roman,and Persian historical infoimation. His brother ZLya al-DLn was acqu^nted with Syric language, I have already discussed the point that Ibn al-Athir our historian knew Persian language but so far the Syric language is concerned his knowledge of it is not certain. The persuasive point in this respect is that Ibn al-Atikr might have acquired a little knowledge of the language for its more utilitarian characteristic because Ibn al-Athir needed the knowledge of language more than his brother - Ziya al-Mn. It had more importance from historical point of view than that of litrary. The proportionate historical accounts recorded by Ibn al-Athir generates admiration in the mind of a reader. It is only Al-Kamil which shows remarkable balance, according to - 264 - 1 Rosenthal, in material. No dynasty, region or political alle giance engrosed the mind of the author which might have made him to fall in unnecessary admiration. This kind of restraint in handling the material is discernable only in Al-Kamil^ tiiough, when he reaches his own time, he becomes a bit more elaborative and disproportionate. The universal characteristic of Al-Kamil^ in fact, provides an added evidence for its distinction and richness. has Though the historian/rightly expressed that, some one in Musul must necessarily miss up an event of the remort region of east 2 and west, but to the best of his knowledge he tried hard to catch up the account of numerous regions and of various peoples, which may not be very much authentic but, in fact, it serves as the mine of rich information. CVing to this richness that almost all the historians of later period like Sibt Ibn al- Jowzi,Ibn Khallikan, Ibn Kathir, Abu ELda and Ibn Khalladun 3 extensively relied on Al-Kamil and it became standard source forthe historian^^ 1. F.Bosenthal, A History of Muslim hiatoriographYy p. 127. 2. Ibid. 3. Prof.Gibb mentions the names of the following authors, Ibn Wasil, Sibt Ibn al-Jowzi, Barheleaeus, Abu-al-Fida, Baibars al-Mansuri, Ibn Kathir, Al-Yaf'i, Bncy.of Islam^ Supp. p. 240. Studies on the civilization of Islam, QLbb. p. 126. CHAPTER 711 EVALUATION OF IBM AL - ATHIR,AS A HISIORIM It is one of the basic responsibilities of a historian to be dispassionate, objective and rational in his approach tox>fards historical material. For a historian, like all men, has his own creed and is involved in certain social political, religious, and racial phenomenous. This he has inherited from history itself. Moreover for the historian, they are the bigest hurdles often come into his way when he handles the contents of history. They influence general approach of a historian towards history and work as a strong factor in the choice and presentation of the material. They may lead him to the distortion of ' J historical facts as well as to the wrong judgement. If a historian has/ freed himself from the above and alike notions, he would be able to do justice to his subject and his attempt to reach the historical fact as well as the depth of its causes would be successful. But here some questions arisej how can one judge the objectivity of a historian? What are the standards which can be applied in the assessment of the attitude and impartiality of a historian? These questions evoke some academic responsi bilities which are to be dealt with clear conscious and proper understanding. - 266 - First of all the personality of a historian must he deeply studied. It is necessary to know the social background to which he belonged and inj^ which he was brought up. Secondly, religious, political and racial characteristics and propensities of a historian are to be carefully examined in historical perspective. For these inclinations play an important role in shaping the attitude and in determining the way of thinking of a historian. After it, a comparative study of historical literature is essencial because the historical information about a particular period and area recorded by a historian can be judged and its validity can be established with the help of other historical works which deal with the same period and area. It will render valuable help in understanding not only also the period with which it deals but/it will bring forth the maximum historical truth which will consequently help in determining how far the historian was objective and impartial in his treatment of the historical account. On the line suggested above,we can study and evaluate Ibn al-Athir as a historian. It will explain to us how far he is impartial in producing one of the greatest histories of Islam. It is no doubt, a very difficult one because he has covered not only pre-Islamic portions of world history but he has written the histories of many dynasties appeared during over the six centuries of Islamic history/a vast area of the world. can He has covered more than six centuries whose study/be genuinely considered a very complicated. - 267 - I begin first with the pre-Islamic portion. A number of world historians who preceded Ibn al-Athir recorded the historical account pertaining to pre-Islaralc period. Their knowledge was transported to Ibn al-Athir. He has copied the information with remarkable balance and honesty. When we read pre-Islamic Mstorical portion in Al-Kamil it expresses a excellent balanced mind of its author. It shows that he has utilized all possible sources and selected the information with a sense of proportion. For example if we take ancient persian history which was in constant relation with pre-Islamic Arab history we come to know that he has transcribed not only all also the material recorded by Tabari but/many sources were consulted by him. ' . Ibn al-Atiiir was purely an Arab and racial feeling in these days was very high due to political and cultura." strife of the day. Had Ibn al-Athir shown carelessness towards Persian history it would have been quite natural and he would not have been blamed for that. Because some historians seem to have been swept away by racial prejudice. Tabari may be considered pro-Persian because he has utterly omitted Ayyam al-Arab from his great history. Yaqubi and linawary have recorded Iranian history in their books in details but Islamic history has been briefly recorded. The biographical portion of the prophet in Yaqubi contains few paragraph but such short comings are not tracable in Al-Kamil. The detail description - 268 - of Iranian account in Al-Kaniil proves that its author did not fall prey of racial feeling. Further, it is to be noted that Greek and Roman accounts were fairely and honestly recorded by the author. It is also to be pointed out that nothing has been added to what was already furnished by Yaqubl, Asfahani and Masudi in this respect. Apart from this fact a brief account pertaining to the later Roman monorchs is recorded by Ibn al- Athir which has not been recorded in other historical works. It seems that Ibn al-Athir has received it from his christian friends of Musul. It shows the historical curiousity of Ibn al-Athir. From the very beginning of Islamic history differences, based on tribal interests appeared which were gradually deepend and in consequence they exercised tremendous influence upon political and religious thoughts of the Muslims. Therefore, learning and literature could not escape from their grip. Even historical writings were influenced by prejudice, and subjective approach of the early historians who belonged to either Iraqi or Shami schools did not do justice >o , each other. For instance a historian holding Umayyad inclination has produced biased and incomplete information about the Iraqi affairs, and similarly the Iraqi has not presented a fair and full picture of the Umayyads. Here it is relevant to note that Tabari himself has not recorded generously comprehensive history of the Umayyads. But Ibn al-Athir has furnished more comprehensive ~ 269 - and detailed accounts. Moreover the Umayyads of Spain are given due place in Al-Kamil while Tabari has completely neglected.it. The above points induce us to hold that Ibn al-Athir has succeeded, to a great extent, in adopting a impartial and an objective approach towards his subject. Another fact demands ibui*'-notice that Ibn al-Athir has expressed great annoyance over the petty quarrels among the Shia and Sunni and other different sects of the Muslim community. He thinks , ;' it against the spirit of Islamic brotherhood which unite man wi'th man. This tendency alone shows that our historian kept the spirit of tolerance and broad mindedness alive while treating the historical account. But when he comes to his own time the question of impar tiality is to be dealt with more care, because most of the informations beginning with the fifth century upto the first quarter of the seventh century 4. H, have been taken from oral authorities. It is no doubt that our historian made wide contact with various eminent persons who were eye witnesses or transmitters of the eye witnesses who supplied him most of the information. But for this simple reason we cannot be satisfied with the authenticity of the historical account which Ibn al- Athir has produced in his history. Take the case of the Atabek history which is copiously narrated by Ibn al-Athir. A question - 270 - arises in tMs connection that how the veracity of an- account would he determined because Ibn al-Athir had friendly relation with the house of the Atabek. There is every likelihood of producing exaggerative account.The best way to varify the historical account is to study all the contemporary historians and then to compare their statements with the statement of Ibn al-Athir. I have adopted this method which has taken me to various original works : : •'"ed among which the most reliable and rich authorities are Tarikh al~Ruzatain of Abu Shama, Mawadir al-Sultaniyah of Ibn Shaddad, Al-Fath al~Qussi of Imad al-DLn Asfahani and wafavat a 1-A'van of Ibn Khallikan. A thorough comparative study provides remarkable identity between the statements of Ibn al-Athir and his contemporaries. Though some minor differences come to light during the study. For example Ibn al-Athir reports that Nur al-QLn Mahmud founded a splendid hospital in Damascus which carried heavy expenditure and was open to every man without fee. After quoting this statement from Al-Kamilj Abu Shama criticises the last portion of the statement of Ibn al-Athir. He says: This criticism apparently brings forth the carelessness of Ibn al-Athir. It means that he has believed in rumour and ^ gossip of the people. But it does not mean that he has Inten- - 271 - tionally recorded wrong statement and his impartiality has become doubtful in general. It is quite possible that some small errors might have occured unconsciously in the history of Ibn al-Athir but as a whole his information is based on reliable authorities. After the Atabeks the house of §alah al-DLn comes into power. Salah al-Din established his rule after eliminating the iltabeks who were the greatest benifactor of the family of Ibn al-Athir. In this context it was quite natural for Ibn al-Athir to be distressed with the affaire and in conse quence to record prejudicial information about Salah al-DLn. But after a detailed study of the contemporary documents along with the material furnished in Al-Kamil it can be claimed that our historian remained impartial. He remarks about §alah al- which indicates the high regard of the historian for Q^lah al- DLn. Originality in information or presentation: In the foregone chapters a detail-study of the sources has been of Ibn al-Athir's historical knowledge/made which reflects bow far originality exists in the history of Ibn al-Athir. For the 1. Ibn al-Athir, ALrMmil, Vol. 12/38, - 272 - prophetic and pre-Islamic sections his knowledge is based mainly on Tahari's history but we cannot deny that some earlier works upon which Tabarl himself relied were available to the historian. The Sirah of Ibn Ishaq and other original books were in the possession of Ibn al-Athir. His information about the Ayyam depends for the source on the treatizes of Abu Ubaida, Moreover, the historical information pertaining to the Umayyads of Andalus and to the later period have been definitely drawn from very original treatizea documents and oral authorities. It is also to be claimed that the account of fifth century Roman Monarchs is entirely original. Further, it is to be noted that the accounts beginning with the fi sixth century A. H. upto the end of first quarter of the seventh century A. H. which covers the last two volumes of Al-Kamil are must be considered as a very original. He has recorded them relying on his per sonal investigations and efforts. Especially the information about the Atabeks, the kingdom of Salah al-Din, Crusades,and Mangul invasion, completely claimes originality. Because he relied upon his friends who held highest rank in government, official documents, secret treatizes, travellers, merchants and soldiers. It was due to this fact that Ibn Khallikan, Ibn Kat^ar, Abu SI da, Oiahabi and other historian's heavily relied on the history of Ibn al-Athir. Contrary to the material and factual aspect, no remarkabl originality is shown by Ibn al-Athir in connection with methado- logy. He has utilized both the systems the chronological and - 273 - the annalistic. These systems have been followed since long before Ibn al-Athir. But some minor changes made by the historian are not to be over looked by a keen student. For example Ibn al-Athir does not divide an event into many pieces according to its happening which is observed by Tabari but he narrates it completely at one place, so that the total picture of an event many be easily percieved by a reader. Another point which is to be noticed in this connection is that Ibn al- Ithir delites many sided chain of an event and excellently tries to embody all the different points into a single of an account. It is to be remarked that Ibn al-Athir, at one place, has violated annalistic order while narrating the Mangol's invasion, because he has not recorded the account under annalistic order. General view of the history of Islam? Ibn al-Athir had developed a universal concept of Islam which was working in his mind when he began to write his great history Al-Kamil. He conceived Islam as a message of brother hood, equality and justice. He thought it a spritual force to unite peoples of different clours, races and regions. This conception was not so strongly and vividly perceived by any historian who preceded him. It is because of the fact that perhaps, Islam never faced such political crisis which we see during the time of Ibn al-Athir. It cannot be denied that there had been internal strifes, tribal feuds, dynastic:: .>. - 274 - changes and clashes even civil wars since the assanination of Umar, the great pious CaUph, but all of them were of internal character. Now the fate of the entire *'Ummat", scattered all over north Africa, west Isia, Central Asia, was at stake. Apart from the external threat, the internal dissension was at ifcg worst. A number of small kingdoms sprang up from the mighty- kingdom of the Saljuq, and though they have been temporarily- later consolidated by the Atabeks, and/Salah al-DLn united all the small states -under one power.' £t;h was a short lived. Chaos, anarchy and weekness again casted a gloom all over the Islamic world. Not a single power remained capable to resist the anundatioji of the Mangols. This deplorable condition left two contrary effects in the society. The common and unconscious masses have lost their hope and fell into dismay, but the educated and conscious class derived inspiration v/from the situation. The dissension, disunity, and the fear of anneheli- tion rekindled the spark of universal Islamic unity which was to act as a formadable and invincible force against the internal and external threat. It appears that at that time, much emphasise is being laid upon common good, common fate and common endevour. The memory of the ancient glory of the Abba sides, which united not only two third of the physical world under the sway of the universal caliphate but also infused a sense of unity among the different people^, again due to adverse factors, re-vived the concept of universal caliphate. It helped the elites to reject all kind of prejudice and narrow mindedness - 275 - This point is also stressed by Professor (M.bb when he studies the historical forces during the time of Ibn al-Athir. Hfe suggests that it was one of the factors which guided the histo rical thinking of Ibn al-Athir. This unlversalism had its root in '. e religious doctrines which found new environment for its growth. Under the influence of this concept, Ibn al-Athir conceived Islamic history, from the beginning upto his own time, as a single unite. He paid equal importance to all the phases of Islamic history. Not a part of it seems to have been overlooked. The balance and comprehensiveness of his work is mainly due to a strong and deep consciousness of this typical universal outlook. It saved him from falling into petty quarells, prejudices and narrowmlndedness which otherwise might have influenced the way vina which he treated '::'. 'i.u of the material. He always kept in his mind the total view of Islamic history. World view of history: The interest of Arab historians in world history though in a limited sense, was created at the very early of Arab historiography. We know that a number of Arab historians tried to acciimulate the informations of the ancient prophets, sages. 1» Ency. of Islam^ Suppi. p. 240. - 276 - saints and nations. But it cannot be said that they had developed the conception of world history. They were not ins pired of historical Quest. Their efforts were instigated by purely religious perpose, they wanted to know these notions and peoples which have been vagualy mentioned in the Quran. This effort combined with the mill try expansion of the UmayyadT in later period, sparked off the conscience of world history among the Arabs. Historians started to write not only dynastic; . also and regional histories, buVmany of them included the account of those coimtries and nations which directly came under the influence of Islamic power. And the information of the relevant countries, though not very reliable, found appropriate place in the works of MArab historians. Al-Tabari, Masudi and Asfahani distinguished themselves in this field. They have recorded Persian, Roman, Greek and Indian accounts along with the information of Islamic peoples. It was a big step towards the growing consciousness of world history. But it is difficult to maintaine that histories of early Arab historians have possess tall the characteristics of world history, because what ever the historians, have recorded pertaining to non-Islamic peoples is to a great extent, ttiJproportionately brief, fabulous and seriously diffective. But with the laps of time the consciousness of world history has gradually grown stronger and it became clear. We find Ibn al-Athir takes interest into the account of the - 277 - Byzantive empire during the fifth and sixth century A. H. He furnishes brief account of the affair which prevailed in the empire. But this very interest points out that the historian is not much curious and acquisitive of havihg ; sufficient knowledge about the contemporary world. Therefore, it is / safe, to hold that Al-Kamil too does not possess all the characteristics of a world historical work. Ibn al-4thir, it seems, to have been inspired by the world view of history but he did not succeed in the acquisition of information about the contemporary whole vrorld. his So fOr/attltude towards the non-Islamic land is concerned, it is remarkably impartial. Beside ; the information, which he has honestly copied from the earlier historical works, the original account in connection with the Byzantine empire helps us to hold that the historian treated of the material.objec- . tively. Fragmentary information about Ekigland, Germany can be noticed in the last volume of Al-Kamll which indicates the interest of Ibn al-Athir in non-Islamic lands. He has praised the valiant and brave deeds of the christian militry officers who participated in the crusades. Contribution to historiography; The contribution of Ibn al-Athir to Arab historiography is vevj rich and excellent. He provides VQTJ important infor mation about the fifth and sixth centuries A. H. of Spain, The - 278 - Ik Umayya{i^ and/Abbaside periods whose accounts have largely been drawn from Tabari, present some additional information which increases the value of Al-Kamil* Moreover, the richest and most precious contribution which Ibn al-Athir has made to the historiography is the account of the contemporary Muslim world. Had Ibn al-Athir not preserved the happenings of the crusades, the account of the Atabekes and Salah al-Din's family much loss would have occured to the historical literature of not only the Arabs, but of the world. His al-Kamil and Tarikh al-Dowlat al-Atabukeyaxi are to' be considered the most valuable works because they are mines of rare information. It preserves also not only the important political account of the day but/it contains such infoimation which throws light on social, educa tional and economic conditions of the Muslims. He informs us how princes, kings, nobles, commanders, armymen, artisans, peasants and common men used to live, what was the standard of living, what was the rate of eatable things. In short, as a pious and dedicated historian, he deserves to be placed among the great historians of the world and his historical works are valuable, rich and very useful part of Arab historical literature. - 279 - B I B L I 0 G R A P H Y A r a b i c Original Source Ahmad b. Yehya b.Jabir Ansab al-Ashraf. ¥01.4,6 al-Baladhuri. ed.Max Scheloessinger, S. D.F, Goitein,1938,1936,Jerusalem. Futuh al-Buldan. Cairo, 1900. Ahmad b. Daud al-Qlnawari, Kltab Akhbar al-31wal. "^ Abu Hanifa. Ahmad b.Ali al-Yaqubi Tarlkh Yaqubi, Vols. 1-11, • ed. M.th,Hbutsma, 1883. Ahmad b.Mustafa, Tash Ku.bra Miftah al-Sa'adah. Vol. 1-3, v/ Zada. Hyderabad. Ahmad b.AlL, Al-Khatib !iarikh Baghdad,, Vol. 1,14. J Al-Baghdad!. Cario, 1931. Ahmad b.Muhammad b. I&..iarib al-lMam^ Vol. 1, Mskawaih;-. ed. 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