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King's Research Portal King’s Research Portal DOI: 10.1017/S0008938917000632 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Schreiter, K. (2017). Revisiting Morale under the Bombs: The Gender of Affect in Darmstadt, 1942-1945. CENTRAL EUROPEAN HISTORY, 50(3), 347-374. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938917000632 Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. 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Sep. 2021 Revisiting Morale under the Bombs: The Gender of Affect in Darmstadt, 1942-1945 Intensified Allied bombing brought World War II into the homes of the German civilian population in the spring of 1942. Aerial attack alerts and bombing raids shaped life in larger German cities such as Hamburg, Köln, Essen, Berlin, Frankfurt, and Dresden, and redefined the term “home front”. Bringing destruction, displacement and death, the war heavily affected urban populations in their physical and mental wellbeing for more than three years. Yet, somehow, everyday life continued. Fritz Limmer (1881 – 1947), a retired chemistry professor who spent the air war in the Hessian town of Darmstadt, recorded his experience in a diary. During the summer of 1944 Limmer observed with growing concern the effect war had on the members of his family: “Grete and Helgard [his wife and daughter] absolutely have to run to the movies after lunch. (Reverie). I am astonished by Grete’s behavior, as she knows nothing about her siblings’ fate in Romania. It defies comprehension. And all the talk about ‘finding relaxation’ doesn’t impress me either.” He feared for his family’s cohesion: “And thus the disintegration between us invariably continues, precisely now when we can somewhat endure this time only with harmony. It will become even more difficult than it already is (…) .”1 Limmer’s pessimistic observations tempt us to explore a society decisively shaped by war and the corroding effects conflict had on the individual. In the male defined sphere of military conflict, the aspect of gendered experience invites particular attention.2 With a whole generation of men gone to the battlefields of Europe and North Africa, involved in the administration and plundering of conquered territory, or participating in Germany’s genocidal machinery (though joined in the concentration camps by a growing number of female SS auxiliaries), the exigencies of war on the home front had a lasting effect on gender relations in German society and profoundly affected the idealized role conceptions of womanhood and manhood in Nazi society.3 To a certain extent, this was a re-occurrence of processes observable in Germany during World War I, when “total mobilization destroyed the divisions between the military and civil society and between the ‘public’ and the ‘private’ spheres, only to replace them with the separation between the male combat zone of the battlefield and the female noncombat zone of producing and reproducing the means of destruction” as women replaced the absent men in the war economy.4 A new feature of WWII was the physical proximity of a growing number of women to death and destruction. Inspired by Michael Geyer’s 1995 suggestion that the history of war should be written as “a history of organized deadly force”, Karen Hagemann concluded that “the dimension of violence, which was generally exercised and suffered in gender-specific ways, should also be a central focus of a social and gender history of the (…) war.”5 This article explores how the experience of “deadly force”, as well as the gender and age-related preparation and knowledge with which individuals encountered war violence and made sense of it, shaped social re-organization during the final months of the war. It shows how, in WWII Germany, female roles in relation to the state – regardless of whether women mended clothes, produced ammunition, or actively helped in combat to defend the home front – underwent a redefinition, ideologically recasting all these activities as patriotic duty to the Fatherland. Nazi propaganda sought to prevent a reoccurrence of the 1918 home front breakdown, which had contributed to Germany’s willingness to end the war, and in which women had played an important role.6 It utilized the stab-in-the-back myth, according to which the World War I armistice and peace treaty represented a betrayal of military efforts by the people and politics on the home front. Nazi propaganda used the myth to gain an electoral following in the Weimar Republic and then 2 employed it to mobilize Germany for war, exploiting feelings of the nation’s humiliation, unfair treatment at Versailles and a promise of renewed greatness.7 Ingrained in collective memory and political entrenchment, it remained an influential lesson for the Party and wartime society alike. This study complicates the dualism of male battlefront and female home front further through an examination of the gendered experience of bombing in Darmstadt, a small town near Frankfurt on Main. It is based on a previously unexamined source base of home front narratives from 1945, transcribed interviews with men and women from different social and generational backgrounds who had recently lived through the bombing experience. As strategic bombing was a new feature of air warfare, the United States military had a vested interest in learning about its outcomes and efficiency. As soon as they entered Germany, American occupying forces began extracting strategic and military lessons from captured administrative records and from interviews with German officials, industrialists, workers, and civilians. This effort led to the publication of a series of 208 studies about bombing in Europe (and Japan) during World War II that became known as the United States Strategic Bombing Surveys (USSBS). Historians interested in air warfare over Nazi Germany have used the USSBS reports on German morale extensively. Shaped by the surveys’ initial purpose, these historians’ narratives have featured Allied air strategy, thus literally writing history from above. By and large, these historical works focus on the course and material effects of the air raids;8 yet others turn their attention to the home front experience, and the immediate chaos and suffering resulting from the raids.9 While the USSBS reports are popular among historians of the German home front, the original interviews have been practically ignored as a source of wartime experience. Over 170 interview transcripts from Darmstadt have survived and are housed in the US National Archives in College Park, Maryland. The USSBS morale division group began the interview series in 3 Darmstadt on April 4, 1945, more than a month before the war in Europe officially ended with German surrender. For each interviewee the face sheet provides information on sex, age, and marital status, number of children, education, and occupation during the war as well as membership in NASDAP organizations, personal material situation, and deaths in the family. Accordingly, this allows for an analysis by social strata, gender, and age cohort. Using interviews as historical sources raises familiar questions about the reliability and veracity of memories. Moreover, this set of interviews emerged from a specific context. They were recorded at a transformative moment, in the late spring of 1945, when Germans collectively and individually tried to make sense of defeat in a war that was meant to achieve Germany’s world domination. The context is thus very different from the longue durée perspective that Jörg Arnold offers in his comparative study of collective urban war memory in East and West German towns.10 Nevertheless, placing the individual in relation to a nascent collective memory can be useful as well in understanding these more immediate testimonies in regards to agency, subjectivity and the self.11 At the same time it is important to contextualize the interviews, and to be mindful of the power relations at play between the interviewers and their subjects. The fact that the American occupiers conducted these interviews might leave the reader wondering about the respondents’ authenticity as well as interviewers’ biases. German civilians may not have been willing to reveal the whole extent of their defeat to the former enemy or they might have concealed their politics in order to avoid blame and punishment for the crimes of the Third Reich. The USSBS unit outfitted interviewers, often native German speakers, with a detailed list of 43 questions that measured 1) emotional change; 2) changes in political attitudes; and 3) in behavior of the respondents; as well as 4) measures of certain experiences and beliefs assumed to correlate with the moral effects produced by bombing.
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