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Home , A Time for Choosing, Bert Lance, Beyond the White House, Billy Carter, Charles Kirbo, Douglas Coe

Notes

Introduction

1. In this study, beliefs and convictions are delineated by the extent to which the belief is also operationalized in policy; that is, a conviction is a belief that has been applied in a substantive manner. For example, as we will see in chapter 6 that deals with Reagan’s cognetic narrative, he had a belief that abortion was abhorrent and immoral, but he had a competing conviction that it was not a government’s role to impose limits on freedom of choice. In effect, his conviction about limited government overrode his belief about abortion from a conviction. For members of the Religious Right, for whom prohibiting abortion was clearly a conviction, Reagan managed to assuage them with rhetoric, but the record shows that he did not act in a substantive manner. 2. , Head and Heart: American Christianities (: The Penguin Press, 2007). 3. Michael H. Hunt, Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy (New Haven, CT: Press, 1987), p. xi. 4. Terry Eagleton, Ideology: An Introduction (London: Verso, 2007), p. xiv. 5. Ibid., p. 13. 6. Michael H. Hunt, The American Ascendancy: How the Gained and Wielded Global Dominance (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), p. 1. 7. An example of this is James T. Kloppenberg, Reading Obama: Dreams, Hope, and the American Political Tradition (Princeton, NJ: Press, 2011). An exception to this dilemma is John Patrick Diggins, : Fate, Freedom, and the Making of History (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2008). 8. James William Anderson, “The Methodology of Psychological Biography,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 11:3 (Winter 1981): p. 455.

165 166 Notes

9. James Renshon, “When Public Statements Reveal Private Beliefs: Assessing Operational Codes at a Distance,” Political Psychology 30, no. 4 (2009): pp. 649, 652. See also, Robert M. Axelrod, Structure of Decision: The Cognitive Maps of Political Elites (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976); Stephen G. Walker and Mark Schafer, “The Political Universe of Lyndon B. Johnson and His Advisors: Diagnostic and Strategic Propensities in Their Operational Codes,” Political Psychology 21, no. 3 (2000): 529–543; and Roger Immerman, “Psychology,” and Alan Henrickson, “Mental Maps,” in Michael J. Hogan and Thomas G, Paterson, eds. Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations, Cambridge (Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 156, 177. 10. See Carolyn M. Warner, and Stephen G. Walker, “Thinking about the Role of Religion in Foreign Policy: A Framework for Analysis,” Foreign Policy Analysis 7 (2011): pp. 113–135. 11. See Robert Jervis, “Understanding Beliefs,” Political Psychology 27, no. 5 (October 2006): pp. 641–663; and Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976). 12. An example of this is found in Fred I. Greenstein, The Presidential Difference: Leadership Style from FDR to George W. Bush (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), pp. 129–131. Here Greenstein speaks of the “centrality of religious principles to [’s] political leadership” that became a “driving force” of his leadership style, but does not delineate what those principles were or how they manifested in policy making. 13. An example of this is James D. Barber, The Presidential Character: Predicting Performance in the (New York: Pearson Longman, 2008), 14. There are numerous references and discussions regarding Jimmy Carter’s status as a born-again Christian in his biographies and press interviews; perhaps none more controversial than Robert Scheer’s interview of Carter in (November 1976). Ronald Reagan referred to Armageddon during his campaigns and while in office. See the Reagan chapters herein, and also Frances Fitzgerald, Way Out There In the Blue: Reagan, Star Wars and the End of the (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001), pp. 36, 206. George W. Bush refers to the “Maker of heaven and ” and foreign policy in his second inaugural address, available at The American Presidency Project, Inaugural Addresses, www.presidency.ucsb.edu.

1 Religion in the American Political Sphere

1. The scope of this analysis is limited to inasmuch as it dominates discourse in America and has been the exclusive faith of American presidents. 2. Denis Lacorne, Religion in America: A Political History (New York: Press, 2011). Lacorne identifies two meta-narratives: a secular narrative derived from the Enlightenment and a second from a uniquely American religious-based pursuit of freedom. 3. A documentary history of the can be found in Hans J. Hillerbrand, The Protestant Reformation (New York: Harper Perennial, 1968). Notes 167

4. Edwin S. Gaustad and Leigh Schmidt, The Religious History of America: The Heart of the American Story from Colonial Times to Today (New York: HarperOne, 2004), p. 292. 5. As literary scholar Sacvan Bercovitch points out, “The distinction is a crucial one. Both humanism and shift the grounds of private identity from the institution to the individual; and ...... makes every man his own .” Sacvan Bercovitch, The Puritan Origins of the American Self (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1977), p. 11. Alexis de Tocqueville also wrote extensively about the “individualism” of Americans—a unique and peculiar condition compared to Europeans at the time. See Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (New York: The of America, 2004), Volume II, Part II, Chapter 2. 6. These theological reinterpretations of millennialism and, in particular, the Revelation of St. John are detailed in Ernest Lee Tuveson, Redeemer Nation: The Idea of America’s Millennial Role (: University Of Chicago Press, 1980). See in particular Chapter 1, “Apocalyptic and History.” 7. Gaustad and Schmidt, Religious History of America, p. 305. Also, historian Walter McDougal has argued in Promised Land, Crusader State: The American Encounter with the World Since 1776 (New York: Mariner Books, 1997), pp. 204–205, that this notion of perfectibility—that “man can prepare a place for the messiah . . . and so create heaven on earth” is evidence that “the twig of American Christianity was bent from the start” constituting an “appalling conceit” that has endured since 1776. Historian William Appleman Williams also suggests the Puritans had a “kink in their theology” that allowed them to “place evil outside their system” and “inclined them toward a solution which involved the extension of their own system over others” in Contours of American History (Cleveland, OH: World Publishing, 1961), pp. 95–96. Historian Timothy L. Smith argues that by the middle nineteenth century it was widely accepted that perfectibility, which Smith calls “Christian perfectionism” or “millennial expectation” was to be secured by the United States for “all mankind” and that “the Christian millennium would come about through the exercise of human efforts sustained by the grace of God.” See Timothy L. Smith, “Righteousness and Hope: Christian Holiness and the Millennial Vision in America, 1800–1900,” American Quarterly 31 (Spring 1979): pp. 21, 39. 8. David L. Holmes, The Faiths of the Founding Fathers (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), p. 3. 9. The term “American exceptionalism,” or simply “exceptionalism,” is generally first credited to Max Lerner in hisAmerica as a Civilization: Life and Thought in the United States Today (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1957). The notion encompasses what Winthrop first prescribed in his speech aboard the Arbella that gave Americans a sense of differentiation from the rest of the world; a chosen people in a chosen land whose responsibility it was to prosper and proliferate while setting a new standard for the civilized world. A number of contemporary historians have examined its significance, manifestations, and durability, including H. W. Brands, Seymour Martin Lipset, Trevor B. McCrisken, Andrew L. Bacevich, and Walter McDougal. 168 Notes

10. Winthrop’s Modell of Christian Charity is available in his papers, volume II, at The Massachusetts Historical Society, http://www.masshist.org/books/winthrop.cfm. 11. Winthrop in Conrad Cherry, ed., God’s New Israel: Religious Interpretations of American Destiny (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1998), p. 40. 12. Edmund S. Morgan, The Puritan Dilemma: The Story of John Winthrop (New York: Pearson Longman, 2006), p. ix. 13. Ibid., p. 5. 14. Mark A. Noll, Nathan O. Hatch, and George M. Marsden, The Search for Christian America (Colorado Springs: Helmers & Howard Publishers, 1989), p. 34. 15. Morgan, Puritan Dilemma, p. 75. More readings on Winthrop and the settlement of Puritans can be found in Jon Meacham, American Gospel: God, the Founding Fathers, and the Making of a Nation (New York: Random House, 2007), pp. 46–55; Gaustad and Schmidt, Religious History of America, pp. 53–54; Holmes, Faiths of the Founding Fathers, pp. 147–150; and Bercovitch, Puritan Origins, pp. 91–98. 16. Morgan, Puritan Dilemma, p. 109. 17. Ibid., p. 110. 18. Gaustad and Schmidt, Religious History of America, p. 70. 19. Ibid. 20. The doctrine of is thoroughly discussed with Biblical references in Robert Wharton Landis, The Doctrine of Original Sin: As Received and Taught by the Churches of the Reformation (Richmond: Whittet & Shepperson, 1884), pp. 9–165. For a review of the doctrine of predestination see Peter Johannes Thuesen, Predestination: The American Career of a Contentious Doctrine (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), pp. 14–43. See also, Lacorne, Religion in America, p. 43. 21. For the Catholic conception of absolution and , see Donald W. Wuerl, The Catholic Way: Faith for Living Today (New York: Random House, 2001), p. 246. 22. Disindividuation here refers to the separateness of the condition or circumstances from the individual, which is a significant departure from the Calvinist view of the inherent sinfulness of every person. In effect, failures exist for reasons that may not be under the immediate control of the person, or are the result of unrecognized self-deception. 23. Evangelical revivalism and its commitment to social reform are discussed in Richard G. Kyle, : An Americanized Christianity (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2006), pp. 23–54. For progressives, sin is reconsidered as a failure to properly love (too much or too little) and a barrier to knowing one’s self, or a source of self-deception. See Delwin Brown, What Does a Progressive Christian Believe?: A Guide for the Searching, the Open, and the Curious (New York: Church Publishing, Inc., 2008), pp. 69–82. 24. The term “Great Awakening” is attributed to Joseph Tracy, author of the 1842 book of the same name. (See note 29 below.) 25. The causes of rising religiosity in the 1730s, 1830s, 1890s, and 1970s is an interdisciplinary area of study attracting the work of religious scholars, sociologists, and anthropologists. The University of Chicago, through a grant Notes 169

by the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, published its findings on the question in 1994 under the title Accounting for Fundamentalisms: The Dynamic Character of Movements. See Martin E. Marty, R. Scott Appleby, Nancy T. Ammerman, Robert Eric Frykenberg, Samuel C. Heilman, and James Piscatori, Accounting for Fundamentalisms: The Dynamic Character of Movements (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004). Susan Harding, an anthropologist, focused on the revitalization of the for the project. See Susan Harding, “Imagining the Last Days: The Politics of Apocalyptic Language,”Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 48, no. 3 (December 1994). 26. Mark A. Noll, The Rise of Evangelicalism: The Age of Edwards, Whitefield, and the Wesleys (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2004), p. 100. 27. Ibid., pp. 104–105. See also George Whitefield,George Whitefield’s Journals (Carlisle, PA: Banner of Truth, 1986). 28. Noll et al., Search for Christian America, pp. 51–52. 29. Joseph Tracy, The Great Awakening: A History of the Revival of Religion in the Time of Edwards and Whitefield (Boston: Charles Tappan, 1845), pp. ix, xiii. 30. Jonathan Edwards in Cherry, God’s New Israel, p. 56. 31. For more on Jonathan Edwards and the Great Awakening, see Bercovitch, Puritan Origins, pp. 152–163; Holmes, Faiths of the Fathers, p. 28; and Gaustad and Schmidt, Religious History of America, pp. 58, 157. 32. in Meacham, American Gospel, pp. 61–62. 33. Thomas Jefferson in Meacham,American Gospel, p. 60. 34. Thomas Jefferson letter to Matthew Carey, November 11, 1816, The Library of Congress, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/P?mtj:19:./temp/~ammem_neL3. 35. The Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1776, The Library of Congress,http: //memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?bdsbib:7:./temp/~ammem_ngJh. 36. Holmes, Faiths of the Founding Fathers, p.163. 37. A thorough study of Madison’s arguments for the separation of church and state can be found in Garry Wills, Head and Heart, pp. 203–222. Madison pays specific reference to religion in Federalist Papers 10, 51, 52, and 57. The text of Memorial and Remonstrance is available at “The Religious Freedom Page,” The University of Virginia, http://religiousfreedom.lib.virginia.edu/sacred/madison_m&r_1785.html. 38. As explicit as this phrase is, historians debate whether Adams paid any attention to it since it was placed in Article 11 of the treaty. See F. Forrester Church, So Help Me God: The Founding Fathers and the First Great Battle Over Church and State (Orlando, FL: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2007), pp. 206–209. 39. Garry Wills has called this “the riddle of American politics.” His argument is found in Garry Wills, Under God (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990), p. 25. For a statistical analysis of the growth of churches and denominations in America between 1650 and 1975, see Edwin Scott Gaustad, Historical Atlas of Religion in America (New York: Harper & Row, 1976). 40. Tocqueville, Democracy in America, p. 486. 41. For summaries of these developments, see Gaustad and Schmidt, Religious History of America, pp. 139–184. 170 Notes

42. James Monroe’s Annual Address to Congress, December 2, 1823, The Library of Congress, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llac&fileName=041 /llac041.db&recNum=4. 43. For a discussion on the impact of the Monroe Doctrine on later developments in imperialism and antiimperialism, see Lewis Samuel Feuer, Imperialism and the Anti-imperialist Mind (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1989), pp. 13–56. 44. Many Eastern protestant preachers including Lyman Beecher, Charles Finney, Nathanial Taylor, Samuel Hopkins and more across the West combined millennial notions of perfectibility with radical moralism, often aiming their rhetoric beyond parishioners to government officials. See Smith, “Righteousness and Hope,” p. 22. While this period of religiosity started during Jacksonian America, President Andrew Jackson himself was quite wary of religiosity in the political sphere—an avowed adherent of the separation of church and state—due, in part, to the religious sanctimony deployed by clergymen to defame the character of his vice- president’s wife, Margaret Eaton; much the same way his wife had been attacked by supporters of John Quincy Adams in the election of 1828. See Jon Meacham, American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House (New York: Random House, 2009), pp. 76, 86–90. 45. Lyman Beecher in Cherry, God’s New Israel, p. 123. 46. Ibid., pp. 123, 130. 47. Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States, (New York: HarperCollins, 2005), p. 151. Manifest Destiny and its contribution to new imaginings of America in the late 1800s are also explored in Patricia Nelson Limerick, The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1987). 48. Robert William Fogel ties the effects of religiosity to political movements like antislavery and temperance in his study, The Fourth Great Awakening and the Future of Egalitarianism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000). 49. Harriet Beecher Stowe in Tuveson, Redeemer Nation, p. 191. 50. Frederick Douglass in Noll et al., Search for Christian America, p. 99. 51. Wills, Head and Heart, p. 313. 52. Ibid., p. 87. Wills cites verses from both the Old and in Deuteronomy, Numbers, Exodus, Leviticus, Genesis, Matthew, Luke, Corinthians, Peter, Colossians, Ephesians, Timothy, Titus, and Philemon. 53. Ibid., p.314. 54. S. H. Tyng in Tuveson, Redeemer Nation, p. 192. 55. Many sects split during the run-up to the Civil War including the Presbyterians in 1837–38, the Methodists in 1844, and the in 1845, which was a precursor to the Southern Baptist Convention. For a summary of these events, see Wills, Head and Heart, pp. 307–311. 56. , Annual Message to Congress, December 1, 1862. The American Presidency Project, Public Papers of Abraham Lincoln, www.presidency.ucsb.edu. 57. Abraham Lincoln, , November 19, 1863. The Library of Congress, http://memory.loc.gov/cgi. Notes 171

58. Richard V. Pierard and Robert D. Linder, Civil Religion and the Presidency (Grand Rapids: Academie Books, 1988) p. 112. 59. Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1996), p. 24. 60. Ibid., p. 213. 61. Justice David Josiah Brewer in Church of the Holy v. United States, 143 U.S. 226 (1892), U.S. Supreme Court Center, U.S. Supreme Court Cases and Opinions, http://supreme.justia.com/us/143/457/case.html. 62. Susan Batte, Argument Five, Church of the Holy Trinity v. United States, Separation of Church and State Home Page, http://candst.tripod.com/tnppage/arg7.htm. 63. In the late nineteenth century, there was also a steady rise in American Christian missionaries traveling throughout the world, although generally limited in their aims to extending their faith rather than engaging in politics. As George J. Hill shows in his study about the United States and Liberia in 1925–1947, this changed. Missionaries became active in collaboration with government agencies in what he calls the “Liberia Education Project.” See George J. Hill, “Intimate Relationships: Secret Affairs of Church and State in the United States and Liberia,”Diplomatic History 31, no.3 (2007): pp. 465–503. 64. Strong’s ties to Roosevelt, support of American imperialism, and his many published works are summarized in William H. Berge, “Voices for Imperialism: Josiah Strong and the Protestant Clergy,” Border States: Journal of the - Tennessee American Studies Association (1973), http://spider.georgetowncollege.edu/ htallant/border/bs1/berge.htm. 65. Josiah Strong, Our Country (New York: Baker & Taylor Co., 1891), p. 225. 66. McDougall, Promised Land, Crusader State, pp. 4–5. 67. Walter Rauschenbusch, Christianity and the Social Crisis (New York: Macmillan Co., 1907). 68. James T. Kloppenberg in William M. Shea, and Peter A. Huff, eds., Knowledge and Belief in America: Enlightenment Traditions and Modern Religious Thought (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 42. 69. The lineage of this epistemological heritage is detailed by Giles Gunn in Shea and Huff, Knowledge and Belief in America, p. 85. 70. William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1905), p. 91. 71. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Cycles of American History (New York: Mariner Books, 1999), p. 17. 72. Between 1910 and 1915 a series of instructive pamphlets, collectively called The Fundamentals were also published and distributed. They were a collection of 90 essays by Christian ministers and theologians that dealt with everything from the crucifixion and resurrection to the second coming to a reconciliation of evolution and scripture. They were considered basic instruction to evangelicals at the time and staged the beginning of fundamentalism in the twentieth century. See R. A. Torrey, Charles L. Feinberg, and Warren W. Wiersbe, Fundamentals (Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel Academic & Professional, 1990). 172 Notes

73. The history of the Women’s Temperance Union, which remains active today, can be found at www.wctu.org. 74. Wills, Head and Heart, p. 406. 75. Mario R. Di Nunzio, ed., Woodrow Wilson (New York: New York University Press, 2006), p. 59. 76. Pierard and Linder, Civil Religion, p. 154. 77. Cherry, God’s New Israel, p. 271. 78. Woodrow Wilson in Pierard and Linder, Civil Religion, p. 158. 79. For a thorough study of the trial, see Edward J. Larson, Summer for the Gods: The Scopes Trial and America’s Continuing Debate Over Science and Religion (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998). 80. Evangelicals also suffered from their association with the Ku Klux Klan and anti- Catholic efforts aimed at Al Smith, candidate for president in 1928. See Wills, Head and Heart, p. 415. 81. Robert Wuthnow and Robert Liebman, The New Christian Right: Mobilization and Legitimation (New York: Aldine Publishing, 1983), p. 1. 82. For an illustration of the expression of religion in foreign affairs during this period, see Andrew Preston, Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith (New York: Knopf, 2012), pp. 291–410. 83. , “Why the Christian Church is Not Pacifist” in The Essential Reinhold Niebuhr: Selected Essays and Addresses (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1987), pp. 103–104. 84. Reinhold Niebuhr, The Irony of American History (Chicago: University Of Chicago Press, 2008), p. 40. 85. For an examination of Reinhold Niebuhr’s intellectual adversary at the time, A. J. Muste, see Leilah Danielson, “Christianity, Dissent, and the Cold War: A. J. Muste’s Challenge to Realism and U.S. Empire,” Diplomatic History 30, no.4 (2006): pp. 645–669. Danielson shows that pacifist theologians like Muste were just as active in the political sphere of US foreign policy as conservative realists like Niebuhr. 86. Eisenhower’s National Defense Highway System was originally designed to allow the efficient transportation of military personnel and equipment throughout the United States. Congress funded 41,000 miles of road in 1956. See the Library of Congress, http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/cpquery/R?cp109:FLD010:@1(hr499). 87. Robert Wuthnow, The Restructuring of American Religion (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), p. 16. 88. Will Herberg, Protestant, Catholic, Jew: An Essay in American Religious Sociology (Princeton, NJ: Doubleday and Company, 1955) p. 3. 89. “In God We Trust” actually made its first appearance on coinage during the Civil War in 1862. After 1956 it was on both coinage and currency. See Lacrone,Religion in America, p. 142. 90. Dwight D. Eisenhower, Inaugural Address, January 20, 1953. The American Presidency Project, Public Papers of Dwight D. Eisenhower, www.presidency. ucsb.edu. Notes 173

91. H. W. Brands, Jr., “The Age of Vulnerability: Eisenhower and the National Insecurity State,” American Historical Review 94, no.4 (October 1989): pp. 963–989. 92. Angela M. Lahr, Millennial Dreams and Apocalyptic Nightmares: The Cold War Origins of Political Evangelicalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 26, 28. 93. Irvin D. S. Winsboro and Michael Epple, “Religion, Culture, and the Cold War: Bishop Fulton J. Sheen and America’s Anti-Communist Crusade of the 1950s,” The Historian 71, no. 2 (2009): p. 219. 94. Reverend in Lahr, Millennial Dreams, p. 3. 95. Ibid., pp. 213, 217. 96. Historians including Ira Chernus, William Inboden, Angela M. Lahr, David Zeitsma and Seth Jacobs, each study the role of religion and US foreign policy in this period. But the evidence is largely peripheral—passively integrated into the formation of policy—only directly expressed by bureaucratic or secondary actors. Nonetheless, they persuasively outline the introduction of religion into the political sphere and foreign policy, including the stark symbiosis between American and Cold War discourse. 97. Senator Hubert Humphrey’s comments and a complete analysis of the church- based “Midwest strategy” of passing the Civil Rights Act are found in James F. Findlay, “Religion and Politics in the Sixties: The Churches and the Civil Rights Act of 1964,” The Journal of American History 77, no.1 (June 1990): pp. 66–92. 98. Mark A. Noll, God and Race in American Politics: A Short History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), p. 142. 99. Martin Luther King Jr. credits A. J. Muste with establishing the characteristics of “non-violent direct action” in the late 1940s. See Danielson, “Christianity, Dissent, and the Cold War,” p. 647. 100. See Beth Bailey’s argument that “many of the movements for social justice were . . . grounded in religion or spirituality” in her essay, “Religion” in David Farber and Beth Bailey, eds., The Columbia Guide to America in the 1960s, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), pp. 296–304. 101. Lahr, Millennial Dreams, p. 181. See also, Harold E. Quinley, “The Protestant Clergy and the War in ,” The Public Opinion Quarterly 34, no.1 (Spring 1970): pp. 43–52. 102. See Quinley, “The Protestant Clergy and the War in Vietnam,” pp. 43–52; and Harvey G. Cox, “The ‘New Breed’ in American Churches: Sources of Social Activism in American Religion,” Daedalus 96, no.1 (Winter 1967): pp. 135–150. 103. Reinhold Niebuhr, “The Limits of Military Power,” in Love and Justice (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1992), pp. 192–195. Other “realists” including Hans Morgenthau and George Kennan also were against the . See Danielson, “Christianity, Dissent, and the Cold War,” p. 667. 104. Quinley, “The Protestant Clergy and the War in Vietnam,” pp. 47–52. 105. Noll et al., Search for Christian America, p. 15. 106. Church facilities, denominations, membership, and even scriptural recall have been studied by Gallup, and later by the PEW Research Center. Most Protestant 174 Notes

denominations increased throughout the period of 1650–1975 as shown in Gaustad’s Atlas of Religion in America. In the 1960s, some traditional Protestant denominations showed decline including Methodists, Lutherans, Presbyterians, and Episcopalians. Their losses were more than made up, however, by growth in Baptist, Mormon, and Catholic membership. 107. These issues are archived atwww.time.com and www.newsweek.com. 108. Wuthnow, Restructuring of American Religion, p. 100. 109. Ibid., pp. 112, 117. 110. See Liebman and Wuthnow, New Christian Right, p. 2. See also, Walter Russell Mead, “God’s Country?,” Foreign Affairs (September/October 2006), http://www .foreignaffairs.com/articles/61914/walter-russell-mead/gods-country? 111. William A. Rusher, The Rise of the Right (New York: , 1993), p. 198. 112. Noll et al., Search for Christian America, p. 14. 113. Robert Freedman, “The Religious Right and the Carter Administration,” The Historical Journal 48, no.1 (2005): p. 244. 114. Frances FitzGerald, Way out There in the Blue: Reagan, Star Wars and the End of the Cold War (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001), p. 180. 115. Findlay, “Religion and Politics in the Sixties,” p. 90. 116. Lloyd C. Gardner, “The Cold War Crusade” in “A Roundtable Discussion of William C. Inboden’s Religion and American Foreign Policy, 1945–1960: The Soul of Containment,” Passport 40, no.1 (April 2009): p. 16.

2 Jimmy Carter’s Cognetic Narrative: An Evangelical Engineer

1. Carter’s relationship with Plains, , is displayed in ’s Jimmy Carter , DVD (Sony Pictures, 2008). 2. Jimmy Carter, An Hour Before Daylight: Memoirs of a Rural Boyhood (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001), p. 159. 3. Carter family history, both paternal and maternal (the Gordy family), is summarized in Bruce Mazlish and Edwin Diamond, Jimmy Carter: A Character Portrait (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1979), pp. 23–26. 4. Detail of Earl Carter’s military service can be found in Peter G. Bourne, Jimmy Carter: A Comprehensive Biography from Plains to Post-Presidency (New York: Scribner, 1997), p. 13. It is unclear how much service Earl Carter completed, or how long he was away from Plains during 1917–1918. Betty Glad finds he claimed an exemption after his initial training “because his mother was widowed.” See Betty Glad, Jimmy Carter: In Search of the Great White House (New York: W. W. Norton & Co. Inc., 1980), pp. 24–25. 5. Carter, An Hour Before Daylight, p. 189. Tom Gordy preceded Carter in the Navy and played a significant role in his inspiration to become a naval officer. Notes 175

6. Jimmy Carter in Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 13. 7. in Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 39. 8. Jimmy Carter, Why Not the Best? (Nashville, TN: Broadman Press, 1975), p. 16. And, Jimmy Carter, Living Faith (New York: Three Rivers Press), p. 51. 9. Bourne, Jimmy Carter, p. 32. 10. Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 86. 11. Bourne, Jimmy Carter, p. 25. 12. Carter, Why Not the Best?, pp. 16–17. 13. Interview of Lillian Carter by David Alsobrook, September 26, 1978, Carter/Smith Family Interview Collection, p. 7, Jimmy Carter Library (JCL). 14. Carter’s sister, Ruth Carter Stapleton, reportedly said in an interview during the presidential primary that “Jimmy’s got the perfect combination of the strong male image and the warm compassionate love of mother. If she hadn’t been there, Jimmy could have been probably a tyrant.” Glad, Jimmy Carter, p. 488. 15. Ibid., p. 72. 16. Carter, Why Not the Best?, p. 33. 17. Ibid., p. 33. Alvin Johnson contradicts this claim of Carter’s. He recalls he visited the Carter home, but “never did go sit down and talk to Miss Lillian.” See Alvin Johnson in Glad, Jimmy Carter, p. 41. Lillian states, “I have never had a black person to come to my front door to visit me. They respect me too much. They’ll come to my kitchen door.” Interview of Lillian Carter by David Alsobrook, p. 28, JCL. 18. Carter, Living Faith, p. 53. See also, Bourne, Jimmy Carter, p. 29. 19. Lillian Carter in Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 25. 20. Carter, An Hour Before Daylight, pp. 229–230. 21. Jimmy Carter, Living Faith, p. 54. 22. Bourne, Jimmy Carter, p. 78. Carter’s impressions of his father at his time of death are also summarized in Carter, An Hour Before Daylight, p. 258. 23. Gloria Spann in Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 37. 24. in Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 36. Carter suffered three significant losses in his life: when he was denied a Rhodes scholarship; when he lost his race for governor in 1966; and, when he lost his reelection bid in 1980. Carter met each with both anger and depression. He belittled the winner of the Rhodes scholarship, became depressed then “” after the gubernatorial loss, then again very depressed after losing to Reagan. See Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 102; Glad, Jimmy Carter, pp. 108–109; and Jimmy Carter, Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President (Fayetteville: University of Press, 1995), p. 553. 25. Glad argues that “Earl, who seems to have been the main emotional provider, simply seemed to expect the best of Jimmy, punishing him if he fell short, but not rewarding him when he did live up to his father’s standards.” Glad, Jimmy Carter, p. 502. 26. Carter, An Hour Before Daylight, p. 29. 27. Bourne, Jimmy Carter, p. 37. 176 Notes

28. When Carter was 12 years old, Coleman recommended Leo Tolstoy’s War and Peace. Staying with themes reflected in his six “good mental habits,” he interpreted Tolstoy’s work as showing “the course of human events . . . is determined not by the leaders, but by common ordinary people” who, through “their courage and tenacity . . . determine the destiny of the world.” In Carter, An Hour Before Daylight, p. 212, Carter places his introduction to Tolstoy at “fifth grade,” when he would have been ten years old, not twelve, but Lillian Carter recalls he was twelve. See Interview of Lillian Carter by David Alsobrook, p. 32, JCL. Whether Tolstoy influenced his “good mental habits,” or his interpretation of Tolstoy was influenced by his habits, there is a clear consistency in his youthful cognetics and the literature he embraced. Carter also cites as “one of his most treasured possessions” Victor Hugo’s 20 volume set of The Outline of Knowledge in an Hour before Daylight, p. 111. Yet, he offers no specific reference to any of these works or their impact on his thinking. His godmother, Miss Gussie Abrams, gave Hugo’s works to him, which may be the better explanation of their “treasured” status. 29. Bourne, Jimmy Carter, p. 41. 30. Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 14. 31. Interview of Rachel Clarke by Marie B. Allen, November 9, 1978, Carter/Smith Family Interview Collection, p. 26, JCL. 32. For a detail of the services and social gatherings at the Plains Baptist Church, see Interview of Don Carter by Marie B. Allen, November 3, 1979, Carter/Smith Family Collection, pp. 36–39, JCL. 33. Jimmy Carter Speech before the Southern Baptist Convention in Fort Worth, , June 13, 1974, Carter Family Papers, Jimmy Carter Speech Files, Box 66, Folder: 6/13/74 Southern Baptist Convention Speech, JCL. 34. Several of Carter’s prepresidential speeches make the claim that there is no conflict between religious beliefs and politics. For example, see Jimmy Carter Speech to Metropolitan Youth for Christ, May 23, 1972, Carter Family Papers, Jimmy Carter Speech Files, Box 64, Folder: Gubernatorial Speeches—5/72, JCL. 35. Carter recalled a revivalist minister in Plains who challenged Carter’s desire to be involved in politics, which he described as a “discredited profession” in Why Not the Best, p. 79. Carter’s sister, Ruth Carter Stapleton also challenged Carter to give up politics at the time of Carter’s born-again moment in 1966. Carter refused. See Ruth’s recollection in Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, pp. 153–154. 36. Jimmy Carter 3x5 Speech Cards, Pre-presidential Papers, 1970 Gubernatorial Campaign, Box 39, Folder: Speech Materials [1], JCL. 37. Jimmy Carter Speech to “Viet-Nam Rally,” April 1966, Prepresidential Papers, 1970 Gubernatorial Campaign, Box 39, Folder: Speech Materials [1], JCL. Glad analyzes Carter’s speech techniques in the nominating speech of Senator Henry Jackson at the Democratic Convention in Miami in 1972 in Glad, Jimmy Carter, pp. 208–209. 38. Jimmy Carter Speech at Americus First Baptist Church, June 1967, Pre- presidential Papers, 1970 Gubernatorial Campaign, Box 40, Folder: Speech Notes by Community—‘A’, JCL. Notes 177

39. Martin Luther King Sr. in Judith S. Trent, and Robert V. Friedenberg, eds., Political Campaign Communication (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008), p. 61. 40. Bourne, Jimmy Carter, p. 32. See also, Interview of Jimmy Carter, November 29, 1982, “Jimmy Carter Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/academic/oralhistory/projects/presidential/carter, p. 17. 41. John Dumbrell points out that Carter followed Tillich on the issue of perfectibility—that while perfectibility was impossible, alleviation was. He describes Carter’s religious position as “optimistic Niebuhrism.” John Dumbrell, The Carter Presidency; A Re-evaluation (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), p. 19. 42. Carter’s interpretation of American exceptionalism is articulated in his acceptance speech at the Democratic Convention in 1976—particularly as a moral exemplar and advocate of human rights. See Jimmy Carter, “Our Nations Past and Future”: Address Accepting the Presidential Nomination for President, 15 July 1976, The Public Papers of Jimmy Carter, The American Presidency Project, www.presidency. ucsb.edu; and Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 148. 43. Carter cited in Gary Scott Smith, Faith and the Presidency: From to George W. Bush (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 299, 300. 44. Robert Scheer, “Jimmy Carter,” Playboy, November 1976. Playboy archives, www. playboy.com/articles/jimmy-carter-interview/index.html. 45. Garry Wills, Reagan’s America: Innocents at Home (New York: Penguin, 2000), p. 235. 46. James and Marti Hefley, The Church That Produced a President (New York: Wyden Books, 1977), p. 48. 47. Carter discusses the “revival weeks” in Carter, An Hour Before Daylight, pp. 220– 222. Niels Nielson suggests Carter’s faith included a “sense of sin, destiny, and redemptive power” in Niels C. Nielsen, The Religion of President Carter (Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 1977), p. 46. 48. Carter, Living Faith, p. 234. 49. Ibid., p. 233. 50. See Arthur J. Hughes, “‘Amazin’ Jimmy and a Mighty Fortress Was Our Teddy’ Theodore Roosevelt and Jimmy Carter: the Religious Link,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 9, no. 1 (Winter 1979): pp. 80–83. 51. While Carter discusses these theologians in many of his works, the largest concentration are in Carter, Living Faith, pp. 25, 27, 110, 117, 220–221. See also, Carter, Why Not the Best, p. 93; Bourne, Jimmy Carter, pp. 171–172; Hefley,Church That Produced a President, p. 253; Nielsen, The Religion of President Carter, pp. 49, 150; Richard G. Hutcheson, God in the White House: How Religion Has Changed the Modern Presidency (New York: Macmillan, 1988), pp. 110, 112; Smith, Faith and the Presidency, p. 295; and, Robert Freedman, “The Religious Right and the Carter Administration,” The Historical Journal 48, no.1 (2005): p. 237. Glad argues Carter had at best “a superficial understanding” of these theologians that were “appropriated” as one of his many exaggerations. See Glad, Jimmy Carter, p. 493. Mazlish and Diamond seem to concur with Glad. They suggest that “Carter reads 178 Notes

for his own personal purposes; he wants to know what these thinkers mean for his own life and the way he should lead it. He does not read in an impersonal, scholarly fashion, seeking deeper meanings or literary and cultural trends. He reads, in short, for self-improvement, to learn to ‘govern’ himself and others.” See Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 163. 52. Both Niebuhr and Tillich are cited in many of Carter’s speeches starting with his gubernatorial campaigns in Georgia. See Carter Family Papers, Jimmy Carter Speech Files, Boxes 64, 66, and 67, JCL. 53. Carter, Living Faith, pp. 110, 117. 54. Carter, Living Faith, p. 25. Carter also cites 2 Timothy 1:7; Hebrews 13:6; 1 John 4:18; and John 14:1 as conveying the message of God’s love and grace on p. 244. See also, Paul Tillich, Love, Power, and Justice: Ontological Analyses and Ethical Applications (New York: Oxford University Press, 1960). 55. As a Baptist, Carter accepted Jesus Christ as his Lord and Savior and was baptized at the age of 11 (1935) following a revival. (Baptists do not believe in infantile .) He was born-again a second time, in a reaffirmative sense, after much soul searching following his unsuccessful campaign for governor in 1966. This is when he faced the message of his pastor, Robert Harris, “If you were accused of being a Christian . . . would there be enough evidence to convict you?” Carter then set out on missionary trips in the United States to fulfill his evangelical obligations. See Carter, Living Faith, p. 208, Carter, Why Not the Best?, p. 131; Bourne, Jimmy Carter, p. 169, and Hefley,Church that Produced a President, p. 59. Carter’s sister, Ruth Carter Stapleton, described by Carter as an “international evangelist,” also played a role in Carter’s 1966 religious reaffirmation. See Carter,An Hour before Daylight, p. 264; Bourne, Jimmy Carter, p. 167; Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 153; and Interview of Jimmy Carter by Jack Anderson, September 16, 1977, Staff Offices, Press Secretary , Box 63, Folder: 11, JCL. 56. Nielsen, Religion of Carter, p. 118. For more on evangelical principles, see Mark A. Noll, The Rise of Evangelicalism: The Age of Edwards, Whitefield, and the Wesleys (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2003), p. 19. 57. Carter cites Mark 12:17, “Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar’s and unto God the things that are God’s” as the premise his father used to underscore the concept of separation. In a 1976 interview in Playboy, he said, “The reason the Baptist Church was formed in this country was because of our belief in absolute and total separation of church and state.” See Scheer, “Jimmy Carter,” Playboy, November 1976. 58. Carter, Living Faith, p. 127. 59. Ibid., p. 4. 60. Reinhold Niebuhr argued in his thesis of Christian realism that man’s institutions could never fit the standards of nonviolence individuals are expected to meet. He admonished the notion as “Christian perfectionism” and amounting to “utopian illusions.” See his sermon, “Why the Christian Church is Not Pacifist” in Reinhold Niebuhr, The Essential Reinhold Niebuhr: Selected Essays and Addresses (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1987), pp. 102–119. Notes 179

61. This inability or unwillingness to differentiate between individuals and institutions further contradicts Niebuhr’s Christian realism, and has also been pointed out by Gaddis Smith in Morality, Reason and Power: American Diplomacy in the Carter Years (New York: Hill & Wang, 1987), pp. 19, 28–29; and also by Mazlish and Diamond in Jimmy Carter, p. 167. For Niebuhr’s theses on individual and institutional morality, see Reinhold Niebuhr, The Irony of American History; The Nature and Destiny of Man, Love and Justice; and The Essential Reinhold Niebuhr. Glad points out that Niebuhr also held that “love is not the relevant virtue in the political realm,” only justice is. Niebuhr also warns that introducing “religious symbols into the public sector . . . tends to provide support for power . . . [which] limits the searching inquiry into what government does.” See Glad, Jimmy Carter, p. 480; and Reinhold Niebuhr, Moral Man and Immoral Society (New York: Charles Scribner & Sons, 1936), pp. 90–95. 62. Carter cites Romans 8:39 on the inseparability of Christians from the love of God and Matthew 7:12 in Carter, Living Faith, pp. 15, 47. 63. Ibid., pp. 107–108. Carter also characterized “Christian love” as “simple justice” while teaching a Sunday school class in Plains, Georgia three days before the National Democratic Convention of 1976. See Nielsen, Religion of Carter, p. 34. 64. Ibid., Back matter. 65. Carter, An Hour Before Daylight, p. 217. 66. See Carter’s romanticized characterization of Annapolis in Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 90. 67. Ibid., pp. 255–56. 68. Carter’s tenure at the Naval Academy lasted only three years due to a wartime acceleration program. He entered in 1943 and graduated in 1946. See Bourne, Jimmy Carter, pp. 48–51. See also, Betty Glad, An Outsider in the White House (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009), p. 19; and, Glad, Jimmy Carter, pp. 48–53. 69. Carter was attracted to complex problems that could be addressed by “grand designs.” See Erwin C. Hargrove, Jimmy Carter as President: Leadership and the Politics of the Public Good (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988), p. 122; Glad, Jimmy Carter, p. 350; William B. Quandt, : Peacemaking and Politics (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1986), p. 317; and Carter, Why Not the Best, p. 87. In Carter’s oral history interview he describes his leadership style, learned from Rickover, as “an engineer at heart.” Interview of Jimmy Carter, “Carter Oral History Project,” p. 8. 70. Carter, Why Not the Best?, p. 57. Carter describes Rickover as “a second father” in Jimmy Carter, A Government as Good As Its People (Fayettville: University of Arkansas Press, 1996), p. 68. 71. Ibid., p. 58. 72. Bourne, Jimmy Carter, p. 74. 73. Interview of , May 12, 1982, “Jimmy Carter Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/academic/oralhistory /projects/presidential/carter, p. 37. 74. discusses Carter’s desire for centralized authority in his memoir, Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Advisor 1977–1981 (New 180 Notes

York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1983), pp. 57, 74, 522, 525. Carter’s “spokes of a wheel” leadership style similar to John F. Kennedy’s, see Bourne, Jimmy Carter, p. 360. See also Jody Powell’s description of the “hub and spokes” design in James Wooten, “Free Access by Staff to Carter is Planned,” January 15, 1977,, www. nytimes.com, pp. A1, A11. Carter discusses his organizational leadership style and credits Rickover in Interview of Jimmy Carter, “Carter Oral History Project,” p.8. 75. Carter discusses the “embryonic” submariner life in Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 113. 76. Bert Lance, The Truth of the Matter: My Life in and out of Politics (New York: Summit Books, 1991), p. 97. 77. Carter aspired to fit James David Barber’s “active/positive” leadership style as president. Carter studied Barber’s work and entertained he and his wife at the White House. While he clearly achieved the “active” part, it is debatable whether he was more positive than negative. See Glad, Jimmy Carter, pp. 212, 350, 487; and James D. Barber, The Presidential Character: Predicting Performance in the White House (New York: Pearson Longman, 2008). 78. Jimmy Carter in Mazlish and Diamond, p. 124. 79. Ibid., p. 125. 80. Glad assessed Carter using personality theorist Karen Horney’s study as a guide, identifying Carter as the “expansionistic (subtype: narcissistic) personality.” They “have developed highly idealized images of themselves with which they identify and which they love.” See Karen Horney in Glad, Jimmy Carter, pp. 493–94. 81. Carter, A Government As Good As Its People, p. 76. 82. Carter was involved in virtually every detail of his campaigns starting with his run for senate in Georgia in 1962. In the beginning, it was likely because he was an outsider “with a reputation as a racial liberal if not also somewhat dictatorial.” But, he continued to micromanage every detail of subsequent campaigns. See Kenneth E. Morris, Jimmy Carter: American Moralist (Athens: Press, 1996), pp. 134, 171–201. 83. Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962). 84. Morris, American Moralist, pp. 133–140. 85. Bert Lance describes Carter as someone who “would just rather be by himself.” Interview of Bert Lance, “Carter Oral History Project,” p. 62. 86. Carter, Why Not the Best?, p. 87. 87. Ibid., p. 139. 88. Rosalynn characterizes Carter as “a very stubborn man” in , (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1984), p. 36. Bert Lance suggests “inflexibility” was “the image that he had when he left the governorship of Georgia in 1974: inflexibility, stubbornness, hard-headedness, opinionated, not willing to compromise, and no give and take about any sort of political issues.” Interview of Bert Lance, “Carter Oral History Project,” p. 7. Jimmy Carter said, “Once I made a decision I was awfully stubborn about it. I think if I could have one political attribute as the cause of my success, to begin with, it would be tenacity.” Interview of Jimmy Carter, “Carter Oral History Project,” p. 69. Notes 181

89. Itai Nartzizenfield Sneh,The Future Almost Arrived: How Jimmy Carter Failed To Change U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2008), p. 38. 90. Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 32. Herman Talmadge succeeded his father Gene Talmadge as in 1947 and extended a history of populist public policies that began during the Great Depression. 91. Staff editorial,TIME , “Democrats: How Populist is Carter?,” August 2, 1976. TIME archives, www.time.com. Carter biographer Peter Bourne prefers the term “Southern progressive.” See Bourne, Jimmy Carter, p. 141. 92. Jimmy Carter Inaugural Address as Governor of Georgia, January 12, 1971, Carter Family Papers, Jimmy Carter Speech Files, Box 64, Folder: Gubernatorial Address—Notes, Drafts, 1/12/71, Jimmy Carter Library (JCL). 93. Accounts of this appear both in Lance, The Truth of the Matter, p. 33, and more recently in Nicholas Dawidoff, “The Riddle of Jimmy Carter,” February 23, 2011, Rolling Stone, http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/the-riddle-of-jimmy- carter-20110201. 94. See Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, pp. 178–179. Another summary of Carter’s race record is in Glad, Jimmy Carter, pp. 78–79. 95. See Joseph Kane, “The Nation: New Day A’ Coming in the South,” TIME, May 31, 1971, TIME archives, www.time.com. 96. The has been the subject of a number of studies including highly contentious claims by both admirers and critics. Representative of this work is Holly Sklar, ed., Trilateralism: The Trilateral Commission and Elite Planning for World Management (Cambridge: , 1980). Carter’s experience with the Commission is summarized in Bourne, Jimmy Carter, pp. 240–241. 97. Carter in Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, p. 238. 98. Dumbrell argues the Trilateral Commission provided Carter with the concept of “complex interdependence” based on “a post-Vietnam analysis of America’s place in the world.” Dumbrell, The Carter Presidency, p. 111. Mazlish and Diamond suggest Carter studied Brzezinski’s book Between the Ages that gave Carter lessons in “pragmatic liberalism,” or “rational humanism.” Mazlish and Diamond, Jimmy Carter, pp. 239–240. 99. Lance, Truth of the Matter, p. 59. See also, Glad, Jimmy Carter, p. 212. 100. Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 21. 101. Richard V. Pierard and Robert D. Linder, Civil Religion & the Presidency (Grand Rapids, MI: Academie Books, 1988), p. 16. See also, Burton I. Kaufman, and Scott Kaufman, The Presidency of James Earl Carter, Jr. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2006), p. 41. 102. William Inboden, Religion and American Foreign Policy, 1945–1960: The Soul of Containment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. 107. See also, Harry S. Truman, speech at Kansas City, Missouri, September 29, 1949. Public Papers of the Presidents: Harry S. Truman, 1949 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1964), p. 494. For Carter’s views on the , see Carter, Living Faith, pp. 224, 239; and Nielsen, The Religion of Carter, p. 111. Both Carter and Truman were 5'9 tall, among the shortest presidents in history. See 182 Notes

Joseph Kane, Facts About the Presidents: A Compilation of Biographical and Historical Information (New York: H.W. Wilson, 1993). 103. Carter, A Government As Good As Its People, p. 73. Carter also affirms Truman as “most admired” in Interview of Jimmy Carter, “Carter Oral History Project,” p. 66. 104. Carter describes himself as a “Southern populist” in his memoirs, Keeping Faith, p. 79. Gaddis Smith credits Zbigniew Brzezinski with helping Carter access the best of Wilson and Truman in Smith, Morality, Reason and Power, p. 49. 105. Morris, American Moralist, pp. 202–204, 223. 106. See Carter’s collection of campaign speeches: Carter, A Government As Good As Its People. 107. See Carter Campaign memorandum from Cambridge Survey Research, September 10, 1976, Staff Offices of Press Secretary Jody Powell, Daily Political Reports, Box 4, Folder: Memoranda Pat Caddell 9/1/76 – 9/11/76, JCL. 108. Interview of , January 5, 1983, “Jimmy Carter Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/academic/oralhistory /projects/presidential/carter, p. 4. 109. Bert Lance suggests Carter was at his meanest campaigning, particularly in the 1970 gubernatorial campaign and then in the 1980 presidential campaign against Ronald Reagan. Interview of Bert Lance, “Carter Oral History Project,” p 48. 110. Warren I. Cohen, The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations: America in the Age of Soviet Power, 1945–1991 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 207. 111. Pat Caddell in Sean Wilentz, The Age of Reagan: A History, 1974–2008 (New York: HarperCollins, 2008), p. 77. 112. George H. Gallup’s analysis of the 1976 presidential election shows the appeal of his “personality traits relating to credibility and leadership” as well as the fact that “only 54% of eligible voters ultimately went to the polls.” Further, there was “a significant increase in the percentage of nonvoters since 1972 who appear to be expressing a lack of confidence and interest in our electoral system.” George H. Gallup, The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1972–1977, vol. 2, (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, Inc., 1978), pp. 901–908.

3 Jimmy Carter’s Evangelical Mission: Human Rights

1. Human rights had been debated and legislated throughout American history starting in the Senate in 1849 with the Cass/Clay debates. See Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., “Human Rights and the American Tradition,” Foreign Affairs 57, no. 3 (1978): pp. 503–526. The Universal Declaration on Human Rights of December 10, 1948, provided some of the language used in legislation passed in the mid- 1970s including the Foreign Assistance Act of 1973 (revised from 1961) and the Notes 183

International Security Assistance Act and Arms Export Control Act of 1976. See David P. Forsyth, “Human Rights Fifty Years After the Declaration,” Political Science and Politics 31, no. 3 (September 1998), pp. 505–511; Lincoln P. Bloomfield, “From Ideology to Program to Policy: Tracking the Carter Human Rights Policy,” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 2, no. 1 (Autumn 1982): pp. 1–12; and Patricia M. Derian, “Human Rights and American Foreign Policy,” Universal Human Rights 1, no. 1 (March 1979): pp. 3–9; and Margaret E. McGuinness, “Peace v. Justice: The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Modern Origins of the Debate,” Diplomatic History 35, no. 5 (November 2011): pp. 749–768. Senators Case and Jackson, and Congressmen Harkin and Fraser were among the more vocal advocates of human rights considerations in foreign policy in the mid-1970s. See Itai Nartzizenfield Sneh, The Future Almost Arrived: How Jimmy Carter Failed To Change U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2008), pp. 50–51; and Edwin S. Maynard, “The Bureaucracy and Implementation of U.S. Human Rights Policy,” Human Rights Quarterly 11, no. 2 (May 1989): p. 180. For a summary on human rights and Democratic Party unity at the 1976 Convention, see Daniel P. Moynihan, “The Politics of Human Rights,” Commentary Magazine (August 1977): pp. 19–26. 2. Jimmy Carter, : America’s Moral Crisis (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005) p. 8. 3. As shown in chapter 2, until Carter’s inaugural speech as Governor of Georgia on January 12, 1971, where he proclaims the “time for racial discrimination is over” Carter tolerated the institution of segregation with relative ease. In addition, Rosalynn Carter characterizes her and Jimmy’s views on desegregation as “‘realists’ who knew that desegregation was a foregone conclusion; the issue was not [about] defiance.” Rosalynn Carter, First Lady From Plains (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1984) p. 45.Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) that established the principle of “separate educational facilities were inherently unequal” was followed by Baker v. Carr, 369, U.S. 186 (1962), a legislative reapportionment case that built the premise for one person—one vote cases, and subsequently the Civil Rights Act of 1964. 4. Sally Quinn of is noted as raising the issue of Carter’s religion first as Governor Carter began his campaign for president. She was working on a story about Jimmy’s sister, Ruth Stapleton, including her practice of “.” This prompted Carter’s staff to formulate a position on the separation of church and state: “the Governor does not believe in imposing his, or any other religion, on others.” And, that he has “never done anything other than keep strictly separated [his] political life from [his] religious life.” See Pre-presidential Papers, 1976 Campaign, Issues Office, Sam Bleicher Files, Box 36, Folder: Human Rights; and Folder: Religion—Church-State, JCL. 5. Letter from Thomas Jefferson to the Danbury Baptists, January 1, 1802, Library of Congress, http://www.loc.gov/loc/lcib/9806/danpre.html. 6. Roger Williams was “an avowed separatist” desiring no linkage of any kind between church and state. In his view and those of his first Baptist church in America, there 184 Notes

should be no “church and state.” See Edmund S. Morgan, The Puritan Dilemma: The Story of John Winthrop (New York: Pearson Longman, 2007), pp. 108–109. See also, Sydney E. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), pp. 170–176. 7. Transcript of Meet the Press, July 11, 1976, Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 36, Folder: Foreign Policy, JCL. He makes similar claims in other press interviews, including with Robert Scheer, “Jimmy, We Hardly Know Y’all’,” Playboy 23, no. 11 (November 1976), pp. 91–98, 186–193. 8. On the “weirdo factor,” see in Glad, Jimmy Carter, p. 370. As president, Carter characterized his position as against “any official state church,” but not the expression of public servant’s religious convictions. In a classic hedge, Carter argued, “Separation is specified in the law, but for a religious person, there is nothing wrong with bringing these two together, because you can’t divorce religious beliefs from public service. And, at the same time, of course, in public office you cannot impose your own religious beliefs on others.” Jimmy Carter’s “Remarks to Members of the Southern Baptist Brotherhood Commission,” June 16, 1978, in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Jimmy Carter 1978, Book I (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1979), p. 1115. 9. Notes of Jody Powell, Staff Offices, Press Secretary Jody Powell, Box 6, Folder: Staff Meetings, JLP notes, 9/76–10/76, JCL. 10. Missionary Training—Session #2, Pre-presidential Papers, 1970 Gubernatorial Campaign, Box 39, Folder: 2—Speech Materials, JCL. 11. Dr. Robert L. Maddox, Jr., who would later serve as Carter’s Assistant Public Liaison on religious matters, implored Carter in his letter of September 1, 1978, to “exert his moral influence” as a pastor to the nation, “without ever using the word ‘pastor.’” Letter from Robert Maddox to Jimmy Carter, White House Central Files, Religious Matters, Box RM-1, Folder: 1/20/77–12/31/78, JCL. In Maddox’s exit interview, he identifies a “deep animosity toward the President” among Southern Baptist leaders that began in 1978 and was unrecognized by Carter’s staff who “depended on the President’s own personal religious practices to keep that whole community . . . [staff who] never did understand what being born again means, how it translates to more conservative people.” Maddox identifies the loss of the emerging as a critical contributor to Carter’s defeat in 1980. Transcript of interview of Robert Maddox by Marie B. Allen, December 8, 1980 or 1981, provided by National Archives archivist Albert Nason, December 11, 2009, JCL. 12. Speech Drafts—Southern Baptist Convention, June 14, 1978, Susan Clough Subject Files, Box 43, Folder: Speech Drafts, 6/14/78 – 11/27/78, JCL. Carter’s training as a missionary also reinforced this notion of a timid church—one of the purposes of missions was to address the “spiritual failure” of the church in spite of its “institutional success.” Missionary Training—Session #1, Pre-presidential Papers, 1970 Gubernatorial Campaign, Box 39, Folder: 2—Speech Materials, JCL. 13. Letter from Jack U. Harwell to , June 23, 1977, WHCF, Religious Matters, Box RM-1, Folder: 7/1/77–12/31/77, JCL. Notes 185

14. Letter from Jack U. Harwell to Jimmy Carter via Jack Carter, June 23, 1977, WHCF, Religious Matters, Box RM-1, Folder: 7/1/77–12/31/77, JCL. This was also not Harwell’s first letter to Carter. He wrote Carter requesting his participation in a “national conference on private education.” Carter rejected Harwell’s proposal, responding in a letter of just three weeks prior to Harwell’s critical letter of June 23 by saying, “I do not honestly believe it would be appropriate to call [the conference] under White House sponsorship.” Perhaps Harwell felt his proposal had received unfair consideration. Letter from Jimmy Carter to Jack Harwell, June 2, 1977, WHCF, Religious Matters, Box RM-1, Folder: RM3 1/20/77–6/30/77. 15. Letter from Jimmy Carter to Jack U. Harwell, August 11, 1977, WHCF, Religious Matters, Box RM-1, Folder: RM3 1/20/77–6/30/77, JCL. 16. Jimmy Carter Speech to Methodist Conference, April 1972, Carter Family Papers, Jimmy Carter Speech Files, Box 64, Folder: Gubernatorial Speeches 4/72, JCL. See also, Glad, Jimmy Carter, p. 331. 17. Carter, Living Faith, pp. 128–29. Later in his presidency, when it was apparent that the Religious Right was organizing against his reelection, Carter invited many, including Graham, to the White House. See Randall Balmer, Redeemer: the Life of Jimmy Carter (New York: Basic Books, 2014), pp. 120–121. 18. Jimmy Carter Law Day Speech, May 4, 1974, Carter Family Papers, Jimmy Carter Speech File, Box 66, Folder: 5/4/74 – Law Day Speech, JCL. 19. Jimmy Carter Speech to Southern Baptist Convention, June 13, 1974, Carter Family Papers, Jimmy Carter Speech Files, Box 66, Folder: 6/13/74 Southern Baptist Convention Speech, JCL. 20. This quote is used with slight variation through many speeches and later, Carter’s books. In this case, it appeared in Jimmy Carter Speech to Atlanta Youth for Christ, May 23, 1972, Carter Family Papers, Jimmy Carter Speech Files, Box 64, Folder: Gubernatorial Speeches 5/72, JCL. 21. Speech Drafts—in the hand of Jimmy Carter, Susan Clough Files, Subject File, Box 41, Folder: Letter /Speech Drafts, 6/17/78—1/13/79, JCL. 22. This difference with Niebuhr is discussed more extensively in chapter 2. 23. Interview of Jimmy Carter in Louisville, November 23, 1975, Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 36, Folder: Carter Quotes, JCL. 24. Transcript of Clinton, Massachusetts Town Hall Meeting, March 16, 1977, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Chronological File, Box 2, Folder: Town Meeting, Clinton, Mass. 3/16/77, JCL. Carter linked morality to human rights and foreign policy from the beginning of his presidency. See Remarks of the President in an Address to the Nation, February 2, 1977, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Subject File, Box 8, Folder: Fireside Chat 2/2/77, JCL. 25. Letter from Jimmy Carter to Atlanta Constitution, June 14, 1970, Pre-presidential Papers, 1970 Gubernatorial Campaign, Box 39, Folder: 1, JCL. 26. Remarks of Jimmy Carter at Town Hall Forum, August 23, 1976 in , Carter Family Papers, Jimmy Carter Speech Files, Box 67, Folder: Remarks—Town Hall Forum Los Angeles, CA 8/23/76, JCL. 186 Notes

27. In Carter’s inaugural address, he speaks of the “spirit of individual sacrifice.” Jimmy Carter Inaugural Address, January 21, 1977, Office of the Staff Secretary, Presidential Handwriting Files, Box 2, Folder: Inaugural Speech, JCL. In his fireside chat of February 1977, Carter suggested “Some of these efforts will also require dedication—perhaps even some sacrifice—from you” to “make modest sacrifices” and committed that “we will ask private companies to sacrifice too.” See Remarks of the President in an Address to the Nation, February 2, 1977, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Subject File, Box 9, Folder: Fireside Chat 2/2/77, JCL. This domestic malaise that was the subject of Carter’s speech in 1979 came to be known as the “Crisis of Spirit” among White House Speechwriters. Remarks of the President at Lunch with Camp David Meeting Participants, July 30, 1979, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Subject File, Box 1, Folder: Crisis of Spirit, JCL. 28. Foreign Policy Speech—J. C. Draft, Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 36, Folder: Foreign Policy Draft 1/75, JCL. 29. As religious scholar David Bebbington describes, evangelicals commit to “activism . . . the dedication of all believers, including laypeople, to lives of service to God, especially as manifested in (spreading the good news) and mission (taking to other societies).” David Bebbington in Mark A. Noll, The Rise of Evangelicalism: The Age of Edwards, Whitefield, and the Wesleys (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2004), p. 19. 30. For a summary of these missions, see Jimmy Carter Speech to Methodist Conference, April 1972, Carter Family Papers, Jimmy Carter Speech Files, Box 64, Folder: Gubernatorial Speeches 4/72, JCL. 31. Jimmy Carter Remarks to Members of the Southern Baptist Brotherhood, June 16, 1978, Public Papers of the Presidents, Book II (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1979), p. 1115. 32. Southern Baptist Speech Notes, June 1978, Susan Clough, Subject Files, Box 41, Folder: Letter/Speech Drafts, 6/14/78—11/27/78, JCL. 33. Carter’s press secretary, Jody Powell, said of human rights, “If we can’t be for that, what the hell can we be for?” Another political advisor argued: “the human-rights issue helps him with the Jews if he has to bring pressure on Israel; it helps him with the right, it helps him on the SALT issue; it helps him in the South; it helps him with the Baptists. And he also happens to believe in it. And he won’t be deterred.” See Drew, “A Reporter at Large: Human Rights,” p. 41. 34. Jimmy Carter Announcement of Candidacy for President, December 12, 1974, Pre-presidential Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 1, Folder: Announcement Speech 9/74–12/74, JCL. Carter’s claim of standard-setting, especially in the realm of basic human rights and freedoms in December 1974, might seem dubious to those Americans who had just endured several decades of strife to achieve even basic civil rights in the United States, let alone those who were punished and even shot by National Guardsmen for speaking out against the Vietnam War on college campuses. Here Carter chooses what Appleby et al. call “long-standing absolutisms” that ignore the “larger social and political transformations” that immediately preceded Carter’s claim. See Joyce Appleby, Lynn Hunt, and Margaret Jacob, Telling the Truth About History (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1995), p. 60. Notes 187

35. Jimmy Carter Foreign Policy Speech—Tokyo, May 28, 1975, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Chronological Files, Box 2, Folder: 3/7/77—Remarks—, JCL. 36. Jimmy Carter Quotes, Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 36, Folder: Foreign Policy—Carter Quotes, JCL. 37. Peter Goldman, John J. Lindsay and Hal Bruno, “Ready for Teddy?,” , June 2, 1975, www.newsweek.com. 38. Staff, “Jimmy Carter: Not Just Peanuts,”TIME, March 8, 1976, www.time.com. 39. Carter’s campaign advisors were also concerned that his idealism might make him an easy political target. His future Assistant National Security Adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, writing about “The Political Aspects of Any Statement on Defense” warned: “I think it is important that Carter not appear to be a ‘mush-head,’ and that his idealism is coupled with well-informed realism.” See Memorandum from Zbigniew Brzezinski to Henry Owen and Steve Stark, March 31, 1976, Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 36, Folder: Foreign Policy Defense Recommendations [1], JCL. Richard Holbrooke advised that the “perception of competence and ability to represent the nation—is far more important than specific issue stands” and to “avoid overly-specific public statements.” See Foreign Policy Paper from Richard Holbrooke to Jimmy Carter, May 5,1976, Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 36, Folder: Foreign Policy Defense Recommendations [1], JCL. And, Bayless Manning was against any inclusion of human rights in Carter’s discussion of foreign policy at all: “My list does not include a separate speech on human rights as a component of foreign policy . . . most listeners would find such a speech suspiciously Utopian or dismiss it as rhetorical sermonizing.” See Letter from Bayless Manning to Zbigniew Brzezinski June 17, 1976, Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 36, Folder: Foreign Policy Defense Recommendations [1], JCL. 40. Jimmy Carter Speech to the Chicago Council on Foreign Policy, March 15, 1976, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Chronological File, Box 2, Folder: 3/17/77—Remarks— United Nations Background Material, JCL. 41. Jimmy Carter comments at the National Democratic Conference in Louisville, November 23, 1975, Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 36, File: Foreign Policy—Carter Quotes, JCL. 42. Interview of Jimmy Carter, The New York Times, June 7, 1976, Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 36, Folder: Foreign Policy—Carter Quotes, JCL. 43. For a summary of the primary process that resulted in Carter’s nomination, see Betty Glad, Jimmy Carter; In Search of the Great White House (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1980), pp. 229–249. Carter wrote Jackson in September 1976, “I share your deep concern over the protection of human rights and freedom of emigration in the and throughout the world. The legislation which you co-authored, which is now the law of the land and which is aimed at securing those rights, will be effectively implemented by a Carter-Mondale Administration.” Letter from Jimmy Carter to Senator Henry Jackson, September 29, 1976, Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 36, Folder: Foreign Policy—Interviews, Transcripts & Articles, JCL. 188 Notes

44. Staff, “Stampede to Carter,” TIME, June 21, 1976, www.time.com. 45. Jimmy Carter Speech, “Relations Between World’s Democracies” to the Foreign Policy Association of , June 23, 1976, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s File: James Fallows, Box 6, Folder: Foreign Policy—NYC—6/23/76, JCL. 46. Moynihan, “The Politics of Human Rights,” pp. 19, 22. 47. Ibid., p. 25. 48. Jimmy Carter’s Address Accepting the Presidential Nomination for President, “Our Nations Past and Future,” July 15, 1976, Jimmy Carter’s Public Papers, The American Presidency Project, www.presidency.ucsb.edu. 49. Carter’s propensity to offer up ambiguities and abstractions led pundits like Roger Rosenblatt of The New Republic to surmise “the candidacy of Jimmy Carter seems only to prove that we prefer grand illusions to petty ones, and that we may be willing to lie to ourselves more readily than we will accept the lies of others in order to preserve these illusions.” See Roger Rosenblatt, “The Carter Congregation,”The New Republic, August 7, 1976, p. 42. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. doubted the substance of Carter in The Wall Street Journal, “what is really troubling me is the implication that evangelical principles can solve the social, economic, and international perplexities.” See Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., in Glad, Jimmy Carter, p. 336. 50. Jimmy Carter Speech at Jefferson-Jackson Day Dinner, August 14, 1976, Carter Family Papers, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 71, Folder: Jefferson Jackson Day Speech, 8/14/76, JCL. 51. Jimmy Carter Speech to B’nai B’Rith Draft—Pat Anderson’s Master Copy, September 1–2, 1976, Pre-presidential Papers, 1976 Presidential Campaign—Issues Office-Stuart Eizenstat, Box 20, Folder: 4, Human Rights 8/76, JCL. 52. Jimmy Carter Speech to Notre Dame University, October 10, 1976, Staff Offices, Speechwriters: James Fallows’ Files, Box 8, Folder: 10/10/76 Notre Dame Speech, JCL. 53. , “The Selling of a Candidate,”The New York Times, March 28, 1976, pp. 17, 65–66. 54. Election results are from 1976 Presidential General Election Results, uselectionatlas. org, http://www.uselectionatlas.org/RESULTS/national.php?f=0&year=1976. The turnout in 1976 was the lowest since 1948. See Election of 1976, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/data/turnout.php. 55. Staff, “Man of the Year: I’m Jimmy Carter and . . . ,”TIME, January 3, 1977, www. time.com. 56. Memorandum from Pat Caddell/Cambridge Survey Research to the Carter Campaign, September 10, 1976, Staff Offices, Office of the Press Secretary: Jody Powell, Box 4, Folder: Memoranda Pat Caddell 9/1/76–9/11/76, JCL. 57. Ibid., p. 12 58. Jimmy Carter’s handwritten draft of his inaugural address marked “Second Draft,” Office of the Staff Secretary, Presidential Handwriting Files, Box 2, Folder: Inaugural Speech Notes & Suggestions, JCL. 59. Memorandum from Pat Caddell to “Governor,” undated, Office of the Staff Secretary, Presidential Handwriting Files, Box 2, Folder: Inaugural Speech Notes & Suggestions, JCL. Notes 189

60. “Remarks at the National Prayer Breakfast,” January 27, 1977, Public Papers of the President of the United States: Jimmy Carter 1977, Book I (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1977) p. 24. 61. Second Draft of Inaugural Address, Office of the Staff Secretary, Presidential Handwriting Files, Box 2, Folder: Inaugural Speech Notes & Suggestions, JCL. 62. “Final Copy,” Jimmy Carter’s Inaugural Address, January 20, 1977, Office of the Staff Secretary, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 2, Folder: Inaugural Speech File, JCL. 63. “Four-year Foreign Policy Objectives,” Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 23, Folder: Four Year Goals 4/77, JCL. 64. James Wooten of the New York Times called the address “moralistic . . . [one] that reflected the strong religious tone of the ceremonies and focused on the nation’s spiritual lineage” while Haynes Johnson of the Washington Post reserved most comment for Carter’s walk with Rosalynn down Pennsylvania Avenue as “the most dramatic of many memorable scenes that marked the nation’s 48th inauguration.” See James T Wooten, “A Moralistic Speech: Nation’s Spiritual Lineage is Stressed—New Leader Pays Tribute to Ford,” The New York Times, January 21, 1977, pp. A1, B4, www.nytimes.com. Haynes Johnson, “Carter is Sworn in as President, asks ‘Fresh Faith in Old Dream,’” The Washington Post, January 21, 1977, p. A01. www.washingtonpost.com. 65. Text of an Address by the President at the United Nations, March 17, 1977, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Chronological File, Box 2, Folder: 3/17/77—Remarks— United Nations, JCL. 66. In a 1977 Yankelovich poll, Americans favored by 2:1 challenging the Russians on human rights “even if it slows down détente and the chances for an arms agreement.” Carter’s attention to human rights was also likely aided by “a dramatic boost in media attention during Carter’s early years in office.” See Anne E. Geyer and Robert Y. Shapiro, “A Report: Human Rights,” The Public Opinion Quarterly 52, no. 3 (Autumn 1988): pp. 387, 396. Most of Congress and the media expressed their enthusiasm for Carter’s policy. Letters of support and a Congressional resolution in February endorsed Carter’s steps to “revitalize our national commitment to support human rights.” See letter to the President signed by numerous House members, February 10, 1977, WHCF, Box HU-1, Folder: 3/1/77–3/31/77, JCL. See also letter from Congressman Don J. Pease, February 28, 1977, WHCF, Box HU-1, Folder: 3/31/77–3/31/77, JCL. Fifty-seven senators sent a letter to Carter in March 1977 noting the “eloquent expression by your administration [that] serves as further evidence to foreign governments . . . that our nation’s concern for human rights is no less valid or strong today than it was 200 years ago.” See letter from 57 senators to Jimmy Carter, March 23, 1977, WHCF, Box HU-1, Folder: 4/1/77 – 4/30/77, JCL. Generally, the press supported Carter too, with the notable exception of the Washington Post. The News American of Baltimore said, “We commend the President for speaking out against the terrible abuse of human rights in the Soviet Union, and elsewhere.” See Editorial in The News American, March 1,1977, WHCF, Box HU-1, Folder: 3/1/77–3/31/77, JCL. James Chace at The New York Times 190 Notes

offered support but warned that “ironies and ambiguities” of moralistic aims might “sometimes lead to consequences contrary to those we had intended.” See James Chace, “How ‘Moral’ Can We Get?,” The New York Times, May 22, 1977. An editorial in The Washington Post, characterizing Carter as “The Prophet,” argued his zealotry was overdone on human rights: “He seems really to believe in rights with a passion, perhaps a religious passion, overflowing not only diplomatic convention but, in our judgment, diplomatic common sense as well.” See Editorial in The Washington Post, 20 March 1977, WHCF, Box HU-1, Folder: 4/1/77 – 4/30/77, JCL. Finally, James M. Wall, editor of The Christian Century, offered both praise and caution noting Carter’s effort to restore “to the American public a sense of national self-respect” from his “structured campaign to establish a commitment to human rights as U.S. policy,” but warned that it may quickly produce a sense of self-righteousness that could produce decisions “dictated more by hubris than by a tempered sense of human rights as a national policy.” See Editorial in The Christian Century, April 20, 1977, WHCF, Box HU-1, Folder: 4/1/77 – 4/30/77, JCL. 67. Remarks of the President at the Commencement Exercises of Notre Dame University, May 22, 1977, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Chronological File, Box 6, Folder: 5/22/77—Notre Dame Speech [5], JCL. 68. Mondale’s participation was less as a principal and more like that of an advisor to the president. When Brzezinski and Vance forwarded their proposals, Mondale was Carter’s political sounding board. In a memorandum from Mondale to Carter in December 1977, he characterizes a list of human rights initiatives provided by Brzezinski as “excellent” and, with the exception of some concerns on the proposed Human Rights Foundation, he is in favor of the initiatives. See Memorandum from The Vice President to the President, December 7, 1977, Staff Offices, Office of the Robert Lipshutz, Box 18, Folder: Human Rights 12/77, JCL. 69. Zbigniew Brzezinski, Power and Principle (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1983), p. 3. In 1973, in an article retained by Carter to guide his own speechwriting, Brzezinski argued that morality was important in foreign policy: that “a morally indifferent America is automatically a weaker America; an amoral America is also likely to become a lonely America.” See Zbigniew Brzezinski, “U.S. Foreign Policy: The Search for Focus,”Foreign Affairs 51, no. 4 (July 1973): p. 719. The article was retained by Carter in Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 36, Folder: Foreign Policy Speech drafts 1/75, JCL. In a 12-page memorandum on US–Soviet relations sent to Carter as a member of the Trilateral Commission in July 1975, Brzezinski focuses on détente, citing morality as a power consideration without once mentioning human rights. He lamented that “the deliberate downgrading of moral and philosophical concerns in our relationship has made it easier also for communist parties in the West to discard their image as anti-democratic and to pursue more effectively the goal of sharing and eventually assuming governmental power.” He continues by criticizing the Ford Administration for a lack of engagement of the American public in reminding them “that power still counts.” See Memorandum from Zbigniew Brzezinski to Jimmy Carter, July 31, Notes 191

1975, Pre-Presidential Papers, 1976 Campaign Issues Office: Noel Sterret Subject File, Box 96, Folder: Trilateral Commission [2], JCL. 70. Weekly National Security Report #3, March 5, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 41, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President] 1–15: 2/77—6/77, JCL. 71. Weekly National Security Report #7, April 1, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 41, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President] 1–15: 2/77—6/77, JCL. 72. Brzezinski uses nearly identical phrasing to Vaclav Holesovsky of University of Massachusetts and Fred Barghoorn of Yale University in personal letters of April 26 and April 6, 1977 (respectively). WHCF, Box HU-4, Folder: 1/20/77—4/30/77, JCL. 73. Memorandum from Zbigniew Brzezinski to Midge Costanza, Stu Eizenstat, Hamilton Jordan, Bob Lipshutz, Frank Moore, Jody Powell, and Jack Watson, May 16, 1977, WHCF, Box HU-1, Folder: 5/1/77 – 5/31/77, JCL. In fact, the only downside Brzezinski saw in Carter’s efforts on human rights was a provincial concern between the executive branch and Congress, which appeared to be developing legislation that would restrict the authority of the executive in achieving his human rights goals. In a Cabinet meeting he warned, “The human rights issue has acquired a momentum of its own in the Congress and proposed human rights amendments to various pieces of legislation may be unduly restrictive.” Minutes of the Cabinet Meeting, April 11, 1977, Plains File, Subject File, Box 18, Folder: Cabinet Minutes 1–5/77, JCL. 74. Memorandum from Zbigniew Brzezinski to the President, January 24, 1978, Staff Offices, Office of the Staff Secretary, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 70, Folder: [1/25/78—Not Submitted], JCL. 75. Minutes of the Cabinet Meeting, November 21, 1977, Plains File, Subject File, Box 18, Folder: 11/77—3/78, JCL. 76. , Hard Choices: Critical Years in American Foreign Policy (New York; Simon & Schuster, 1983), pp. 28–29. 77. Cyrus R. Vance speech “Human Rights Policy” at Law Day at the University of Georgia’s Law School, April 30, 1977, , Costanza Files, Box 88, Folder: Law Day: Cyrus Vance 4/77, JCL. 78. Ibid. 79. Vance’s summary of this encounter with Brezhnev on March 28, 1977 is in his memoir, Hard Choices, pp. 53–55. 80. Cabinet Minutes, February 7, 1977, Plains File, Subject File, Box 18, Folder: Cabinet Minutes 1–5/77, JCL. 81. Draft remarks of Cyrus Vance to Senate Foreign Relations Committee, March 1980, President’s Files, Office of the Staff Secretary, Box 21, RAC ESDN# NLC-126– 21–6–1–1, JCL. This file is found in the staff secretary’s file of 5/22/77 [1], although NARA archivist Albert Nason has subsequently determined it was misfiled at JCL, who dated it to March 25, or 28, 1980. The complete text of Vance’s remarks to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, March 27, 1980, is in Appendix 5 of Hard Choices, pp. 502–520. 192 Notes

82. Elizabeth Drew, “A Reporter at Large: Human Rights,” , July 18, 1977, p. 36. 83. “The Interagency Group on Human Rights and Foreign Assistance,” WHCF, Box HU-1, Folder: 1/20/77–1/20/81, JCL. 84. “Initial Working Paper on Political Strategy” by Patrick H. Caddell, December 10, 1976, Staff Offices, Office of the Press Secretary: Jody Powell, Box 4, Folder: Memoranda Pat Caddell 12/10/76–12/21/76, JCL. Carter’s margin note on the cover page is “Fritz—excellent. See me on this. J.” The section on developing a presidential theme begins on page 35. 85. A number of themes were suggested by members and supporters of Carter’s Administration to replace the campaign theme of “compassionate and competent,” but none took hold. Brzezinski suggested “New Spirit” in a list of themes that also included “human rights” for Carter’s inaugural address. See Memorandum from Zbigniew Brzezinski to Patrick Anderson, December 14, 1976, Office of the Staff Secretary, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 2, Folder: Inaugural Speech Notes & Suggestions, JCL. Political advisor Jerry Rafshoon echoed Brzezinski with “A New Spirit . . . A New Commitment.” See Memorandum from Jerry Rafshoon to Jimmy Carter, January 4, 1977, Office of the Staff Secretary, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 2, Folder: Inaugural Speech Notes & Suggestions, JCL. Pat Caddell preferred terms like “restoration” and “renewal” founded in “a ‘moral’ role in the world.” See Memorandum from Patrick Caddell to Governor Carter, January 6, 1977, Office of the Staff Secretary, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 2, Folder: Inaugural Speech Notes & Suggestions, JCL. “Beloved Community” was advocated by speechwriter Rick Hertzberg as an “evocative phrase” that captured Carter’s intent to serve the “common good and is decent and as filled with love as are the American people.” Hertzberg argued that Beloved Community “is true to Carter’s own personality, background, and beliefs.” See Memorandum from Rick Hertzberg to Jim Fallows, January 5, 1977, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Subject File, Box 1, Folder: Beloved Community, JCL. 86. On November 13, 1978, Carter was challenged by of the Public Broadcasting Service with the “single dominant criticism” that “for the first 18 months there was no single theme, no vision of what it is you want to do.” Carter replied “to bring one or two phrases or a slick, little slogan to identify an administration . . . is almost impossible.” Question and Answer Session with Bill Moyers, November 13, 1978, Public Papers of the Presidents: Jimmy Carter 1978, Book II (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1979), pp. 2014–2015. 87. “Crisis of Spirit” was articulated in Jerry Rafshoon’s memorandum to Carter (see note 85) to support his recommendation of “A New Spirit . . . A New Commitment.” He argued, “In simplistic terms, you could say that right now we suffer from spiritual malaise . . . a crisis of the spirit.” Carter also uses “Crisis of spirit” later in his remarks to the World Jewish Congress on November 2, 1977. Carter claimed that “[t]he emphasis on human rights has raised the level of consciousness around the world and is already beginning to help overcome the crisis of spirit which recently has afflicted nations of the West.” See Jimmy Carter, “Remarks Notes 193

of the President at World Jewish Congress,” November 2, 1977, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Subject File, Box 33, Folder: World Jewish Congress, JCL. The Speechwriter’s office actually titled their work in connection with Carter’s remarks at Camp David in July 1979, when he was trying to reinvigorate his presidency, as the “Crisis of Spirit” file. Jessica T. Mathews also identified “Overcoming the crisis of the spirit” as “a key Carter objective” in her recommendations for Brzezinski’s participation at the Human Rights Day. Memorandum from Jessica T. Mathews to Zbigniew Brzezinski, December 2, 1978, National Security Affairs, Brzezinski Material Subject File, Box 29, Folder: Human Rights 12/78–3/79, JCL. In Rosalynn Carter’s speech before the National Press Club in June 1978, she addressed the Soviet allegation of a spiritual crisis—that “we have grown weak and cowardly and spiritually exhausted” by calling on all “citizens in mobilizing the goodwill and the public spirit of all Americans.” Rosalynn Carter’s remarks to National Press Club, June 20, 1978, WHCF, First Lady’s Social Office, Subject File, Box 121, Folder: SP Speeches 1/21/77–1/20/81, JCL. 88. Hedrick Smith, “After Six Months, It’s Still Very Managerial,” The New York Times, July 24, 1977. 89. There is evidence of criticism by Hamilton Jordan and Zbigniew Brzezinski. Jordan warned Carter in March 1977 that “[i]n spite of your successful efforts to ‘depomp’ the Presidency . . . very few of your staff or Cabinet members are as direct and frank with you as you would like.’” This memorandum includes other warnings that too much time was being spent on foreign policy, and that there was a general lack of direction in setting priorities. See Memorandum from Hamilton Jordan to Jimmy Carter, March 1977, Office of Chief of Staff, Hamilton Jordan Confidential Papers, Box 34A, Folder: 17, JCL. Starting in October 1977, Brzezinski pushes Carter to get much more tough—suggesting his foreign policy was starting to look “soft.” He suggests a “greater reliance on reason” and that it was time for “realism plus idealism.” By February 1978, Brzezinski became more forceful, arguing “a President must not only be loved and respected; he must be feared” and that they needed to be “prepared and willing, to hit the opponent squarely on the head and to knock him down decisively.” In April 1978, Brzezinski recommends a “demonstration of force” to “infuse fear” and to employ deception and manipulation. Carter rebukes Brzezinski in a margin note, telling him, “You’ll be wasting your time” if he pursues the development of these ideas. See NSC Weekly Reports, nos. 37, 48, and 55, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 41, Folders: Weekly Reports [to the President] 31–41: [10/77–12/77]; 42–52: [1/78–3/78]; 53–60: [4/78–5/78], JCL. 90. Carter’s lack of awareness on this issue became a central criticism of his leadership by Cabinet secretaries and staff at a retreat at Camp David where each was asked to voice their concerns. See Cabinet Minutes, April 16, 17, 1978, Plains File, Subject File, Box 18, Folder: 4–8/78, JCL. Carnegie fellow, Thomas L. Hughes, also points out Carter’s relative blindness to ambiguity and contradiction criticizing his tendency to “reinforce the historic American myth that there are no incompatibilities or contradictions in public life, and to perpetuate the old 194 Notes

American view that all good things are simultaneously possible” in Thomas L. Hughes, “Carter and the Management of Contradictions,” Foreign Policy, no. 31 (Summer 1978): p. 36. After he left the Carter Administration, Chief Speechwriter James Fallows also reflected on this problem and characterized Carter as one “who was fully aware of his power and used it whenever he could” in what he called “the passionless presidency.” James Fallows, “The Passionless Presidency,”The Atlantic Monthly, May 1979, www.theatlantic.com. 91. Remarks of the President at World Jewish Congress, November 2, 1977, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Subject File, Box 33, Folder: World Jewish Congress, JCL. 92. Jimmy Carter Press Conference No. 21, December 15, 1977, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s File: James Fallows, Box 10, Folder: Presidential Press Conferences Transcripts, 9/77–12/77, JCL. 93. Interview of Jimmy Carter by Barbara Walters, Robert McNeil, Tom Brokaw, and Bob Schieffer at the White House, December 29, 1977, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Chronological File, Box 12, Folder: 12/28/77—TV Conversation with the President, JCL. 94. Editorial, “Human Rights and Good Intentions,” The New York Times, January 13, 1978. The general population was, however, not nearly as impressed with Carter’s stand on human rights at the end of 1977. Only 4 percent identified human rights as Carter’s “most important achievement to-date.” “Nothing” ranked first at 26 percent. George H. Gallup, The Gallup Poll; Public Opinion 1978 (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1979), p. 44. 95. Jimmy Carter’s Address, January 19, 1978, “Inaugural Addresses,” The American Presidency Project, www.presidency.ucsb.edu. 96. See Sneh, The Future Almost Arrived, pp. 178–182; Kaufman, Plans Unraveled, pp. 203–232; and Betty Glad, Outsider in the White House: Jimmy Carter, His Advisors, and the Making of American Foreign Policy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009), pp. 167–286. 97. Remarks of the President at Meeting Commemorating the 30th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, December 6, 1978, Staff Offices, Office of the Press Secretary; Jody Powell, Box 63, Folder: 3, Human Rights, 2/77, 12/78, JCL. 98. Campaign aide and future Cabinet secretary Jack Watson delivered departmental briefing books to Carter including a “three-volume set . . . on foreign affairs and international security” that contained “several dozen options papers” commented on by “a wide range of foreign policy advisors.” See Memo from Jack Watson to Jimmy Carter, November 3, 1976, Staff Offices, Press Secretary Jody Powell, Box 4, Folder: Memoranda-IN-Organization 10/31/76–11/14/76, JCL. 99. Vance, Hard Choices, p. 441. For a cognitive-psychodynamic perspective on Vance’s worldview, see Melchiore J. Laucella, “A Cognitive-Psychodynamic Perspective to Understanding Secretary of State Cyrus Vance’s Worldview,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 34, no. 2 (June 2004): 227–271. Laucella points to Vance’s ideological transformation attributed largely to the US failure in Vietnam. His worldview includes three overlapping images; 1) the “complex-interdependent” (a world of “a Notes 195

multitude of actors”); 2) the “optimistic-détente” (focusing on “cooperative aspects of US–Soviet relations”); and 3) “empathetic images” (concerned with “social, political, and economic problems of the developing nations”). These “images” are highly consistent with the internationalism promoted by the Trilateral Commission, which suggests yet another linkage of the effects of Vietnam on US foreign policy. 100. Ibid., p. 442. 101. The January 5, 1977, meeting was chaired by Mondale and attended by Brzezinski and his deputies David Aaron and Rick Inderfuth; Vance and his deputy Warren Christopher; Harold Brown and his deputy Charles Duncan; ; Charles Shultz of the Council of Economic Advisors; and Ted Sorenson for the CIA. See summary in Brzezinski, Power and Principle, p. 51. Further reference to this meeting is documented Brzezinski’s memorandum to Vance, Secretary of Defense Harold Brown, Ambassador Andrew Young, and CIA Director (designate) Ted Sorenson on January 12, 1977, NSA—Staff Material: Office, RAC ESDN# NLC-17–138–2–3–6, JCL. 102. Interview of Jimmy Carter, November 29, 1982, “The Carter Oral History Project,” The Miller Center for Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/academic/oralhistory /projects/presidential/carter, p. 6. 103. The plan came to be referred to by Carter as “the book” on foreign policy that was periodically reviewed and amended. Carter asked Vance to review it in July 1977 and that demanded that “access to the book be restricted to you.” Vance replied characterizing it as “a good paper” while identifying eleven areas “which the paper does not address.” Late in Carter’s term (February 22, 1980) “the book” was reviewed by Carter’s assistant Hedley Donovan with an eye on Carter’s second term. See correspondence between Carter, Vance, and Donovan in Donated Historical Materials, Brzezinski Collection, Subject File, Box, 23, Folder: Four- Year Goals—5/77–7/77, JCL. See also, Interview with Jimmy Carter, “Carter Presidency Project,” p. 55. 104. Ibid. 105. A list of all Presidential Review Memoranda is available online at the Jimmy Carter Library, http://www.jimmycarterlibrary.gov/documents/prmemorandums /pres_memorandums.phtml. 106. “United States relations with Russia” achieved the highest ranking in foreign policy among voters prior to the 1976 presidential election. Second ranked was “the situation.” The Canal was not listed in the poll. Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1972–1977, vol. 2, pp. 879–881. 107. Brezhnev wrote Carter, “it is necessary to complete without delay the working out of a new agreement on strategic offensive arms limitation. This task, as we see it, is quite attainable. Indeed, the main parameters of an agreement have in fact already shaped up on the basis of the understanding reached in Vladivostok.” Letter from Leonid Brezhnev to Jimmy Carter, February 4, 1977, Plains File, Subject File, Box 17, Folder: Carter-Brezhnev, JCL. 196 Notes

108. Brzezinski provides a chronological narrative of these developments in Power and Principle, pp. 153–164. 109. Carter’s human rights convictions proved a significant source of agitation to the Soviets that Brezhnev rejected as “interference in our internal affairs” and amounting to nothing more than “pseudo-humanitarian slogans.” Letter from Leonid Brezhnev to Jimmy Carter, February 25, 1977, Plains File, Subject File, Box 17, Folder; Carter-Brezhnev, JCL. 110. Anatoly Dobrynin, In Confidence: Moscow’s Ambassador to Six Cold War Presidents (: University of Washington Press, 2001), p. 397. 111. It wasn’t until January 1979 that Carter placed US/Soviet relations as his first priority. In a margin note made on Vance’s memo to Carter, wherein Vance had the Middle East listed as “Crucial issue” #I(A), Carter instructs Vance “I would put US/SU relations #1.” Memorandum from Cyrus Vance to Jimmy Carter, January 1979, Plains File, Subject File, Box 39, Folder: State Department Evening Reports 1/79, JCL. Carter later lamented the failure of finishing SALT II in his memoir as “the most profound disappointment of my presidency.” Jimmy Carter, Keeping Faith (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1995), p. 271. 112. Brzezinski, Power and Principle, p. 51. 113. Carter’s instructions were conveyed by Brzezinski in a memorandum to NSC staff, January 15, 1977, NSA—Staff Material: Office, Box 138, RAC ESDN# NLC- 17–138–2–3–6, JCL. 114. Robert A. Strong, Working in the World: Jimmy Carter and the Making of American Foreign Policy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2000), p. 261.

4 Redemption: Jimmy Carter and the Treaties

1. In George Gallup’s analysis of the 1976 presidential election in which only 54 percent of eligible voters went to the polls, he concludes, “The . . . figures show the growth of apathy and negativism among non-voters.” Perhaps the starkest data was on those who contributed money to a party or a candidate: just 8 percent. George H. Gallup, The Gallup Poll Public Opinion 1972–1977, vol. 2, (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1978), pp. 908, 921. 2. Carter cites the Gospel of John as the most important book in the , which includes Jesus’s assurance that eternal life comes to those who believe in him. John 11:25–26, “Jesus said to her, ‘I am the resurrection and the life; he who believes in me, though he die, yet shall he live and whoever lives and believes in me shall never die.’” Carter also cites John 14:1, “Do not let your hearts be troubled. Believe in God, believe also in me” as a source of strength during troubling times. Jimmy Carter, Living Faith (New York: Three Rivers Press, 2001), pp. 230, 244. As discussed in chapter 3, Carter’s religious subscriptions and use of scripture is consistently expressed across his prepresidency, presidency, and postpresidency. Notes 197

3. Jimmy Carter, Inaugural Address, January 20, 1977, “Final Copy,” Office of the Staff Secretary, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 2, Folder: Inaugural Speech, JCL. 4. Former Carter speechwriter James Fallows provided the most direct observation of Carter’s dominance in May 1979 when he argued “the central idea of the Carter Administration is Jimmy Carter himself, his own mixture of traits, since the only thing that gives coherence to the items of his is that he happens to believe them all.” Fallows continues, “Carter has virtually no one in the White House with the right combination of age, experience, and personal standing to challenge him seriously.” James Fallows, “The Passionless Presidency,” The Atlantic Monthly, May 1979, www.atlanic.com/unbound/flashbks/, pp. 15, 24. In Brzezinski’s “NSC Weekly Reports to the President,” he makes several suggestions to Carter to “toughen” his image, none of which appear to gain traction with Carter. In fact, in one such report (#55, April 21, 1978), Carter dismisses Brzezinski’s proposal in a margin note stating, “You’ll be wasting your time.” In particular, see Weekly reports #20, 37, 48, and 55 in Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 41, chronological Weekly Report Folders, JCL. 5. Carter characterizes the renegotiation of the Panama Canal Treaty as “the most difficult political battle I had ever faced, including my long campaign for president.” Jimmy Carter, Keeping Faith (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1995), p. 156. Of his efforts in completing the negotiation and implementation of the , he claimed in an interview with Bill Moyers that he had “put hundreds of hours in both preparation and direct negotiation with the leaders of the Middle East.” Interview of Jimmy Carter by Bill Moyers, November 13, 1978, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Jimmy Carter 1978, Book II, (Washington: United States Printing Office, 1979), p. 2020. 6. See Stanley Hoffman, “A View From at Home: The Perils of Incoherence,”Foreign Affairs 57:3 (1978): pp. 463–491. In Carter’s postpresidency, interpretations of incoherence turned to claims of complexity in Jerel A. Rosati, “Jimmy Carter, a Man Before His Time? The Emergence and Collapse of the First Post-Cold War Presidency,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 23:3 (Summer 1993): pp. 459–476; and David Skidmore, “Carter and the Failure of Foreign Policy Reform,” Political Science Quarterly 108:4 (1993–94): pp. 699–729. Burton and Scott Kaufman conclude: “what applied . . . to Carter’s domestic policy—lack of coherent agenda tied to a series of clearly defined objectives—seemed to apply with equal force to the president’s foreign policy.” Burton I. and Scott Kaufman, The Presidency of James Earl Carter, Jr. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2006), p. 117. 7. Thomas L. Hughes, “Carter and the Management of Contradictions,”Foreign Policy no. 31 (Summer 1978): p. 55. 8. The study of what, how, and why as applied to leadership has been developed as a construct named by Simon Sinek as the “Golden Circle.” See Simon Sinek, Start with Why: How Great Leaders Inspire Everyone to Take Action (New York: Penguin Group, 2009). 9. The history of the Panama Canal prior to the Carter Administration, including the efforts of past presidents to forge a new agreement with Panama are summarized 198 Notes

best in Walter LaFeber, The Panama Canal: The Crisis in Historical Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 3–124. 10. The significance of the Panama Canal on American identity in the post-Vietnam era is addressed by J. Michael Hogan in The Panama Canal in American Politics (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1986), pp. 19–134. Also, see Assistant Chief of Staff for Carter, George D. Moffett III’s monograph wherein he characterizes the polar position of policymakers on the Canal as caught between “the growing international pressure to end the last vestige of outright American imperialism in the Western Hemisphere and the opposition of conservative groups at home for whom perpetuation of treaty rights in Panama was a sine qua non . . . of sustaining American predominance in world affairs” in the post-Vietnam era. George D. Moffett III, The Limits of Victory: The Ratification of the Panama Canal Treaties (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, 1985), p. 27. 11. Carter not only “believed that a new treaty was absolutely necessary” but that new treaties would produce great benefits for everything from human rights, to “the relationship between rich and poor nations” to constraining “communist intrusion in the internal affairs of Caribbean and American countries” to encouraging “freedom and democracy in Nicaragua and minimize bloodshed there.” Carter, Keeping Faith, pp. 159, 182–183. While Vance fully articulates the difficulty of the Panama Canal issue after the fact in his memoir, he also characterized it as a “pressing” situation for which “the negotiations were far advanced” by the Ford Administration and that success in negotiating a new treaty would “shape a more realistic and lasting hemispheric policy” once the “obstacle was removed.” Cyrus Vance, Hard Choices: Critical Years in America’s Foreign Policy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1983), p. 33. Brzezinski recalls that everyone agreed that “the rapid conclusion of the negotiations” started by was necessary to avoid a “strong wave of anti-Yankee sentiment throughout .” Zibigniew Brzezinski, Power and Principle (New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 1983), p. 51. In a briefing Robert Pastor gave to the Congressional Liaison Office he underscored the importance of the Linowitz Report and claimed “Carter has a great advantage to pursue good ties, and not because of perceived threat.” Briefing of Pastor—notes of Nuechterlein, June 25, 1978, Office of the Congressional Liaison, Nuechterlein Subject File, Box 238, Folder: Pastor, Bob 6/25/78, JCL. 12. Sol M. Linowitz, The Americas in a Changing World (New York: Quadrangle, 1975), pp. 18, 19. 13. Ibid., pp. 30–31. 14. Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 159. 15. Ronald Reagan, “Panama,” August 15, 1987, in Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, and Martin Anderson, eds., Reagan, In His Own Hand: The Writings of Ronald Reagan that Reveal His Revolutionary Vision for America (New York: Free Press, 2001), p. 198. 16. Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 160. As with Ford’s negotiations with the Soviets, Carter also thought he could improve on Kissinger’s agreement in principle with Juan Tack of Panama, made in 1974. In a handwritten note to Vance made on one of Notes 199

Vance’s evening reports Carter alleges “Tack out traded Kissinger to begin with” and questioned Vance’s recommendation to affirm the Kissinger/Tack agreement. Memorandum to Jimmy Carter from Cyrus Vance, January 27, 1977, Plains File, Subject File, Box 37, Folder: State Department Evening Reports 1–2/77, JCL. 17. Jimmy Carter, “Panama Canal Fireside Chat,” February 1, 1978, Offices of the Staff Secretary, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 71, Folder: 2/1/78, JCL. 18. “Review of United States Policy Toward Latin America,” Policy Review Committee Meeting, March 15, 1977, NSA—Staff Material: Office, Box 26, RAC ESDN# NLC- 17–26–1–1–3, JCL. 19. Ibid. Communist control and/or influence over the Canal had been a concern during prior debates over the Canal in Congress and dated back to parallels between the Panama Canal and conflict over the Suez Canal in the late 1950s. But, by the time Carter took up the issue anti-communism—while discussed—was not a prevalent argument or concern regarding the Canal. For background on this see Moffett,Limits of Victory, pp. 31–37. 20. Cabinet Meeting Minutes of August 29, 1977, Plains Files, Subject File, Box 18, Folder: Cabinet Minutes 6–10/77, JCL. Carter also claims extended effects of the new treaties in his memoir where he suggests they would “constrain Cuban and other communist intrusion in the internal affairs of Latin American countries, and . . . encourage freedom and democracy in Nicaragua.” Carter, Keeping Faith, pp. 182–183. 21. White House Panama Canal Treaties Briefing—State Dining Room, February 26, 1978, Staff Offices, Speechwriters—James Fallows, Box 8, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty 9/16/77–11/4/77, JCL. 22. See memorandum from Peter Tarnoff to Zbigniew Brzezinski, September 6, 1977, Panama Canal Collection, Document 7, JCL. Nearly all Latin American countries lauded the treaties, although some were more interested than others, and a few including Guatemala, Columbia, and Chile registered their concern of Panama’s operation of the Canal. They would have been happy leaving things as they were. See US embassy cables following bilateral meetings in NSA—Brzezinski Materials, Country File, Box 62, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty of 1977 Cables, 9/10–29/77, JCL. There is also evidence of resistance by Latin American leaders to Panama’s, and more specifically, Torrijos control of the Canal. See Memorandum of Harold Saunders to Secretary Vance, April 21, 1977, NSA—Brzezinski Materials, Brzezinski Office Material, RAC ESDN# NLC-15–38–2–5–7, JCL. A number of other letters of support from both foreign and domestic sources, including the highly security conscious “Committee on the Present Danger” are located in WHCF, Box FO-17, Folder: FO 3–1/Panama Canal 10/1/77–10/6/77, JCL. 23. Memorandum of Conversation between President Carter and President Pérez, June 29, 1977, NSA—Brzezinski Material, Subject File, Box 35, Folder: Memcons: President, 6/77, JCL. 24. See Cables following Bilateral Meetings, NSA—Brzezinski Material, Country File, Box 62, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty of 1977, Cables, 9/10–29/77, JCL. 25. Department of State Briefing, NSA—Brzezinski Materials, Country File, Box 61, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty of 1977, 9/8–28/77, JCL. In fact most of the 200 Notes

“preliminary bilateral agendas” with 27 Latin American leaders include topics on trade, economic, and military concessions or aid. See Memorandum to Cyrus Vance from Zbigniew Brzezinski, August 29, 1977, NSA—Brzezinski Material, Country File, Box 62, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty of 1977, 8/77, JCL. 26. Remarks of Jimmy Carter at the Radio and Television News Directors Meeting, September 15, 1977, Staff Offices, Speechwriters—James Fallows Files, Box 8, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty 9/16/77–11/4/77, JCL. 27. Memorandum from Colonel Jim Donovan to Jimmy Carter, May 11, 1976, 1976 Presidential Campaign, Issues Office: Stuart Eizenstat, Box 26, Folder: Panama Canal 5/76, JCL. 28. Jimmy Carter Panama Canal speech draft, Staff Offices, Speechwriters—James Fallows Files, Box 8, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty, JCL. 29. Telephone call of the President to a Town Hall Meeting in Hattiesburg Mississippi, January 16, 1978, Staff Offices, Speechwriters—James Fallows’ Files, Box 8, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty 9/16/77–11/4/77, JCL. 30. Carter received significant opposition from senators led by senators Strom Thurmomd, , John McClellan, and Harry Byrd. See their letter to Jimmy Carter including a separate letter of objection from a group of retired Navy officers, June 15, 1977, Staff Secretary, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 35, F: 7/1/77[1], JCL. In addition, Ronald Reagan spoke out forcefully against the Canal treaties on radio and syndicated by King Features. See copies in Assistant to the President, Joseph Aragon Files, Box 19, Folders: Panama Canal Backup Arguments and Materials, and Panama Canal: Media 10/77–2/78, JCL. Sol Linowitz put forth significant effort to convince Reagan to support the Canal treaties to no avail. See summary of his efforts in his letter to Cyrus Vance, May 2, 1977, Panama Canal Collection, Document 4, JCL. 31. Cabinet Meeting Minutes, August 29, 1977, Plains Files, Subject File, Box 18, Folder: Cabinet Minutes 6–10/77, JCL. 32. Memorandum to the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs from M. Stasser Holcomb, Military Assistant to the Secretary of Defense, December 26, 1976, NSC—Brzezinski Material, Country File, Box 60, Folder: Panama, 1–10/77, JCL. The Panama National Guard conducted demolition training throughout the period of the Canal negotiations and pendency of ratification, which was seen as an attempt to “unsettle the US in the hope of generating greater US government efforts in behalf of the treaties.” See Memorandum to Brzezinski (author redacted), March 10, 1978, NSC—Brzezinski Material, Country File, Box 60, Folder: 11/11–3/78, JCL. 33. See Carter, Keeping Faith, pp. 159, 182; Vance, Hard Choices, pp. 143, 157; Brzezinski, Power and Principle, p. 51; and Robert Pastor, Exiting the Whirlpool: U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Latin America and the Caribbean (New York: Westview Press, 2001), p. 14. 34. No documents or reports were found in the archives that reflect the claims of Carter and other Administration officials that imminent threats to the Canal existed. Documents that might have showed preparation or actions to address such threats were also not found. Notes 201

35. Memorandum from Stansfield Turner to Brzezinski, May 1, 1978, NSA— Institutional Files 1977–81, RAC ESDN# NLC-132–68–6–2–2, JCL. 36. Memorandum from Stansfield Turner to Jimmy Carter, March 3, 1978, NSA— Brzezinski Country File, Box 60, Folder: 11/11–3/78, JCL. 37. Memorandum from C.W. Duncan, Jr. to Brzezinski, April 18, 1978, NSA— Brzezinski Material, Country File, Box 60, Folder: Panama, 4/78–5/79, JCL. 38. Marlise Simons, “Gun Sales Rise in Zone: Pact Alarms U.S. Residents,” The Washington Post, September 18, 1977, ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post, pp. A1, A15. 39. NSC Press Summary, December 14, 1977, NSA—Brzezinski Material, Brzezinski Office Files, RAC ESDN# NLC-15–2–2–5–6, JCL. 40. Ibid., p. 23. This is further supported by General George S. Brown, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in his remarks to a Latin American Chiefs of Mission Conference where he said, “US military officials recognize that military security is not the sole nor foremost US policy concern in Latin America.” February 28, 1978, NSA—Staff Material North-South, Pastor—Country File, Box 27, Folder: Latin America 10/77–12/78, JCL. 41. Remarks of Sol M. Linowitz, “Why a New Panama Canal Treaty?,” August 19, 1977, WHCF, Foreign Affairs, Box FO-17, Folder: FO3–1/Panama 9/22/77, JCL. 42. Linowitz, The Making of a Public Man, pp. 145, 173. Ambassador to Panama, William Jorden also supports the idea that Torrijos deployed the tactic of subterfuge when it came to Canal security. He claims Torrijos told him his strategy was based on “a very simple principle . . . to resolve a problem, the first thing you need to do is make it a problem.” William Jorden, Panama Odyssey (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1984), p. 176. 43. “Panama: Developments and Prospects” an enclosure to Policy Review Memorandum 1, NSA—Institutional Files, 1977–81, RAC ESDN# NLC-132–24–6– 1–1, JCL. In addition, rumors of an anti-Torrijos plot—that his “name had been put on a White House ‘hit list’” was reported by Jack Anderson in the Washington Post—a plot that was allegedly conceived by the same people responsible for Watergate: President Nixon’s “plumbers.” The column ran on December 16, 1977, after the treaties were signed. Office of the Congressional Liaison, Nuechterlein Subject File, Box 238, Folder: Panama Treaty Negotiations 10/25/77–1/13/78, JCL. In Graham Greene’s memoir of his time with Torrijos, Getting to Know the General (New York: Pocket Books, 1984), he suggests in the postscript to the book that based on a State Department report of June 11, 1980, the CIA may have had good reason to assassinate Torrijos who died in a plane crash in 1981. 44. Memorandum for Brzezinski from The Situation Room, September 16, 1977, NSA—Brzezinski Material, President’s Daily Report File, RAC ESDN# NLC- 1–3–7–4–6, JCL. 45. Graham Greene claims Torrijos was ready for violence if the Senate had not ratified the treaties but that Torrijos knew it would harm Panamanians more than anyone. Like most Panamanians, Torrijos romanticism was balanced by “cynical wisdom.” Greene, Getting to Know the General, p. 62. In addition, Robert Pastor, Director of 202 Notes

Latin American and Caribbean Affairs for the National Security Council claims Torrijos had a secret plan to sabotage the Canal, but he also argues what Torrijos really wanted was the “pride and identity” that came with the Canal treaties for himself. Furthermore, Pastor’s claim was based on a book written in Panama by Torrijos political advisor, Escobar Bethancourt, published in 1981 who, like Torrijos, may have simply been engaged in post facto prestige bolstering. Robert Pastor, Exiting the Whirlpool, p. 2, 14. 46. Robert G. Cox, “Choices for Partnership or Bloodshed in Panama,” in Linowitz et al., The Americas in a Changing World, p. 137. 47. Robert Pastor summarized the financial questions regarding the treaty for Brzezinski stating the questions were “quite complex and not easily answerable.” He goes on that the Canal may or may not be “self-sustaining” depending on which outside analysis one reads, but that overall “we anticipate a reduction in costs.” Memorandum from Robert Pastor to Zbigniew Brzezinski, February 8, 1978, NSA – Brzezinski Materials, Country File, Box 60, Folder: 11/11–3/78, JCL. 48. A list of the economic factors are in Carter’s letter to members of the , Panama Canal Collection, Document 5, JCL. 49. For a comprehensive study of polling on the Panama Canal treaties, see Bernard Roshco, “The Polls: Polling on Panama-Si; Don’t Know; Hell, No!,”The Public Opinion Quarterly 42, no. 4 (Winter 1978): pp. 551–562. On public opinion and Carter’s foreign policy, see Andrew Z. Katz, “Public Opinion and the Contradictions of Jimmy Carter’s Foreign Policy,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 30, no. 4 (December 2000): pp. 662–687. 50. Ibid., p. 552. 51. Gallup, Gallup Poll:1972–77, p. 1181. 52. Ibid., p. 1211. Also, in this particular poll, the issue of the Canal and US national security ranked sixth out of seven arguments against the Canal and was not mentioned in the ranking of arguments “for.” 53. George H. Gallup, The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1978 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, Inc., 1979), p. 48. 54. Carter, Keeping Faith, pp. 163, 171. Carter compares an early poll by the Opinion Research Corporation (ORC) that showed 78 percent wanted the United States to “maintain ownership” of the Canal with the final Gallup numbers that showed 45 percent in favor of new treaties as negotiated—not a question of “ownership.” The polls asked the question in significantly different ways, making a misleading comparison. The ORC poll results are in Office of the Staff Secretary Susan Clough, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 35, Folder: 7/1/77[2], JCL. 55. Roshco, “Polling on Panama,” p. 562. 56. Memorandum of Conversation between Jimmy Carter and Omar Torrijos, October 14, 1977, NSA—Brzezinski Material, Subject File, Box 35, Folder: Memcons: President, 10/6–31/77, JCL. The Press was split over the treaties too. Hodding Carter summarizes this in a memorandum to Ambassadors Linowitz and Bunker, October 14, 1977, NSA—Brzezinski Material, Country File, Box 61, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty 1977, 10/1–30/77, JCL. Notes 203

57. Hogan, The Panama Canal in American Politics, p. 213. 58. Cox was a consultant to the Linowitz Commission. See Robert G. Cox in Linowitz, The Americas in a Changing World, pp. 152–154. 59. Interview of Hamilton Jordan, November 6, 1981, “Carter Oral History Project,” The Miller Center Center for Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/academic /oralhistory/projects/presidential/carter, p. 16. 60. See Carter, Keeping Faith, pp. 156–159; “Panama Canal Fireside Chat,” February 1, 1978, Office of the Staff Secretary Susan Clough, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 71, Folder: 2/1/78; “Remarks of the President at Jarman Field, Fort Clayton, Panama Canal Zone,” June 17, 1978, Hedrick Hertzberg Donated Historical Materials, Speech Notes, Box 5, Folder: Panama Canal Zone Speech 6/16/78 [2]; and Letter from Jimmy Carter to General Torrijos, September 9, 1977, NSA— Brzezinski Country File, Box 61, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty of 1977, 9/6–7/77, JCL. 61. Interview of Brzezinski, February 18, 1982 “Carter Oral History Project,” The Miller Center for Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/academic/oralhistory/ projects/presidential/carter, pp. 83, 87. 62. Linowitz, The Making of a Public Man, p. 154. 63. Examples of reports that emanated both from the NSC and the State Department can be found in Brzezinski’s NSC Weekly Reports #22 and #25 in Donated Historical Material, Brzezinski Collection, Subject File, Box 41, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President], 16–30: [6/77–9/77]; State Department Reports of January 27, March 31, April 12, May 10, and July 8, 1977 in Plains File, Subject File, Box 37, Folder: State Department Evening Reports (chronological); Memorandum from Cyrus Vance to Jimmy Carter, June 8, 1977, NSA—Brzezinski Material, Subject File, RAC ESDN# NLC-7–18–4–1–0, JCL. Jordan played a significant role with Torrijos including lengthy meetings in Panama and submitting reports back directly to Carter. See memorandum from Hamilton Jordan and Bob Pastor to Jimmy Carter, October 14, 1977, NSA—Brzezinski Material, Country File, Box 60, Folder: 1–10/77, JCL. Carter’s human rights designee in the State Department, Patricia Derian suggested that Torrijos was politically protected by Hamilton Jordan, “Hamilton always said that Torrijos was his favorite dictator, ‘When you’re in a hurry it’s always easier to deal with dictators.’” See Larry Rohter, “America’s Blind Eye,” New York Times Magazine, May 29, 1988, www.nytimes.com. 64. Examples of Carter’s notes on Panama Canal ratification strategies including personal notes to cabinet members and senators can be found in Office of the Staff Secretary, Susan Clough, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 74, Folder: 2/23/78, JCL; Plains Files, President’s Personal Foreign Affairs File, Folder: Panama Canal 9/77–5/79, JCL; as well as his note to “Fritz, Cy, Harold, Ham, Frank” on March 27, 1978 to “Work hard on this. Coordinate your efforts. Fritz will lead.” Note from Carter, March 27, 1978, NSA—Brzezinski Materials, Country File, Folder: 11/11–3/78, JCL. In the Cabinet meeting of August 1, 1977, Carter lists the Panama Canal Treaty as the top priority imploring the members that “it will be necessary to establish a broad-based coalition of support, a task which will require tremendous 204 Notes

time, skill and hard work.” Cabinet Meeting Minutes, August 1, 1977, Plains Files, Subject File, Box 18, Folder: Cabinet Minutes 6–10/77, JCL. 65. Brzezinski, Power and Principle, p. 138. 66. See Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 159. Carter also characterizes the new treaties as a “just agreement between our countries” in his letter to Torrijos, September 9, 1977, NSA-Brzezinski Material, Country File, Box 62, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty of 1977, 9/6–7/77, JCL. 67. Ibid. See also, historian Gaddis Smith who suggests Carter used “a philosophy of repentance [to] gain the White House” and that this same philosophy included a “moral cleansing of foreign policy.” Gaddis Smith, Morality, Reason & Power (New York: Hill & Wang, 1986), pp. 47–48, 50, 110, 113. 68. This construct of sin/redemption/salvation fittingly also resonated with, as George Moffett points out, “a cross section of Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish religious organizations.” But Carter set those same organizations aside in the ratification campaign. Much like his treatment of the Reverend Billy Graham, “the role of churches diminished to near-insignificance.” Once again, Carter retained the pastoral position as his exclusive domain. Moffett, Limits of Victory, pp. 140–141. 69. Early in Carter’s presidency he received a cable from the “Plenary Assembly Third Conference Latin American Anticommunist Federation” who “[h]ighly protest your government measures constitute unacceptable intromission internal affairs other countries [stop]. We censure your aggressive attitude against anticommunist governments under pretext respecting human rights [stop]. We repel your attempts suppressing peoples independency [stop].” Cable to President Carter, March 31, 1977, WHCF, Human Rights, Box HU-4, Folder; 1/20/77–4/30/77, JCL. 70. Memorandum of “Review of U.S. Policy Toward Latin America” in response to PRM/NSC 17 to members of the Policy Review Committee distributed by Michael Hornblow, Acting Staff Secretary, National Security Council, March 12, 1977, NSA—Staff Material: Office, RAC ESDN# NLC-17–26–1–1–3, JCL. Reviews of human rights in Latin America can be found in “Review of U.S. Policy Toward Latin America” Presidential Review Memorandum/NSC-17, January 26, 1977; Human Rights Progress in Latin America, August 19, 1977, Staff Offices, Press Secretary Jody Powell, Box 4, Folder: Memorandum-IN-Organization 10/31/76–11/14/76, JCL; and NSA—Brzezinski Donated Historical Material, RAC ESDN# NLC-15–38–2–5–7, JCL. Carter also received letters from Panamanians warning him of the gross human rights violations in Panama. See letter from Panamanian Committee for Human Rights to Carter, August 24, 1977, Office of Public Liaison, Midge Costanza, Box 93, Folder: Panama Canal and Human Rights 8/77, JCL. Testimony of Torrijos’s regime’s human rights violations was also provided to Congress on March 30, 1977, Office of Public Liaison, Midge Costanza, Box 75, Folder: Human Rights: Panama 3/77, JCL. Hamilton Jordan also emphasized the need for a high human rights ethos in a memo to Carter suggesting the “with Panama and SALT II ahead of us, we need a broad based, non-ideological support for our foreign policy that human rights provides.” See Hamilton Jordan memorandum to Jimmy Carter, December 3, 1977, Chief of Staff Hamilton Jordan Confidential Papers, Box 34B, Folder: 4, JCL. Notes 205

71. Jimmy Carter remarks, White House Panama Canal Treaties Briefing—State Dining Room, February 26, 1978, Staff Offices, Speechwriters—James Fallows, Box 68, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty 9/16/77–11/4/77, JCL. Carter also supports this characterization in his memoir where he states we “contributed to the further democratization of Panama by demonstrating that, in a showdown, a great democracy will practice what it preaches.” Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 189. 72. Remarks of Torrijos at the Signing Ceremony for the Panama Canal Treaties, September 7, 1977, Office of the Staff Secretary Susan Clough, Presidential Handwriting File, Box 48, Folder: 9/10/77, JCL. 73. As Robert G. Cox argued in his paper included in the Linowitz report, “The Canal Zone is an American Colony. In the international political context, the word ‘colony’ has two generally accepted definitions: 1) the compact settlement of a group of nationals from one country within the territory of another . . . ; and 2) a non self-governing territory, or a dependency of without full self-government, considered by the various governing powers to be under the jurisdiction of the mother country, prevented by social, economic, and political restraints from being fully in charge of its own decisions.” Robert G. Cox in Linowitz, The Americas in a Changing World, p. 142. 74. Remarks of Jimmy Carter at the Organization of American States, June 21, 1978, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Jimmy Carter 1978, Book I, (Washington DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1979), pp. 1141–1146. Specifically, Carter offers support on “other problems, such as Bolivian access to the sea, the Honduran-El Salvador border dispute, [and] the future of Belize.” p. 1142. 75. Carter recalls his missions in his Remarks to the Methodist Conference, April 1972, Carter Family Papers, Jimmy Carter Speech Files, Box 64, Folder: Gubernatorial Speeches, 4/72, JCL. See also Jimmy Carter, Why Not the Best (Nashville, TN: Broadman Press, 1975), p. 131. Carter speaks Spanish in his remarks in Panama and to the Organization of American States where he also points out his and Rosalynn’s affection for Latin America and highlights that she too was studying Spanish. See Address Before the Permanent Council by Jimmy Carter, April 14, 1977, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Jimmy Carter 1977, Book I, (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1977), pp. 611–616. Brzezinski also notes that in Panama, “that he could speak Spanish fluently gave the occasion an added personal touch, and Carter literally glowed.” Brzezinski, Power and Principle, p. 137. 76. Brzezinski, Power and Principle, p. 137. 77. Rosalynn Carter, First Lady from Plains (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1984), p. 185. 78. Ibid., p. 188. 79. Memorandum of Conversation between Vice President Mondale and Vice President Santos, September 6, 1977, NSA—Brzezinski Material, Country File, Box 61, Folder: Panama Canal Treaty of 1977, 9/29–30/77, JCL. 80. Memorandum from Zbigniew Brzezinski to Jimmy Carter with margin notes by Carter, April 29, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 206 Notes

41, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President] 1–15: [2/77–6/77]. Apparently, based on a later Administration report of human rights progress in Latin America, Peru actually “amnestied 314 political and criminal prisoners” two days prior to Brzezinski’s memo to Carter, on April 27, 1977. “Human Rights Progress in Latin America,” August 19, 1977, Staff Offices, Press Secretary Jody Powell, Box 4, Folder: Memoranda-IN-Organization 10/31/76–11/14/76, JCL. 81. Bernard Gwertzman, “Carter Will Pursue Early Panama Pact and Cyprus Accord: Congressmen Given Priorities,” The New York Times, January 14, 1977, ProQuest Historical Newspapers, p. 1. 82. Editorial, “Pre-empting the President,” The New York Times, February 9, 1978, ProQuest Historical Newspapers, p. A20. 83. Wallace Irwin, Jr. (ed.), Panama: a Great Decision Approaches (New York: Foreign Policy Association, 1977) found in Assistant to the President Joseph Aragon Files, Box 19, Folder: Panama: A Great Decision, JCL. 84. Hedrick Smith, “For President, A Vital Victory,” The New York Times, March 17, 1978, ProQuest Historical Newspapers, p. A12. 85. James Reston, “Carter’s Nightmare,” The New York Times, April 21, 1978, ProQuest Historical Newspapers, p. A27. 86. Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 188. 87. Ibid. 88. George D. Moffett III explicitly labels the Panama Canal treaties a Pyrrhic victory, although each of Carter, Brzezinski, and Vance also acknowledge the unexpected political cost associated with the new treaties. Carter confidant and director of the Office of Management and Budget, Bert Lance, thought the Panama Canal should have been a “second term issue” but also claims Carter would not have been dissuaded; he was “setting that agenda” and he was “constantly making sure that there was no deviation from that agenda.” See Moffett, Organizing for Victory, p. 107; and Interview of Bert Lance, May 12, 1982, “Carter Oral History Project,” The Miller Center for Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/academic/ oralhistory/projects/presidential/carter, p. 40. See also, William Beecher, “Carter Won, Lost on Canal Vote,” The Boston Globe, April 20, 1978, ProQuest Historical Newspapers, p. 2. 89. 45 percent approved, 42 percent opposed, and 13 percent had no opinion. Gallup, Gallup Poll, 1978, p. 48. 90. Reagan was particularly relentless in criticizing Carter on Panama. He delivered 13 radio addresses against Carter’s efforts in Panama between August 1977 and March 1979. See Skinner et al., Reagan, In His Own Hand, and Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, and Martin Anderson, eds., Reagan’s Path to Victory: The Shaping of Ronald Reagan’s Vision: Selected Writings (New York: Free Press, 2004). Congressman Phillip Crane of Illinois organized the conservative lobby against the Canal treaty including a significant media campaign against it. See Rudy Abramson, “Conservatives Against the Canal Treaties planning a Media Blitz for January,” The , November 7, 1977, ProQuest Historical Newspapers, p. B5. and Henry Kissinger both supported the treaties however. See Notes 207

Richard Bergholz, “Ford Warns GOP Against Politicizing Panama Issue,” The Los Angeles Times, October 1, 1977, ProQuest Historical Newspapers, p. B1.

5 Jimmy Carter’s Just Peace in the Middle East

1. Cyrus Vance, Hard Choices: Critical Years in America’s Foreign Policy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1983), p. 442. 2. William B. Quandt, Camp David: Peacemaking and Politics (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1986), p. 4. The most current and perhaps the most comprehensive study of the 1973 is Edward C. Keefer, Nina Howland, and Craig Daigle, eds., Foreign Relations and the United States 1969–1976 vol. XXV, “Arab-Israeli Crisis and War, 1973” (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 2011). 3. Memorandum from Hamilton Jordan to Jimmy Carter, June 1977, Chief of Staff Hamilton Jordan, Confidential Files, Box 34A, Folder: Foreign Policy/Domestic Politics Memo, HJ memo, 6/77, JCL. 4. Memorandum on “Summary of Conclusions of PRC Meeting on the Middle East” from Jeanne W. Davis to Brzezinski, February 4, 1977, Brzezinski Collection, Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 24, Folder: PRC 2: 2/4/77, JCL. 5. For Kissinger’s recollection of this process, see Henry Kissinger, Crisis: The Anatomy of Two Major Foreign Policy Crises (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004), pp. 306–418. Jimmy Carter, Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1995), p. 286. See also, Jimmy Carter, The Blood of Abraham (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2007), p. 13, wherein Carter writes, “Israel and its Arab neighbors were technically at war, but the region was fairly stable. There was a continuity of leadership in the major countries in the area.” 6. United Nations Resolutions are available in chronological order at www.un.org /documents/sc/res/[year]. For further reference, see note 76. 7. Peter L Hahn, Crisis and Crossfire: The United States and the Middle East Since 1945 (Washington, DC: Potomac Books Inc., 2005), p. 68. 8. For Kissinger’s recollection of this process, see Kissinger, Crisis, pp. 306–418. 9. , Anwar El Sadat: In Search of Identity (New York: Harper & Row, 1978), p. 304. 10. Many scholars have attempted to reconcile Carter’s motivation to pursue peace in the Middle East in spite of the extraordinary political risks. Robert A. Strong, Working in the World: Jimmy Carter and the Making of American Foreign Policy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2000), p. 185, points to a study published in 1975 by a Brookings Institute Middle East Study Group, which had Brzezinski as a member, and that concluded, “the time has come to begin the process of negotiating a settlement among the parties, either at a general conference or at more informal multilateral meetings.” Brookings Middle East Study Group, Toward Peace in the Middle East (Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, 1975), p. 1. 208 Notes

Avi Shlaim also accepts this explanation in Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001), p. 349. Betty Glad suggests that “this particular policy venture tapped into Jimmy Carter’s values. His study of the Bible and a visit to the Holy land in Israel while governor had deepened his personal commitment to peace in the region.” Betty Glad, Outsider in the White House (New York: Cornell University Press, 2009), p. 143. Burton and Scott Kaufman note that while Carter’s “campaign statements on the region had been unexceptional” and while “he had been warned by his advisers not to get involved in that particular quagmire” they note Carter’s stated concern about “Israeli security, the rights of the Palestinians, the possibility of Soviet influence in the region, and the West’s dependence on Arab oil led him to ignore their counsel.” Burton I. and Scott Kaufman, The Presidency of James Earl Carter (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2006), p. 53. Erwin Hargrove hints at Carter’s tenacity and ambition in Erwin Hargrove, Jimmy Carter as President: Leadership and the Politics of the Public Good (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988), pp. 124–125. 11. Kissinger recounts these negotiations in Crisis, pp. 302–305; and Henry Kissinger, Years of Upheaval (New York: Little Brown & Co., 1982), pp. 554–555. 12. Vance, Hard Choices, p. 161. 13. Memorandum from Cyrus Vance to Jimmy Carter, March 25, 1977, Plains File, RAC ESDN# NLC-128–11–19–2–5, JCL. 14. Zbigniew Brzezinski, Power and Principle (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1983), p. 83. This “offensive” diplomatic strategy by Brzezinski is also consistent with his view toward normalizing relations with China as a way to keep the Soviet Union in-check. Brzezinski’s “watchdog” efforts include his analysis for Carter on the Soviet threat throughout the world in Weekly Report #57. He argues the real effect of Vietnam and Watergate in respect to the Soviets was “renewed Soviet assertiveness . . . [and] that the Soviets are now engaged in a process which could undermine our influence in the Middle East” that together with their other regional efforts “could produce far reaching consequences for the political orientation of Western Europe (“Finlandization”) and our friends in the Middle East. Freezing the Soviet’s out of the Middle East, while they surround it—giving rise to concerns about “Finlandization”—on the one hand seems contradictory, but Brzezinski remained conscientious about every available strategy to check Soviet influence. Weekly Report #57, May 5, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 41, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President] 53–60 [4/78–5/78], JCL. 15. Memorandum from William B. Quandt to Zbigniew Brzezinski, April 18, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 24, Folder: PRC 13: 4/19/77, JCL. 16. Discussion Paper for the PRC meeting from William B. Quandt to Zbigniew Brzezinski, April 19, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 24, Folder: PRC 13: 4/19/77, JCL. 17. Minutes of the PRC meeting on the Middle East, April 19, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 24, Folder: PRC 13: 4/19/77, JCL. Notes 209

18. CIA Report on the “Soviet Role in the Middle East,” June 1977, NSA—Brzezinski Donated Historical Material, Country File, RAC ESDN# NLC-6–50–2–9–9, JCL. After the Accords were signed, Hedrick Smith of The New York Times noted that the risk of angry Arab leaders turning “to terrorism, to violent posturing, or to Moscow” increased as a result of the Accords. Hedrick Smith, “After Camp David Summit, A Valley of Hard Bargaining,” November 6, 1978, The New York Times, www.nytimes.com, p. 49. 19. By July 1977, Quandt began to argue against a Geneva conference without significant “pre-Geneva” bilateral negotiations between Egypt and Israel and Syria and Israel, as well as the development of a “trusteeship for the West Bank and Gaza.” See memorandum from William B. Quandt to Zbigniew Brzezinski, July 11, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 24, Folder: Meetings, PRC 24, 7/12/77, JCL. 20. Israel’s Menachem Begin invoked the Soviet threat regularly with the United States. For example, in his trip to the White House in March 1979, when Carter was pressing him to follow through on the Camp David Accords, Begin detailed Soviet successes since the Accords were struck in the prior year in “Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Afghanistan, South Yemen, and now ” reminding Carter that “the United States has only one stable ally in the Middle East and that Israel and the U.S. risked losing Saudi oil to Communism.” Memorandum of Conversation: “Summary of President’s Meeting with Prime Minister Begin,” March 2, 1979, Brzezinski Donated Historical material, Subject File, Box 36, Folder: Serial Xs [1/79–2/79], JCL. The United States also invoked the Soviet threat with moderate Arab leaders. In a meeting between Brzezinski and King Hussein of Jordan, Brzezinski impressed upon Hussein the “external threat” of the “Soviet ability to extend its power, to increase its military strength . . . and that is serious.” Meeting with King Hussein, March 18, 1979, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 36, Folder: Serial Xs [4/79], JCL. 21. Sadat had been contemplating his own “bold initiative” including bringing all permanent members of the UN Security Council to East Jerusalem to negotiate a peace settlement, but discouraged by Carter, he decided to reach out directly to Israel. Carter’s memoir suggests he “continued to encourage Sadat” after dissuading him on the Security Council plan, but it is clear Sadat’s overture to Israel was a surprise, although Carter’s memoir is ambiguous on this. Sadat’s memoir specifically claims sole ownership of his overture: “Some people might conclude that President Carter . . . asked me to take my Peace Initiative; but he didn’t.” Further evidence the Carter administration was caught off guard by Sadat’s move is in Brzezinski’s weekly report to Carter on June 2, 1978 when he warns, “A key question is whether Sadat will give us enough time before he strikes out on his own again.” See Carter, Keeping Faith, pp. 302–305; Sadat, In Search of Identity, pp. 301–304; and NSC Weekly Report #61, June 2, 1978, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Box 41, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President] 61–71: [6/78–9/78], JCL. 22. Sadat, In Search of Identity, p. 308. 210 Notes

23. In Carter’s post-presidential book, The Blood of Abraham, he states of the Soviet Union, “it is no surprise that the unstable Middle East [had] become a primary concern to them.” He claims they simply were on a “quest for parity with the United States in the area” and that the continuation of conflict was to their advantage so Arab states continued to need their arms. Carter, The Blood of Abraham, pp. 16–17. 24. A history of crude oil prices is available at The US Energy Information Administration, http://www.eia.gov/emeu/cabs/AOMC/Overview.html, accessed September 7, 2011. OAPEC is differentiated from OPEC in that it included only Arab countries. 25. Sadat, In Search of Identity, p. 304. 26. For example: Carter supplied Aircraft Warning and Control Systems (AWACS), F-15 fighter jets, and air-to-air missiles to Saudi Arabia to protect them from threats by . See Carter, Keeping Faith, pp. 568–569, 588–589, 600–601. 27. Memorandum of Conversation between Jimmy Carter and Menachem Begin, March 2, 1979, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 36, Folder: Serial Xs [1/79–2/79], JCL. 28. Memorandum from Zbigniew Brzezinski to Jimmy Carter, March 4, 1979, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 36, Folder: Serial Xs [1/79–2/79], JCL. 29. Cambridge Research Survey, August 31–September 12, 1977, Chief of Staff Hamilton Jordan, Box 33, Folder: Caddell, [Patrick] 1, JCL. 30. See Memorandum from Hamilton Jordan to Jimmy Carter, June 1977, Chief of Staff Hamilton Jordan, Confidential Files, Box 34A, Folder: Foreign Policy/Domestic Politics Memo, HJ memo, 6/77, JCL. 31. Press Conference of March 9, 1977, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Jimmy Carter 1977, Book I, (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1977), pp. 340–347. 32. Brzezinski supported the concept of a Palestinian homeland in his advisory memorandum to Carter prior to a meeting with Sadat on April 4, 1977, but later laments that “it seems fair to conclude that the Palestinian issue was introduced too early and without adequate care to keep it in perspective. This resulted in the loss of domestic support for our policy, which came at a particularly unfortunate time in terms of peacemaking efforts.” See Memorandum from Zbigniew Brzezinski to Jimmy Carter, March 30, 1977, Plains Files, RAC ESDN# NLC-128–11–19–13–4, JCL; and NSC Weekly Report #42, January 13, 1978, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 41, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President] 42–52: [1/78–3/78], JCL. See also Shlaim, The Iron Wall, p. 350. 33. Cambridge Research Survey, August 31 – September 12, 1977, Chief of Staff Hamilton Jordan, Box 33, Folder: Caddell, [Patrick] 1, JCL. 34. Press Summary, July 19, 1977, NSA—Brzezinski Material, Schecter/Friendly (press) file, RAC ESDN# NLC-13–12–6–3–5, JCL. 35. Memorandum from Denis Clift to , October 28, 1977, Mondale Donated Historical Material, RAC ESDN# NLC-133–109–1–51–6, JCL. Notes 211

36. Memorandum of Conversation between Jimmy Carter and King Hussein, January 1, 1978, Brzezinski Donated Historical material, Subject File, Box 36, Folder: Serial Xs [8/77–8/78], JCL. 37. Carter instructed Brzezinski to “check with me personally before Schindler is invited back to the White House.” NSC Weekly Report #50, March 10, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Material, Subject File, Box 41, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President] 42–52 [1/78–3/78], JCL. 38. Memorandum from Zbigniew Brzezinski to Jimmy Carter, July 18, 1978, Brzezinski Donated Historical Material, Geographic File, Box 13, Folder: Middle East-Negotiations 1/78–7/28/78, JCL. 39. George H. Gallup, The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1972–1977, vol. 2, (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1978), pp. 1207–1209. See also an interactive history of presidential approval ratings at the Wall Street Journal, http://online.wsj.com/ public/resources/documents/info-presapp0605-31.html. 40. William Safire, “Carter Blames the Jews,” December 18, 1978,The New York Times, www.nytimes.com, p. A19. 41. NSC Weekly Report #86, January 26, 1979, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 42, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President] 82–90: [12/78–3/79, JCL; and NSC Weekly Report #94, April 12, 1979, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 42, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President 91–101; [3/79–6/79], JCL. 42. Patrick Caddell’s report, “Of Crisis an Opportunity,” April 23, 1979, Staff Offices, Press Secretary Jody Powell, Box 40, Folder: Memoranda President Carter 1/10/79–4/23/79, JCL. 43. Memorandum from Pat Caddell to Jimmy Carter, June 11, 1979, Staff Offices, Chief of Staff Hamilton Jordan, Box 33, Folder: Caddell, [Patrick] 3, JCL. 44. Douglas E. Kneeland, “Reagan Accuses Carter of Breaking Faith with Israel,” September 4, 1980, The New York Times, www.nytimes.com, p. A1. 45. Interview of Hamilton Jordan, November 6, 1981, “Carter Oral History Project Project,” The Miller Center for Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/academic /oralhistory/projects/presidential/carter, p. 8. 46. Memorandum from Pat Caddell to Jimmy Carter, November 6, 1979, Staff Offices, Chief of Staff Hamilton Jordan Files, Box 33, Folder: Caddell, [Patrick] 3, JCL. 47. Carter acknowledges in a postpresidential interview that “in the Jewish vote, I lost a substantial portion because of the controversies that surrounded the Mid East questions.” Interview of Jimmy Carter, November 29, 1982, “Carter Oral History Project,” The Miller Center for Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/academic /oralhistory/projects/presidential/carter, p. 45. 48. Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 501. 49. Address by Jimmy Carter on the Middle East, June 6, 1976, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Chronological File, Box 2, Folder: 3/17/77—Remarks—United Nations Background Material, JCL. 50. Remarks at The World Jewish Congress, November 2, 1977, Staff Offices Speechwriter’s Subject File, Box 33, Folder: World Jewish Congress, JCL. 212 Notes

51. Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 281. 52. Carter, Blood of Abraham, pp. 5,10,193. 53. Begin used “the blood of Abraham” concept while making his public statements to the Egyptian people on November 11, 1977 when he speaks of the “traditional hospitality . . . we have inherited from our common father Abraham”; but then he cites the Holy Koran, in Surah 5, to stake Israel’s claim “to this Land [where it] was stated and sanctified.” Address by Prime Minister Menachem Begin to the Egyptian people, Jerusalem, November 11, 1977, Camp David Collection, JCL. 54. Rabin showed strong support for Carter’s framework following his meeting with Carter in March 1977. When asked by the press in New York, Rabin said, “If any Israelis believed there was support in the U.S.—in the past or present—for a non- withdrawal policy, the they were living in a serious delusion.” Rabin in Brzezinski’s Weekly Report #4, March 11, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 41, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President] 1–15: 2/77–6/77, JCL. 55. See Minutes of PRC Meeting 13, April 19, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Material, Box 24: Folder: Meeting PRC 13: 4/19/77, JCL. 56. For a background on Begin’s life in the Zionist underground and his ideological development, see Menachem Begin, White Nights: The Story of a Prisoner in Russia (New York: Harper & Row, 1957). 57. Memorandum from William B. Quandt to Zbigniew Brzezinski, June 6, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Material, Subject File, Box 24, Folder: Meeting PRC 17: 6/10/77, JCL. 58. Summary of Conclusions of PRC 17, June 10, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File, Box 24, Folder: Meeting PRC 17: 6/10/77, JCL. 59. Memorandum from William B. Quandt to Zbigniew Brzezinski, July 1, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Material, Subject File, Box 24, Folder: Meetings PRC 21: 7/5/77, JCL. 60. NSC Weekly Report #31, October 7, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Material, Subject File, Box 41, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President] 31–41: [10/77–1/78], JCL. 61. NSC Weekly Report #48, February 24, 1978, Brzezinski Donated Historical Material, Box 41, Folder: Weekly Reports [to the President] 52–52: 1/78–3/78, JCL. Brzezinski uses Begin’s 1970 resignation to provide evidence that Begin knew 242 did provide for withdrawal of Israel from all captured territories, although the more obvious and useful interpretation might have been to expect that he would still object to 242 in 1978. 62. Notes of Jimmy Carter, Plains File, Subject File, Box 28, Folder: Mid East: Camp David Summit President’s Working Papers, undated, JCL. 63. Jeremiah was a prophet in the seventh century B.C. He lived near Jerusalem. See People of the Bible: Jeremiah, http://www.bibletutor.com/level1/program/start /people/jeremiah.htm. 64. Ezer Weizman of the delegation from Israel wrote in his memoir, “The first surprise of the conference came from Rosalynn Carter. She proposed the text Notes 213

of an identical prayer for the success of the conference to be used by followers of all three faiths.” The Israeli delegation was unmoved. Neither Begin, Moshe Dayan, nor Weizman embraced the idea, although after some revisions let it proceed. Dayan told Begin: “You will have to take off your hat for the Christians and your shoes for the Muslims—and then you’ll end up putting on a yarmulke for the Jews.” As the negotiations came to an impasse, Weizman wrote “Rosalynn Carter’s prayer had proved ineffective.” Ezer Weizman,Battle for Peace (New York: , 1981), pp. 345, 358. Carter claims Rosalynn had peen pursuing “a proposal . . . with some of the interfaith religious groups around Washington” for the call to prayer, but “The Fellowship” is distinctly evangelical Christian. See Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 338. Rosalynn Carter is commonly credited with the idea, perhaps because the Israeli delegation came to refer to it as “Rosalynn’s prayer,” but Carter’s prayer breakfast brethren and leaders of “The Fellowship,” Harold Hughes, Bill Miliken, and Doug Coe orchestrated the idea, initial drafts, and dissemination. See Carter’s notes in Plains File, Subject File, Box 28, Folder: Mid East: Camp David Summit President’s Working Papers 10/22/73 [sic] -9/12/78, JCL. Carter’s diary of September 5, 1979, the arrival day for Begin and Sadat, also shows he phoned “Douglas E. Coe, Member of Fellowship House” at 12:26 PM and again at 2:04 PM. The Daily Diary of the President, September 5, 1978, Camp David Collection, JCL. Hughes and Coe acknowledge and thank Carter for their role in the call to prayer in a letter dated September 26, 1978. Letter from Harold E. Hughes and Douglas E. Coe, September 26, 1978, Religious Matters, Box RM-1, Folder: RM 1/20/77–1/20/81, JCL. 65. Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session at a Town Meeting in Miami, Florida, October 21, 1980, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Jimmy Carter 1980–81, Book III (Washington: United States Government Printing Office: 1982), p. 2387. 66. Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 329. 67. For a history of the Arab-Israeli conflict and these issues, see David W. Lesch,The Arab-Israeli Conflict: A History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007). 68. Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 337 69. Ibid., p. 335. 70. Remarks of the President, Anwar Sadat, and Menachem Begin, September 17, 1978, Public Papers of the Presidents: Jimmy Carter 1978 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1979), p. 1521. 71. Quandt, Camp David, p. 317. Ezer Weizman supports Quandt’s observations in his memoir, “Carter’s grasp of the material was remarkable: within hours he produced the draft of an agreement on the Sinai, including the delineation of a demilitarized zone and specific dates for each phase of the withdrawal.” Weizman,The Battle for Peace, p. 368. Moshe Dayan found Carter’s attention to detail both admirable and tiring, See Moshe Dayan, Breakthrough: A Personal Account of the Egypt-Israel Peace Negotiations (New York: Alfred A, Knopf, 1981), pp. 155–156. 72. Editorial, “The Jimmy Carter Conference,” The Washington Post, September 19, 1978, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post, p. A20. In the immediate 214 Notes

aftermath of the Accords, Carter also enjoyed more political “clustering” around him from politicians in the Democratic Party. See David S. Broder, “Politicians Clustering Around Carter Again,” September 23, 1978, The Washington Post, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post, p. A1. 73. Interview of Carter, “Carter Oral History Project,” p. 17. 74. See Remarks of the President at the Conclusion of Camp David, September 17, 1978, and Address Before a Joint Session of Congress, September 18, 1978, in Public Papers of the Presidents; Jimmy Carter 1978, pp. 1519, 1537. 75. Hedrick Smith, “After Camp David Summit, A Valley of Hard Bargaining,” November 6, 1978, The New York Times, www.nytimes.com, p. 49. 76. A succinct review of Carter’s and Begin’s positions on 242 and 338 is included in the Memorandum of Conversation between Carter and Begin on December 17, 1977, Brzezinski Donated Historical Material, Geographic File, Box 13, Folder: Middle East—Negotiations 10/77–12/77, JCL. 77. Carter made a number of addresses and comments to the press during his trip to the Middle East in March 1979. Those quoted here include his Address Before the People’s Assembly of Egypt, March 10, 1979, and his Address Before the Knesset, March 12, 1979. Carter’s notes and drafts are located in Plains File, Subject File, Box 28, Folder: Mid-East Trip: Draft Statements, 9/78–3/79, JCL. Complete records of his comments and addresses can be found in Public Papers of the Presidents: Jimmy Carter 1979 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1980), pp. 407–432. 78. Avi Shlaim discusses the fundamental elements of Zionism, which include this concept of a wall of security in Shlaim, The Iron Wall, p. 13. 79. Ibid., pp. 352–353. 80. As a leader of Jewish underground forces in the Soviet Union, Begin announced to his followers on the May 15, 1948—the date of Israel’s statehood—that “after long years of underground warfare, of persecution and suffering, those who rose against the oppressor stand before you now, with thanksgiving on their lips and a prayer in their hearts. In bloody battle, in a war of liberation, the State of Israel has risen.” Menachem Begin, White Nights (New York: Harper & Row, 1957), p. 240. 81. Address by Prime Minister Begin to the Egyptian People, Jerusalem, November 11, 1977, Camp David Collection, JCL. 82. Menachem Begin’s Toast at Dinner Honoring President Carter, March 11, 1979, Public Papers of the Presidents: Jimmy Carter 1979, p. 420. Carter characterized Begin’s toast as “inconsiderate and very negative in tone.” Carter’s Diary of March 11, 1979, Plains File, RAC ESDN# NLC-128–9–9–1–0, JCL. Carter’s relationship with Begin remained very strained throughout his presidency. In 1978, Begin started a political courtship with Carter’s new political and evangelical nemesis, Jerry Falwell, founder of the new Moral Majority, including, in 1979, the gift of a Lear Jet. After Ronald Reagan defeated Carter with considerable support from Falwell, Begin awarded Falwell the Zobotinsky medal for service to Israel. Begin’s award and gift of a Lear Jet to Falwell is recounted in Anderson Cooper’s show 360 on CNN at the time of Falwell’s death on May 15, 2007. See CNN, Anderson Cooper Notes 215

360 Series Transcripts at http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0705/15/ acd.01.html. 83. Sadat, In Search of Identity, p. 302. Carter acknowledge their common agrarian heritage too, in his remarks upon arriving in Alexandria, Egypt, with Sadat after their train ride from Cairo when he said, “Like you, I grew up in a small agricultural village, where our well-being depended on living in harmony with each other and with the slow rhythms of nature.” Carter’s remarks in Alexandria, Egypt, March 9, 1979, Plains File, Subject File, Box 28, Folder: Mid-East Trip: Draft statements 9/78–3/79, JCL. 84. Ibid., pp. 274, 315. 85. Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 291. 86. Carter Diary, March 8, 1979, Plains File, RAC ESDN# NLC-128–9–9–0–1, JCL. 87. Carter Diary, March 9, 1979, Plains File, RAC ESDN# NLC-128–9–9–0–1, JCL. 88. Carter Diary, March 13, 1979, Plains File, RAC ESDN# NLC-128–9–9–0–1, JCL. Prior to Sadat’s assassination in October 1981, Sadat spent time with then former President Carter in Plains, Georgia, and their wives, Rosalynn and Jihan grew equally close. Upon arriving in Egypt for Sadat’s funeral, Carter recalled Sadat’s son, Gamal, “who ran to embrace me, and began to weep on my shoulder.” Carter and Sadat were of the same mind on their contemplation of peace, making Carter’s relationship with Sadat the closest he had with any foreign leader. 89. “Governor Jimmy Carter’s Speech on Middle East Policy,” Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, Box 36, Folder: Foreign Policy, JCL. 90. Remarks of Jimmy Carter at Town Hall Meeting, Clinton, Massachusetts, March 16, 1977, Staff Offices, Speechwriter’s Chronological File, Box 2, Folder: Town Meeting, Clinton, Mass. 3/16/77, JCL. Carter was aware of a State Department report in May 1977 that claimed Palestinians had been illegally expelled from their homes and detained without cause by Israeli authorities and that a campaign had been launched in the United States to illuminate these violations of human rights. See “Human Rights and Israel,” Office of Public Liaison, Costanza Subject File, Box 93, Folder: Palestinian Human Rights Campaign 7/77–11/77, JCL. 91. As Charles Mohr of The Washington Post suggested, “despite his unquestioned success in the Camp David Accords, he faced persistent suspicion among Jews that in the continuing search for a comprehensive Middle East settlement, Israeli interests might be compromised.” Charles Mohr, “The Political Costs for Carter Could Run Into 1980 Campaign,” August 19, 1979, The New York Times, www. nytimes.com, p. E1. 92. While Carter has remained active on this issue throughout his post-presidency, it was not until his publication of Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid that he publicly acknowledged the dissonance inherent in his love-denominated peace and Israel’s power/security-denominated peace. For Israel, peace was assured by segregation—by, in Carter’s characterization, apartheid. Jimmy Carter, Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006). 93. Carter, Living Faith, p. 208. 94. Ibid., pp. 204–205. 216 Notes

95. Speech Draft, in Jimmy Carter’s hand, Plains File, Subject File, Box 28, Folder: Mid East: Camp David Summit President’s Working Papers, undated, JCL. Carter also invoked the long history of no peace in the Middle East in a television interview with Harry Reasoner, when he reminded Reasoner (and the viewers) that “we have not had a Middle Eastern settlement in 30 years or maybe 200 years,” which is “something that has been sought after for generations.” Interview of the President by Harry Reasoner and Sam Donaldson in Plains, Georgia, August 10, 1977, Staff Offices, Office of Press Secretary Jody Powell, Box 63, Folder; Interview—ABC (Donaldson & Reasoner) 8/10/77, JCL. 96. Interview of Carter, “Carter Oral History Project,” p. 69. 97. Ibid., p. 67. 98. Remarks of Jimmy Carter at a Town Meeting, Miami, Florida, October 21, 1980, Public Papers of the Presidents: Jimmy Carter 1980–81, p. 2387.

6 Ronald Reagan’s Cognetic Narrative: All-American Alchemist

* “All-American” is used in this chapter to connote the aspiration to represent common American ideals consistent with values contained in America’s Declaration of Independence like independence, unalienable rights, individualism, and liberty. As an aspiration, its use herein is not intended to convey or confirm the successful representation of such ideals, only the aspiration to do so.

1. Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History (Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 1996), pp. 38, 314. 2. Ibid., p. 320. 3. Mark Twain, Life on the Mississippi (New York: Bantam Dell, 1983), p. 365. 4. Ronald Reagan, (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990), pp. 23–26. 5. Lou Cannon, President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime (New York: PublicAffairs, 2000), p. 178. 6. Reagan, An American Life, pp. 23, 31. 7. Ibid., p. 22. 8. Ibid., p. 33. Celebratory drinking alone is not commonly associated with alcoholism, as Reagan acknowledges here. also questioned Jack’s alcoholism in his memoir. Ron Reagan writes, “There is no evidence he was a true alcoholic; he could drink and stop himself before becoming completely drunk, and even my father acknowledged that Jack would sometimes go ‘for a couple of years without a drop.’” Ron Reagan, My Father at 100 (New York: Viking, 2011), p. 99. 9. Reagan recalls carrying his father in from the front yard where he had passed out on a bitter cold night at the age of 11 and later causing the near break up of his relationship with his girlfriend, Margaret Cleaver, daughter of Reverend Ben Cleaver, when she learned of Jack’s drinking. See Reagan, An American Life, pp. 33, Notes 217

41. While Reagan never rejected his father, according to Reagan biographer, Lou Cannon, “Reagan never talked about his father unless obligated to do so.” Cannon, Reagan: Role of a Lifetime, p. 174. 10. Cannon, Reagan: Role of a Lifetime, p. 19. claims “although he loves people he often seems remote, and he doesn’t let anyone get too close. There’s a wall around him. He lets me come closer than anyone else, but there are times when even I feel that barrier.” Nancy Reagan, , p. 89. Every one of Reagan’s children has their own memories of how distant their father was from them, often going out of his way to avoid them or engage in intimate conversation. See Robert E. Gilbert, “Ronald Reagan’s Presidency: The Impact of an Alcoholic Parent,” Political Psychology 29 (2008): pp. 745–747. Ron Reagan suggests his own relationship with his father was similar to the one Reagan had with his brother Neil: “arm’s length.” Ron Reagan, My Father at 100, p. 95. Reagan’s long-time campaign advisor, Peter Hannaford recalled, “Reagan was friendly, but had no intimate friends.” Interview of Peter Hannaford, January 20, 2003, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs, http:// millercenter.org/scripps/archive/oralhistories/reagan, p. 49. 11. Gilbert, “Reagan: The Impact of an Alcoholic Parent,” p. 738. 12. Emmy E. Werner, “Resilient Offspring of Alcoholics: A Longitudinal Study from Birth to Age 18,” Journal of Studies on Alcohol 47, no. 1 (January 1986), cited in Cannon, Reagan: Role of a Lifetime, p. 176. Gravitz and Bowden claim children of alcoholics also develop extraordinary sensitivity and perceptual skills. They can “walk into a room, and without even consciously realizing it, figure out just what the level of tension is, who is fighting with whom, and whether it is safe or dangerous.” Herbert L. Gravitz and Julie D. Bowden, Recovery: A Guide for Adult Children of Alcoholics (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), p. 24. A critic of Reagan, Robert Dallek, also suggests these conditions “implanted powerful feelings about dependence and independence, loss of control and self-possession,” and that Reagan possessed “unrecognized fears that he [was] like his father.” Robert Dallek, Ronald Reagan: The Politics of Symbolism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 14. Betty Glad, argues because of Reagan’s father he “had difficulty expressing well-modulated anger.” Betty Glad, “Black-and-White Thinking: Ronald Reagan’s Approach to Foreign Policy,” Political Psychology 4, no. 1 (March 1983): p. 33. 13. Garry Wills, Reagan’s America: Innocents at Home (New York: Penguin, 2000), p. 16. 14. Nelle worked tirelessly for her church, known not only as a dramatic performer of scripture but also as a “healer”—one to turn to when tragedy struck. Nelle also worked to pass the Volstead Act—Prohibition—motivated by both her personal situation with her husband and her piety. See Anne Edwards, Early Reagan: The Rise to Power (New York: William Morrow,1987), pp. 34, 45, 59–61, 104–105. Ron Reagan affirms, “He [Reagan] followed his mother Nelle’s religion, which was the Christian Church—a descendant of Presbyterianism. This is where my dad got his religion.” Telephone interview with Ron Reagan by William Steding, October 3, 2009, notes in William Steding’s research files. 218 Notes

15. Reagan performed with Nelle starting at the age of nine when he recited “About Mother” in front of Nelle’s Disciples of Christ Church. Later, he would perform both with Nelle and solo at the Dixon State Hospital and back in Tampico where “Reagan was encored several times.” See Paul Kengor, God and Ronald Reagan: A Spiritual Life (New York: ReganBooks, 2004), pp. 28–29. 16. Reagan, An American Life, p. 35. 17. Edwards, Early Reagan, p. 14. 18. Ron Reagan, My Father at 100, pp. 122, 132, 138. Lou Cannon also suggests lifeguarding fit well with Reagan’s self-image. He was “the lonely figure on the beach who worked hard, watched others, and responded in time of crisis.” See Cannon, Role of a Lifetime, p. 182. 19. Reagan Radio Commentary, “President Coolidge,” Ronald Reagan Pre-presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Subseries A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 2, Folder: President Coolidge, RRL. 20. “Ronald Reagan’s Religious Beliefs,” Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford Headquarters, Box 45, Folder: Ronald Reagan Religious Beliefs, RRL. 21. Ron Reagan, My Father at 100, p. 93. Reagan’s long time assistant Michael Deaver concurs. He said, “Reagan’s real influence was his mother, for it was Jack.” Interview of Michael Deaver, September 12, 2002, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/ scripps/archive/oralhistories/reagan, p. 4. 22. Edwards, Early Reagan, p. 68. 23. Stephen Vaughn, “The Moral Inheritance of a President: Reagan and the Dixon Disciples of Christ,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 25, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): p. 113. 24. For a history of the religious foundation of the YMCA, and in particular its commitment to “muscular Christianity,” see “History of YMCA Religious Work” at the YMCA archives, http://special.lib.umn.edu/findaid/html/ymca/yusa0049. phtml. 25. Vaughn, “Moral Inheritance,” p. 112. See also, Edwards, Early Reagan, p. 143. 26. Margaret Cleaver’s remarks are quoted and paraphrased in Vaughn, “Moral Inheritance,” p. 118. 27. One of the clearest examples of Reagan’s embrace of this storytelling ethos was in his first inaugural address when he knowingly fabricated the burial of Martin Treptow, a military hero, in Arlington Cemetery when he was actually buried in Bloomer, Wisconsin. See Canon, Role of a Lifetime, pp. 73–77. 28. Reagan letter to Reverend and Mrs. Ben H. Cleaver, January 4, 1973, in Vaughn, “Moral Inheritance,” p. 119–120. 29. Wills, Reagan’s America, p. 22. 30. Ibid., p. 25, 454–55. The Disciples of Christ actually came out of a union of “Stoneites” (Barton Stone) and “Campbellites” (Thomas and Alexander Campbell) that occurred in 1832. The “Disciples” represented those who allowed musical instruments during church services. The “Christian Church,” while closely associated with the Disciples, did not. See also, Nathaniel Smith Haynes, Notes 219

History of the Disciples of Christ in Illinois, 1819–1914 (Cincinnati, OH: The Standard Publishing Company, 1915); and David Edwin Harrell Jr., Quest for a Christian America, 1800–1865: A Social History of the Disciples of Christ, Volume 1 (Tuscaloosa: University Alabama Press, 2003). Further evidence of the liberal nature of Nelle’s Disciple of Christ church in Dixon, Illinois was the fact that they allowed music in their services. Among Nelle’s many church obligations was her role as song director. See Vaughn, “Moral Inheritance,” p. 113 31. David Edwin Harrell, Jr., Sources of Division in the Disciples of Christ, 1865–1900: A Social History of the Disciples of Christ, Volume 2 (Tuscaloosa: University Alabama Press, 2003), pp. 22–32. 32. Ibid., pp. 105, 107–108. 33. Ibid., pp. 25, 33. 34. Intellectual historian John Patrick Diggins makes a similar observation in pointing out differences between Reagan and Whittaker Chambers, and in Reagan’s capacity to view wealth as beatitude in and of itself, in John Patrick Diggins, Ronald Reagan: Fate, Freedom, and the Making of History (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2008), p. 14, 43, 252. points out Reagan’s embrace of prosperity-as-piety in his description of “Reaganism” in Sidney Blumenthal, The Rise of the Counter-Establishment: The Conservative Ascent to Political Power (New York: Union Square Press, 2008), p. 236. 35. Ibid., pp. 249–250. See also Harrell, Quest for a Christian America, pp. 139–174. 36. Cannon, Reagan: Role of a Lifetime, p. 80. 37. “My Faith” by Ronald Reagan, Ronald W. Reagan, Vertical File, RRL. Reagan’s tomb and tombstone are also located at RRL. 38. Nancy Reagan with , My Turn (New York: Random House, 1989), p. 90. 39. Kengor, God and Ronald Reagan, p. 18. Michael Deaver recalls that Reagan “read the Bible. He prayed every day. It was clear that there was a divine purpose, believed that each of us had a purpose, and that our lives were controlled by a higher power.” Interview of Michel Deaver, September 12, 2002, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center for Public Affairs, http://millercenter .org/scripps/archive/oralhistories/reagan, p. 13. 40. Wills, Reagan’s America, p. 63. 41. Interview of Anthony R. Dolan by William Steding, February 24, 2011, transcript in William Steding’s research files. 42. Reagan, An American Life, p. 48. Garry Wills research on this “strike” at Eureka during which Reagan gave his speech does not support the significance Reagan gives it—nor the outcome. He was one of many who spoke, the strike had little effect, and in the end, “the students ate all their brave words.” See Wills, Reagan’s America, pp. 58–62. 43. Edwards, Early Reagan, p. 95. 44. Reagan interview in Reason magazine, July 1975, www.reason.com/news/ show/29318.html. 45. Reagan, An American Life, p. 59. 220 Notes

46. Reagan, An American Life, pp. 72–74. See also, Sean Wilentz, The Age of Reagan: A History, 1974–2008 (New York: HarperCollins, 2008), p. 130, and Cannon, Role of a Lifetime, p. 187. 47. Reagan’s claim the Democratic party “left him” is cited in Diggins,Ronald Reagan, p. 4. Reagan’s claim about his photographing Nazi death camps was allegedly made to Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir in 1983, as researched by Lou Cannon in Role of a Lifetime, p. 428. The closest Reagan came to the Nazi death camps was the films he reviewed in his role at “Fort Roach” (Hal Roach Studios in Culver, California). Once Reagan saw it on film, however, it was real enough to him to claim he had actually been there. See Reagan, American Life, pp. 98–100. 48. Colman McCarthy, “The Real Reagan: Can He See the Forest for the Trees?,”The Washington Post, March 27, 1983, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post, p. G7. 49. Blumenthal, The Rise of the Counter-Establishment, p. 220. 50. Diggins, Ronald Reagan, p. xviii. 51. Wills, Reagan’s America, p. 111. 52. Warner cited in Edwards, Early Reagan, p. 163. Garry Wills also notes Warner Brothers was known as the studio of “social consciousness” in the 1930s. Wills, Reagan’s America, p. 90. 53. Edwards, Early Reagan, pp. 505–506. 54. Ibid., p. 230. 55. In “selling the strategic defense initiative” Frances Fitzgerald argues “that Reagan expected his advisors to make the policies—generally consistent with his speeches— and that his job . . . was to sell the policies to the public” as spokesman. See Frances FitzGerald, Way Out There in the Blue: Reagan, Star Wars and the End of the Cold War (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001), p. 218. James M. Scott makes the same characterization about the —in order to understand it one had to look “.” See James M. Scott, Deciding to Intervene: The Reagan Doctrine and American Foreign Policy (Duke University Press, 1996), pp. 23, 39. 56. For Reagan’s role as a spokesman during World War II, see Wills, Reagan’s America, p. 426 and Edwards, Early Reagan, pp. 267–268. 57. This executive deficiency never troubled Reagan, however. He believed “the chief executive should set broad policy and general ground rules, tell people what he or she wants them to do, then let them do it.” Reagan, An American Life, p. 161. 58. Reagan’s intelligence has been characterized as “intuitive,” “interpersonal,” “super-bright,” and possessing an “eclectic curiosity.” See Cannon, Role of a Lifetime, pp. 106–09. Former chief of Staff suggested that Reagan “understood that people thought that he wasn’t intellectually agile and that he wasn’t very smart but he knew better. It didn’t bother him if they thought that.” Interview of Howard Baker, August 4, 2001, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center for Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/scripps /archive/oralhistories/reagan, p. 7. 59. Reagan drew a direct line between collectivism, socialism, and communism in a speech to the Fargo Chamber of Commerce. See Reagan Address, “Losing Notes 221

Freedom by Installments,” January 26, 1962, Ronald Reagan Gubernatorial Papers, 1966 Campaign Subject Files, Box C35, Folder 66RR: Pre-1966 Speeches, RRL. 60. Diggins, Ronald Reagan, p. 97. 61. Edwards, Early Reagan, p. 332. 62. Reagan Address, “A Foot in the Door,” Illinois Manufacturers Cost Association, May 9, 1961, Ronald Reagan Governor’s Office, 1967–1975 Files, Series XII: Research Files 1967–1980 (Tuthill), Box GO200, Folder: Transition Pre-1966 Speeches (3/4), RRL. 63. Reagan cited in Edwards, Early Reagan, p. 348. 64. Edwards, Early Reagan, pp. 327–331. 65. Michael Deaver credits Reagan’s time at GE for developing many of Reagan’s core beliefs. See Michael Deaver, A Different Drummer: My Thirty Years with Ronald Reagan (New York: Perennial, 2001), p. 51. See also, Interview of Paul Laxalt, October 9, 2001, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/scripps/archive/oralhistories/reagan, p. 5. Nancy Reagan also cites Reagan’s years at GE with “gradually changing his political views.” Nancy Reagan, My Turn, p. 108. 66. Thomas Evans,The Education of Ronald Reagan: The General Electric Years and the Untold Story of his Conversion to (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), pp. 4, 5, 116. 67. Ibid., pp. 72–3. Reagan had already had his personal experience with high marginal tax rates as an actor (94 percent), see Cannon, Role of a Lifetime, p. 69; and Reagan, An American Life, p. 231. 68. Ibid., pp. 116–121. 69. Reagan, An American Life, pp. 128–129, 132. 70. Evans, Education of Reagan, p. 169. 71. Armageddon surfaced in Reagan’s political thinking early in his political career and was never very far from his ideological framework, particularly in respect to nuclear weapons. See Cannon, Reagan: Role of a Lifetime, pp. 248–250; Michael Schaller, Reckoning with Reagan: America and Its President in the 1980s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 130; and Frances FitzGerald, Way Out There in the Blue, pp. 25–26. 72. Reagan Address, “,” October 27, 1964, Ronald Reagan Gubernatorial Papers, 1966 Campaign Subject Files, Box C35, Folder: 66RR: Pre- 1966 Speeches, RRL. 73. Reagan’s decision to run for governor was promoted by those who heard him speak in California on the “mashed potato circuit” including Holmes Tuttle, an automobile dealer, and many chapters of the Federated Republican Women’s Club. Reagan announced his decision to run on January 4, 1966. See Reagan, An American Life, pp. 145–148. 74. Reagan Address Press Release, April 19, 1966, Ronald Reagan Gubernatorial Papers, 1966 Campaign Subject Files, Box C35, Folder: 66RR: Philosophy of Government, RRL. 75. Ibid. 222 Notes

76. Reagan Inaugural Address, , Ronald Reagan Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 9, Folder: Inaugural Message of Ronald Reagan, RRL. 77. Russell Baker, a former columnist and correspondent for The New York Times and The Baltimore Sun summarized this is his review of Ron Reagan’s My Father at 100 when he wrote, “Sooner or later all who write about Ronald Reagan find themselves at grips with a puzzle,” which caused, for example, “Republican reactionaries . . . to shout ‘Let Reagan be Reagan!’ but it was never clear who the Reagan was that they wanted Reagan to be.” Russell Baker, “The Real Reagan,” The New York Review of Books, March 10, 2011, p. 13. An example of a study that does illustrate the constancy of Reagan’s cognetics in an assessment of the so-called “Reagan paradox” is Douglas J. Hoekstra, “Presidential Beliefs and the Reagan Paradox,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 27, no. 2 (Summer 1997), pp. 429–450. 78. Anthony R. Dolan describes Reagan’s mind as “eclectic,” “shrewd,” “unconventional,” and operated at “a different altitude,” but most of all “underestimated.” Steding interview of Dolan, February 24, 2011. 79. As Lou Cannon points out, Reagan had a unique capacity to set military power in its own sanitized-from-government compartment. While “‘government’ was a barrier to individual freedom . . . military strength symbolized the power of the nation rather than the authority of government.” Cannon, Reagan: Role of a Lifetime, p. 70. 80. Garry Wills has a slightly different interpretation of this. He suggests that questioning America’s past was an attack on God, making room for Reagan to attack government in the present. See Wills, Reagan’s America, p. xxiv. 81. Cannon, Reagan: Role of a Lifetime, pp. 30, 630. 82. Reagan cited in Diggins, Ronald Reagan, p. 146. 83. Reagan cited in Schaller, Reckoning with Reagan, p. 14. 84. This was also the time when Patricia Ann Reagan renounced her father’s name, disowning the Reagan identity by becoming . Still, Reagan remained resolute in the face of public, and even his daughter’s scrutiny. Patti’s perspective is found in her autobiography: Patti Davis, The Way I See It: An Autobiography (New York: Putnam Adult, 1992). 85. Reagan Address at “The Granville Rally,” June 5, 1965, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Files, Series XXII: Tony Dolan Files, Box 873, Folder: 6/8/65 The Granville rally. RRL. 86. Reagan gave speeches, wrote columns, and had a nationally syndicated weekly radio address produced by O’Connor Creative Services in Hollywood that was organized by his former director of public affairs as governor, Peter Hannaford after discussions with chief of staff Ed Meese and advisor Michael Deaver. See Kiron K., Skinner, Annelise Anderson, and Martin Anderson, Reagan’s Path to Victory: The Shaping of Ronald Reagan’s Vision: Selected Writings (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2004), p. xiv. 87. Reagan Radio Commentary, “Peace,” Ronald Reagan Pre-presidential papers, Series I: Speeches and Writing, Subseries A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 1, Folder: Notes 223

Peace, RRL. Reagan made a similar argument in a radio address wherein he argued against the Panama Canal Treaty: “No nation that put its faith in paper and lowered (as a result) its military hardware has ever survived.” Ronald Reagan Radio Address, “Treaties,” 13 May 1978, Assistant to the President—Joseph Aragon Files, Box 19, Folder: Panama Canal Backup Arguments and Materials, JCL. 88. Reagan Radio Commentary, “Communism: The Disease,” Ronald Reagan Pre-presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Subseries A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 1, Folder: Communism: The Disease, RRL. 89. Whittaker Chambers, Witness (Washington: Regnery Press, 2002), p. 9. Reagan had also become ideological kin with William F. Buckley, conservative founder of the National Review. There is a great deal of correspondence between Reagan and Buckley at RRL, although none of it has been made available yet—designated as “personal.” 90. Reagan Radio Commentary, “Shaping the World for 100 years to Come,” Ronald Reagan Pre-presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Subseries A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 1, Folder: Shaping the World for 100 Years to Come, RRL. See also Reagan’s remarks at the close of the 1976 Republican National Convention in Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 21, Folder: 8/19/76 Will They Say We Kept Them Free? Kansas City Convention, RRL. 91. Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, and Martin Anderson, Reagan in His Own Hand: The Writings of Ronald Reagan and His Revolutionary Vision for America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001), pp. 13–14. 92. Reagan did move more closely to the antiabortion view in 1970, but only rhetorically. See Diggins, Ronald Reagan, p. 135. 93. Telephone Interview of Ron Reagan by William Steding, October 3, 2009, Notes in William Steding’s research files. 94. Schaller, Reckoning with Reagan, p. 29. 95. Reagan, the Reagan Doctrine, and Reagan’s neoconservative supporters were often described as “Manichaean.” See Christopher Layne, “The Real Conservative Agenda,” Foreign Policy no. 61 (Winter 1985–86): pp. 73–93. 96. Reagan Address Religious Roundtable, August 22, 1980, Dallas, Texas, WHORM Subject File, Religious Matters, Box 6, Folder: RM 030 Religious Matters 0000001–19999, RRL. 97. William Martin, “How Ronald Reagan Wowed Evangelicals,” Christianity Today (August 2004), accessed from Ronald Reagan—Religion, Vertical Files, RRL. 98. When it came to constitutional amendments about abortion of school prayer during his administration, Reagan was, at most, rhetorical. No political capital was expended. It was also generally suspected that Nancy Reagan’s sympathies were with the pro-choice side of the abortion issue. See Cannon, Reagan: Role of a Lifetime, pp. 729–730. 99. Ron Reagan suggests “My father’s religion was less codified than Carter’s. While his religion was deeply personal it had no organized framework. After the assassination attempt, my father felt he’d been spared and that he should 224 Notes

dedicate his life to doing good things for other people. He did not believe, as other politicians might, that he’d been spared because he was special, or that it meant he was more important, or that people should take it as a sign that God spared him because he was more important than other folks. He was not exhibitionistic as so many politicians are who think people should observe them praying. He certainly had libertarian beliefs. In today’s political world he would be considered center-right.” Interview of Ron Reagan by Steding, October 3, 2009. 100. As with Carter before him, and as with all elected presidents, Reagan’s particular cognetic narrative matched the mood of the electorate in 1980, which assured his election. The swing toward conservatism, studied by others including Michael Schaller, William A. Rusher, George H. Nash, and Alan Crawford all describe the environment that supported Reagan’s election. Although it may be argued that Reagan changed to match the mood of the electorate, the evidence shows more constancy than change in his cognetic narrative, and the fact that he lost the nomination to Gerald Ford in 1976 suggests that he was a less attractive match just four years prior to his election. See Bibliography for these works. 101. Reagan Press Conference, Los Angeles, California, October 14, 1980, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Files, Series XXII: Tony Dolan File, Box 874, Folder: Press Conference 10/14/80, RRL. 102. Laxalt Interview, “The Ronald Reagan History Project,” p. 7. Reagan’s Secretary of Defense also recalled, Reagan was “really just like what you saw. He personified the American Dream.” Interview of Caspar Weinberger, November 19, 2002, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center for Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/scripps/archive/oralhistories/reagan, p. 36. 103. Presidential advisor and former secretary of defense, , allegedly referred to Reagan as an “amiable dunce” at a dinner party in Georgetown, Washington. See Cannon, Role of a Lifetime, p. 105. For an explanation of Reagan’s “Teflon” status, see Evan Thomas, Christopher Ogden, Sam Allis, “Tacking the Teflon President,” June 18, 1984,TIME, at www.time.com. 104. Reagan, An American Life, p. 725.

7 Ronald Reagan’s Divine Imperium of Freedom

1. Recently, Carter continued to wage the argument that he was “one helicopter away from being reelected” during his book tour to promote the publication of White House Diaries. Interview of Jimmy Carter by Tom Raum, September 20, 2010, Today Book News, MSNBC, http://today.msnbc.msn.com/id/39266878/ns/ today-books/. 2. Neil MacNeil, Walter Isaacson, and Douglas Brew, “Iran Hostages: America’s Incredible Day,” February 2, 1981, TIME, www.time.com. 3. The timing of the release has been debated since the publication of , (London: I. B. Tauris & Co. Ltd., 1991). The Notes 225

(1992) and the House of Representatives (1993) issued reports that found no credible evidence of participation by the Reagan campaign in orchestrating an “arms-for-no-hostages” deal before the election in November 1980. See US Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, “The October Surprise: Allegations and the Circumstances Surrounding the Release of the American Hostages Held in Iran” (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1992); and Steve Emerson, “No October Surprise,” American Review 15, no.2 (March 1993): pp. 16–24. 4. Since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and throughout the 1980s the CIA cited “Moscow’s Continuing Attempts to Change the World” as one of the “Principal Driving Forces” in world affairs. “The World Environment Likely to Face U.S. Intelligence and Policymaking in the 1990s,” December 20, 1985, Executive Secretariat NSC: NSDD, Box 1, Folder: NSDD 32 (4/4), Ronald Reagan Library (RRL). 5. Ronald Reagan radio script, June 6, 1977, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 48, Folder: Reagan Statement on Foreign Affairs Preliminary Draft #2 (2/4), RRL. 6. Studies of Reagan’s foreign policy mention, usually sparingly, Reagan’s religious beliefs. One study by Paul Kengor does provide a comprehensive review of Reagan’s religious heritage, but does not extend it to the development of foreign policy. See Paul Kengor, God and Ronald Reagan: A Spiritual Life (New York: ReganBooks, 2004). 7. Letter to J. Arthur Sandlin from Ronald Reagan, January 7, 1985, White House Office of Records management (WHORM) Subject File, Religious Matters, Box 2, Folder: 0250001–0256600, RRL. Many of Reagan’s major addresses during his presidency define America’s relationship to God in this manner. For example, his first inaugural address includes the claim and suggestion “We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free. It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inaugural day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.” Ronald Reagan, Inaugural Address, January 20, 1981, Public Papers of the Presidents: Ronald Reagan 1981 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1982), pp. 1–4. For a quantitative study of Reagan’s deployment of religious rhetoric and symbolism see Adam Warber, and Laura Olson, “Religion and Ronald Reagan’s Rhetorical Presidency,” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, IL, August 30, 2007, http:// www.allacademic.com/meta/p209319_index.html. 8. Reagan speech notes, WHORM Subject File, Religious Matters, Box 6, Folder: RM030 0000001–19999, RRL. 9. Billy Graham visited and counseled Reagan throughout his presidency. Reagan recounts his relationship with Graham in numerous diary entries in Ronald Reagan, , Douglas Brinkley (ed.) (New York: Harper, 2009), pp. 32, 56–57, 119, 181, 307, 334, 408, 584, 674, 802, and 951. 10. Reagan’s relationship with Cardinal Cooke is detailed in Reagan, Reagan Diaries, pp. 31, 39, 268, 274 and 329. Reagan also had close relations with Cooke’s successor, Cardinal John J. O’Conner. 226 Notes

11. Reagan, Reagan Diaries, p. 771. 12. As Coe had with Carter, he sought and received approval from Reagan to bring fellow evangelical foreign leaders to meet with Reagan at the White House in support of “the Cause that cannot fail.” See his letters to Reagan and Gary L. Bauer in WHORM Alpha File, Box 10, Folder: Douglas Coe, RRL. 13. Letter to Nancy Reagan from Billy Graham, December 12, 1988, WHORM Alpha File, Box 19, Folder: Billy Graham, RRL. 14. Letter to Ronald Reagan from Norman Lear, May 7, 1984, WHORM Subject File, Religious Matters, Box 6, Folder: RM 030 200000-End, RRL. 15. Letter to Norman Lear from Ronald Reagan, May 22, 1984, WHORM Subject File, Religious Matters, Box 6, Folder: RM 030 200000-End, RRL. 16. Letter to Ronald Reagan from Norman Lear, June 15, 1984, WHORM Subject File, Religious Matters, Box 6, Folder: RM 030 200000-End, RRL. 17. Letter to Norman Lear from Ronald Reagan, May 22, 1984. Reagan responded in similar fashion, albeit with a less righteous tone, during the debate with Walter Mondale. While he expressed support for “that wall that is in the Constitution,” he was most concerned about secular trends that appeared to “inhibit the practice of religion.” See Debate between the President and Former Vice President Walter F. Mondale, October 7, 1984, The American Presidency Project, Debates, www. presidency.ucsb.edu. 18. Memorandum to from Fred Fielding, November 5, 1984, WHORM Subject File, Religious Matters, Box 6, Folder: RM 030 200000 – End, RRL. Fielding was unaware of Reagan’s correspondence until an inquiry from the Chief of Staff Darman regarding Reagan’s claims. 19. Criticism like that of Norman Lear’s from the Left was augmented more strongly by those who (as is shown in chapter 9) advocated a nuclear freeze during Reagan’s first term. Reagan also, however, was roundly and consistently criticized by the Right—by columnist and conservative advocate and organizer Richard Viguerie—particularly on matters related to the Soviet Union and the exclusion of more conservative persons in the Reagan Administration. Reagan comments on much of this in his diaries and some of the personal correspondence is available at RRL. See Reagan, Reagan Diaries, pp. 111, 113, 145, 149, 161,199, 265, 270; and correspondence between Reagan and Viguerie in the Presidential Handwriting File, Series II: Presidential Records, Box 3, Folder: 47, and Box 6, Folder: 75, RRL; and WHORM, Alpha Files, Box 50, Folder: Richard Viguerie, RRL. An example of the rejection of Reagan’s policies by a foreign audience is his address to a session of the European Parliament, May 8, 1985, The Public Papers of Ronald W. Reagan, RRL online archives, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/ speeches/1985/50885a.htm. 20. Ronald Reagan radio commentary, Ronald Reagan Pre-Presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Sub-series A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 25, Folder: The Average Man, RRL. 21. Interview of James F. Kuhn, March 7, 2003, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs,http://millercenter.org/academic/ oralhistory/projects/presidential/reagan, p. 71. Notes 227

22. Interview of Michael Deaver, September 12, 2002, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs, http://millercenter. org/scripps/archive/oralhistories/reagan, p. 41. Deaver, A Different Drummer, pp. 53–56. 23. Wirthlin’s studies continued throughout the Reagan presidency and are available in chronological order in Intergovernmental Affairs, White House Office Files, Decision Making Information, RRL. 24. Throughout his diaries, whenever a measurement opportunity presents itself— generally after an address or public appearance—Reagan includes an assessment of audience response. Sometimes it is simply a counting of favorable and unfavorable phone calls, while other times he recalls how many shook his hand, ovations given, and even the depth of the crowds along the sidewalks during his many motorcades. For example, see Reagan, Reagan Diaries, pp. 203, 209. 25. Interview of Paul Laxalt, October 9, 2001, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/academic/ oralhistory/projects/presidential/reagan, p. 7. 26. While there are etymological distinctions that can be made between “freedom” and “liberty,” Reagan’s prevalent use was of the term “freedom.” It does not appear, based on his usage, that he saw much of a distinction between the two terms. 27. Other studies on American exceptionalism include: Seymour Martin Lipset, American Exceptionalism: A Double-Edged Sword (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1996); H. W. Brands, What America Owes the World: The Struggle for the Soul of Foreign Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Trevor McCrisken, American Exceptionalism and the Legacy of Vietnam: U.S. Foreign Policy Since 1974 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003); and Andrew Bacevich, The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism (New York: Holt Paperbacks, 2009). 28. The use of the term “mission” here is intended to reflect his aims, rather than actual performance; that which is idealized but not always realized. 29. Ronald Reagan television address, November 3, 1980, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Files, Series XXII: Tony Dolan Files, Box 870, Folder: Vision for America 11/3/80 Drafts (1/2), RRL. 30. Ronald Reagan’s address to the American Conservative Union/Young Americans for Freedom Banquet, February 15, 1975, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 20, Folder: 2/15/75 ACU/YAF Banquet, RRL. 31. Although Reagan tolerated and supported states and regimes that denied their own people basic freedoms, his idealized mission and cognetics fully embraced the concept of freedom for all. 32. Ronald Reagan address, “Law Day,” Mather Air Force Base Officers Club, Sacramento, California, May 1, 1974, Ronald Reagan Governor’s Office 1967–1975 Files, Series XII: Research Files 1967–1980 (Tuthill), Box GO199, Folder: Philosophy of Government—American Heritage, RRL. 33. Ronald Reagan address: “Losing Freedom by Installments,” January 26, 1962, Ronald Reagan Gubernatorial Papers, 1966 Campaign Subject Files, Box C35, Folder: 66RR: Pre-1966 Speeches, RRL. 228 Notes

34. Ronald Reagan address in Kankakee, Illinois, February 13, 1976, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 37, Folder: 1976 Campaign Ronald Reagan Position papers (1/2), RRL. 35. Ronald Reagan’s remarks at the Annual Convention of the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando, Florida, March 8, 1983, Public Papers of the President: Ronald Reagan 1983 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1984), pp. 356–364. 36. Ronald Reagan State of the Union Address, January 26, 1982, Public Papers of the President: Ronald Reagan 1982 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1983), pp. 72–79. 37. Ronald Reagan commencement address, “America the Beautiful,” William Woods College, Fulton, Missouri, June 2, 1952, Ronald Reagan Governor’s Office, 1967–1975 Files, Series XII Research Files 1967–1980 (Tuthill), Box GO200, Folder: Transition Pre-1966 Speeches (3/4), RRL. 38. Ronald Reagan address, “No Greater Investment in Freedom,” May 23, 1969, Los Angeles, California, Ronald Reagan Governor’s Office, 1967–1980 Files, Series XII Research Files 1967–1980 (Tuthill), Box GO199, Folder: Philosophy of Government—American Heritage, RRL. 39. Ronald Reagan “Farewell Address to the Nation,” January 11, 1989, Public Papers, RRL online archive. 40. Ronald Reagan radio address, “Shaping the World for 100 Years to Come,” September 1, 1976, in Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, and Martin Anderson (eds.), Reagan, In His Own Hand: The Writings of Ronald Reagan that Reveal His Revolutionary Vision for America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2002), p. 10. 41. Reagan’s invocation of Armageddon became a significant campaign issue in 1984. A 90-minute radio documentary, “Ronald Reagan and the Prophecy of Armageddon” aired on “about 175 public radio stations” and “caused about 100 mainstream Protestant, Roman Catholic, and Jewish leaders to sign a statement of concern.” The documentary presents an account of the many references Reagan had made to Armageddon in interviews, and in one case in conversation with Senator Howard Heflin on October 28, 1981, during which Reagan suggested “Russia is going to get involved in it.” See John Herbers, “Religious Leaders Tell of Worry on Armageddon View Ascribed to Reagan,” The New York Times, October 21, 1984, ProQuest Historical Newspapers New York Times, p. 32. 42. See Letters to Mr. Richard James Whalen, April 17, 1979, and Mr. and Mrs. Peter D. Hannaford, February 10, 1983, in Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, and Martin Anderson (eds.), Reagan: A Life In Letters (New York: Free Press, 2003), pp. 278, 452. 43. Reagan, Reagan Diaries, pp. 39, 273. 44. Debate between Ronald Reagan and Walter Mondale, October 21, 1984, The American Presidency Project, Document Archive: Debates, www.presidency.ucsb.edu. 45. Interview of Stuart Spencer, November 15–16, 2001, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center for Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org /academic/oralhistory/projects/presidential/reagan, p. 68. Notes 229

46. Interview of Frank Carlucci, August 28, 2001, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs, pp. 41–42; and Interview of Kenneth Adelman, September 30, 2003, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs, pp. 48–49, both at http://millercenter.org /academic/oralhistory/projects/presidential/reagan. As we shall see in chapter 9, this view of Reagan as an anti-nuclear weapons advocate was not held by much of the American public, nor by the Soviet leadership. 47. Ronald Reagan Inaugural Address, January 20, 1981, Public Papers 1981, pp. 1–4 48. Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign papers, Series IV: Richard Wirthlin Files, Box 177, Folder: Campaign Files, 6/29/80 [Draft] (2/4), RRL. 49. Remarks by Governor Ronald Reagan at the American Legion Convention, Anaheim, California, June 22, 1973, Ronald Reagan Governor’s Office, 1967–1975 Files, Series XII: Research Files 1967–1980 (Tuthill), Box GO199, Folder: Philosophy of Government—American Heritage, RRL. 50. Ronald Reagan national television address, March 31, 1976, and address to the Los Angeles World Affairs Council, December 14, 1978, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 20, Folder: 1964 “A Time for Choosing,” and Box 24, Folder: 12/14/78 World Affairs Council, LA, respectively, RRL. 51. Ronald Reagan radio address, “Communism: The Disease,” Ronald Reagan Pre-presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Sub Series A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 1, Folder: Communism The Disease, RRL. 52. See Reagan’s interview with Mike Wallace, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Ed Meese Files, Subject File, Box 125, Folder: Interview with Mike Wallace, RRL, and Reagan’s address before the Bundestag in Bonn, Federal Republic of Germany, June 9, 1982, Public Papers 1982, pp. 754–759. 53. Ronald Reagan address to the British Parliament, June 8, 1982, Public Papers 1982, pp. 742–748. 54. Ronald Reagan address to the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando, Florida, March 8, 1983, Public Papers 1983, pp. 359–364. 55. Ronald Reagan national television address, September 19, 1976, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 21, Folder: National TV NBC, RRL. 56. Ronald Reagan closing statement during debate with Jimmy Carter, September 20, 1980, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California headquarters, Box 25, Folder: 9/20/80 Debate, RRL. 57. Richard Wirthlin’s studies showed that the three top issues Reagan needed to address were all “pocketbook issues” and that it was imperative Reagan first propose a “comprehensive, credible, proprietary economic program.” Then he could move to their next major issue, which was “national defense.” See Richard Wirthlin Campaign strategy in Ronald Reagan Campaign papers, Series IV: Richard Wirthlin Files, Box 177, Folder: Campaign Files, 6/29/80 [Draft] 1–4, RRL. 58. Nancy Reagan, My Turn: The Memoirs of Nancy Reagan (New York: Random House, 1989), p. 85. 230 Notes

59. Richard Wirthlin Campaign Strategy, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series IV: Richard Wirthlin Files, Box 177, Folder: Campaign Files, 6/29/80 [Draft] (2/4), RRL. 60. Ronald Reagan radio address, “Peace,” Ronald Reagan Pre-presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Sub Series A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 1, Folder: Peace, RRL. 61. Ronald Reagan closing statement in presidential debate, September 20, 1980, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 25, Folder: 9/20/80 Debate, RRL. 62. See Ronald Reagan radio addresses including “Panama Canal,” in Ronald Reagan Pre-presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Sub Series A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 1: Folder: Panama Canal, RRL; and Skinner et al., Reagan, In His Own Hand, pp. 198–199. 63. Ronald Reagan column, February 24, 1978, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 46, Folder: Ronald Reagan Statements on Defense Policy—Preliminary Drafts Reference Binder (2/3), RRL. 64. Memorandum to William P. Clark from Alan A. Myer, October 5, 1982, Executive Secretariat NSC: NSDD, Box 1, Folder: NSDD 32 (3/4), RRL. 65. Ronald Reagan campaign address, August 18, 1980, in Skinner et al., Reagan, In His Own Hand, p. 481. 66. Ibid. 67. In Reagan’s address to Congress early in his presidency, he alleged “that since 1970 the Soviet Union has invested $300 billion more in its military forces than we have” resulting in “a massive military buildup” that was a major “threat to our national security.” Ronald Reagan address before a joint session of Congress, February 18, 1981, The American Presidency Project, State of the Union Messages, www.presidency.ucsb.edu. See also Reagan’s claims in his announcement as a presidential candidate on March 31, 1976, and his address on Arms Reduction Talks, November 18, 1981, Public Papers of Reagan, RRL online archives. 68. Ronald Reagan radio address, “SALT Talks I,” 1978, Ronald Reagan Pre-presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Sub Series A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 25, Folder: SALT Talks I, RRL. 69. Ronald Reagan radio address, “SALT Talks II,” 1979, Ronald Reagan Pre- presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Sub Series A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 25, Folder: SALT Talks I, RRL. 70. Ronald Reagan speech, June 9, 1977, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I; Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 48, Folder: Reagan Statement on Foreign Affairs Preliminary Draft #2 (2/4), RRL. 71. Ronald Reagan address to the Los Angeles World Affairs Council, December 14, 1978, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 24, Folder: 12/14/78 World Affairs Council, LA, RRL. 72. Ronald Reagan radio address, “Alex. Solzhenitsyn,” June 27, 1978, and Ronald Reagan in Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, and Martin Anderson (eds.), Notes 231

Reagan’s Path to Victory: The Shaping of Ronald Reagan’s Vision: Selected Writings (New York: Free Press, 2004), pp. 244, 327. 73. Ronald Reagan speech, March 10, 1976, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 46, Folder: Ronald Reagan Statements on Defense Policy—Preliminary Drafts Reference Binder (1/3), RRL. 74. Ronald Reagan radio address, “Russian Wheat Deal,” October 1975, in Skinner, et al, Reagan In His Own Hand, p. 30. 75. Ronald Reagan radio address, “Religious Freedom,” Ronald Reagan Pre- presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Sub Series A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 25, Folder: Religious Freedom, RRL. 76. Ronald Reagan address, “A Time for Choosing,” October 27, 1964, The Miller Center for Public Affairs,http://millercenter.org/scripps/archive/speeches/ detail/3405. 77. Letter to Mr. John O. Koehler from Ronald Reagan, July 9, 1981, in Skinner et al., Reagan: A Life In Letters, p. 375. 78. Ronald Reagan press conference, January 29, 1981, Public Papers of Reagan, RRL online archives. 79. Ronald Reagan speech, June 9, 1977, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 48, Folder: Reagan Statement on Foreign Affairs Preliminary Draft #2 (2/4), RRL. 80. Ronald Reagan radio script, June 6, 1977, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 48, Folder: Reagan Statement on Foreign Affairs Preliminary Draft #2 (2/4), RRL. 81. Ronald Reagan radio address, “Women’s March,” September 1, 1976, Ronald Reagan Pre-presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Sub Series A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 1, Folder: Women’s March, RRL. 82. Ricahrd Wirhtlin’s Campaign Strategy, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series IV: Richard Wirthlin Files, Box 177, Folder: Campaign Files 6/29/80 [Draft] (2/4), RRL. 83. “A New Beginning,” 1981, WHSOF: Michael Deaver, Series 7622, Box 17, Folder: Reagan Presidency: A Review of the First Year (1), RRL. 84. Ronald Reagan speech, “State of the Union,” drafted March 13, 1980, and delivered March 17, 1980, to the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, in Skinner et al., Reagan In His Own Hand, p. 472. The axiom Reagan supports here, that war comes only when the forces of freedom are weak, is largely unsubstantiated in the history of the United States; that is, when the United States engaged in war beyond its borders US forces were strong rather than weak. When war came to the United States, including the American Revolutionary War and the Civil War, the forces of freedom were arguably at their highest expression in their aim to gain freedom from Great Britain and freedom for slaves. 85. Ronald Reagan address at the Republican National Convention, July 17, 1980, The American Presidency Project, Convention Speeches, www.presidency.ucsb.edu. 86. Ronald Reagan, Inaugural Address, January 20, 1981, Public Papers 1981, pp. 1–4. 232 Notes

87. In the first three months of his presidency Reagan met with leaders of Jamaica, Korea, Oman, Israel, France, , Germany, Argentina, and Japan. “A Review of the First Year,” WHSOF: Michael Deaver, Series 7622, Box 17, Folder: Reagan Presidency A Review of the First Year (2), RRL. Reagan also signed a Presidential Finding on March 9, 1981 to “provide all forms of training, equipment, and related assistance to cooperating governments throughout Central America in order to counter foreign sponsored terrorism.” See “Understanding the Iran-Contra Affairs” Brown University, http://www.brown.edu/Research /Understanding_the_Iran_Contra_Affair/documents.php. 88. A summary of these decisions and actions were enumerated in Reagan’s press conference on January 29, 1981, Public Papers of Reagan, RRL online archives. 89. Ibid. 90. Ronald Reagan press conference, March 6, 1981, Public Papers of Reagan, RRL online archives. Secretary of State was similarly noncommittal to specific details of Reagan’s foreign policies early in the presidency. On the Soviet Union, he stated there were no plans for either he or Reagan to meet with Soviet leaders and as to Israel and Egypt he stated there was “no sense of urgency in our view on this matter.” Alexander Haig press conference, January 28, 1981, WHSOF: III Files, Series I: Memorandum File, Box 2, Folder: Dept. of State Foreign Policy, RRL. Furthermore, upon his announced appointment as Secretary of State, Haig dismissed all foreign policy advisors from the campaign, who had been working on a set of priorities. See Constantine C. Menges, Inside the National Security Council: The True Story of the Making and Unmaking of Reagan’s Foreign Policy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988), p. 42. 91. Ronald Reagan address before a joint session of Congress, February 18, 1981, The American Presidency Project, State of the Union Messages, www.presidency.ucsb. edu. 92. Reagan’s chief of staff, James Baker, was instrumental in controlling the focus of the White House early in Reagan’s presidency and designed a “more conventional ‘chief of staff’ system” unlike Carter’s ‘spokes of the wheel’ and pledged to avoid Carter’s mistake of early “overpromise.” See “Talking Points for Presentation on the White House Office,” WHSOF: James Baker III Files, Series I: Memorandum File, Box 1, Folder: Cabinet, RRL. 93. Reagan, Reagan Diaries, pp. 27–29. Haig’s account of this is in Alexander Haig, Caveat: Realism, Reagan and Foreign Affairs (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1984), pp. 141–150. 94. Recordings of the discussion regarding authority at the White House, made in the Situation Room, can be accessed at http://www.npr.org/programs/morning/ features/2001/mar/010320.reagan.html. Haig also misunderstood the source of authority on this issue of succession as the Constitution, when in fact it is the Presidential Succession Act. For Haig’s recollection of these events, see Haig, Caveat pp. 150–163. 95. Reagan, Reagan Diaries, p. 31. 96. Deaver, A Different Drummer, p. 146. Notes 233

97. Interview of Michael Deaver, September 22, 2002, “Reagan Oral History Project,” p. 13. 98. Steven R. Weisman, “Reagan’s First 100 Days,” The New York Times, April 26, 1981, ProQuest Historical Newspaper New York Times, p. A51. 99. Ibid. 100. Skinner et al., Reagan: A Life in Letters, pp. 737–742. Reagan made handwritten drafts of these letters after his rejection of letters proposed by the NSC. On April 22, 1981, Reagan noted in his diary: “Won part of the battle with the diplomats. They drafted the letter to Brezhnev along usual lines but included major positions of mine. We sent it back for a re-write including more of mine.” Reagan, Reagan Diaries, p. 33. 101. Ibid. The Pentecostal families made it out of the Soviet Union in July 1983, and Sharansky in February 1986. Brezhnev died in November 1982. 102. Ronald Reagan address at Commencement Exercises at the University of Notre Dame, May 17, 1981, Public Papers of Reagan, RRL online archives. 103. Ronald Reagan address at Commencement Exercises at the United States Military Academy, May 27, 1981, Public Papers of Reagan, RRL online archives. 104. supports this thesis in his recent interview at The Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation, October 31, 2011, Central Intelligence Agency, ciagov’s Channel, http://www.youtube.com/user/ciagov#p/u/1/hMGUv40z68Y. 105. Ronald Reagan remarks to members of the National Press Club on Arms Reductions and Nuclear Weapons, November 18, 1981, Public Papers 1981, pp. 1062–1067. 106. John B. Oakes, “The Reagan Hoax,”The New York Times, November 1, 1981, ProQuest Historical Papers New York Times, p. E21 107. Ronald Reagan State of the Union Address, January 26, 1982, The American Presidency Project, State of the Union Messages, www.presidency.ucsb.edu. Reagan had begun receiving inquiries from supporters asking exactly was his foreign policy was going to be since July 1981. He responded in one letter that “I know I’m being criticized for not having made a speech outlining what would be the Reagan foreign policy. I have a foreign policy. I’m working on it.” Letter to John O. Koehler from Ronald Reagan, July 9, 1981, Skinner et al., Reagan: A Life in Letters, p. 375. 108. Ronald Reagan address at Commencement Exercises at , May 9, 1982, Public Papers of Reagan, RRL online archives. 109. “The World Environment Likely to Face U.S. Intelligence and Policymaking in the 1990s,” December 20, 1985, Executive Secretariat NSC: NSDD, Box 1, Folder: NSDD 32 (4/4), RRL. See also “USSR: Economic Issues Facing the Leadership,” January 1, 1981; “The Soviet Challenge to U.S. Security Interests,” August 10, 1982; “The State of the Soviet Economy in the 1980s,” December 13, 1982; and “The Soviet Economy Under a New Leader,” March 19, 1986, all in Historical Collection on Ronald Reagan, Intelligence, and the End of the Cold War, www .cia.gov/Reagan.asp. In addition, George Shultz later recalled, if anything the reports on the Soviet economy “overestimated its strength.” Video of interview 234 Notes

of George Shultz at The Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation, October 31, 2001, Central Intelligence Agency, ciagov Channel, http://www.youtube.com/ user/ciagov#p/u/1/hMGUv40z68Y. Anatoly Dobrynin also asserts that the Soviet people would have certainly sacrificed all they had to meet the military threat of the United States in Anatoly Dobrynin, In Confidence (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1995), p. 611. 110. Soft power here is, as defined by Joseph Nye, the capacity to attract and persuade. See Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York: PublicAffairs, 2004). 111. NSDD 32, May 20, 1982, Executive Secretariat NSC: NSDD, Box 1, Folder: NSDD 32 (1/4), RRL. 112. William P. Clark remarks at The Center for Strategic and International Studies, Georgetown University, May 21, 1982, Executive Secretariat NSC: NSDD, Box 1, Folder: NSDD 32 (1/4), RRL 113. Letter to Ronald Reagan from Leonid Brezhnev, May 20, 1982, WHSOF: William P. Clark, Box 8, Folder: U.S.—Soviet Relations Working File (1), RRL. 114. Don Oberdorfer, “‘Immediate Preparations’ 15 Months in the Making,” The Washington Post, April 1, 1982, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post, p. A1. 115. Announcement of Joint United States-Soviet Union Strategic Arms Reduction talks, May 31, 1982, Public Papers of Reagan, RRL online archives. 116. Ronald Reagan address to the British Parliament, June 8, 1982, Public Papers of Reagan, RRL online archives. 117. Ronald Reagan address before the Bundestag in Bonn, June 9, 1982, Public Papers of Reagan, RRL online archives. 118. Ronald Reagan address to the United Nations General Assembly, June 17, 1982, Public Papers of Reagan, RRL online archives. 119. Flora Lewis, “The New Pitch,”The New York Times, June 13, 1982, ProQuest Historical Newspapers New York Times, p. E23. 120. Reagan, Reagan Diaries, pp. 133, 136. 121. For Haig’s account of the fundamental problems with the Reagan Administration resulted in his departure, see Haig, Caveat, in particular, pp.355–358. See also, Bob Woodward, “Haig Reportedly Believes He Was ‘Set Up,’” The Washington Post, June 30, 1982, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post, p. A1. 122. Constantine C. Menges, Inside the National Security Council: The True Story of the Making and Unmaking of Reagan’s Foreign Policy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988), p. 17. 123. Haig, Caveat, p. 85. 124. On Nancy Reagan’s role in the presidency, see the interviews of Caspar Weinberger (November 19, 2002) and James Kuhn (March 7, 2003) in the “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs, http://millercenter. org/scripps/archive/oralhistories/reagan. See also, Nancy Reagan, My Turn: The Memoirs of Nancy Reagan (New York: Random House, 1989). Notes 235

125. “The Reagan Presidency: A Review of the First Two Years 1981–1982,” WHSOF: Michael Deaver, Series 7622, Box 17, Folder: The Reagan Presidency: A Review of the First Two Years (2), RRL. 126. Memorandum to Ronald Reagan from William P. Clark, December 16, 1982, Executive Secretariat NSC: NSDD, Box 3, Folder: NSDD 75 (2/4), RRL. 127. Ibid. 128. Alan P. Dobson, “The Reagan Administration, Economic Warfare, and Starting to Close Down the Cold War,” Diplomatic History 29, no. 3 (June 1, 2005): p. 532. 129. “The Reagan Presidency: A Review of the First Year 1981,” WHSOF: Michael Deaver, Series 7622, Box 17, Folder: The Reagan Presidency: A Review of the First Year (2), RRL. 130. Ibid. 131. Reagan used this phrase, “a thousand years of darkness,” often (borrowed from Abraham Lincoln and the Bible), starting with his address on behalf of presidential candidate Senator in 1964. Reagan Address, “A Time for Choosing,” October 27, 1964, Ronald Reagan Gubernatorial Papers, 1966 Campaign Subject Files, Box C35, Folder: 66RR: Pre-1966 Speeches, RRL.

8 Ronald Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative

1. “Star Wars” was a name borrowed from the popular George Lucas films of the late 1970s and early 1980s that dramatized a battle for control of the galaxy between the forces for good—the “Jedi”—and the dark side evil forces—the “Sith.” See George Lucas’ profile at http://www.imdb.com/name/nm0000184/. 2. Donald R. Baucom, The Origins of SDI, 1944–1983 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1992), p. 1. 3. For more on “operation paperclip” see Operation Paperclip at http://www .operationpaperclip.info/. 4. Edward Reiss, The Strategic Defense Initiative (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 21. 5. Sanford Lakoff, and Herbert F. York,A Shield in Space?: Technology, Politics, and the Strategic Defense Initiative (Berkeley: Press, 1989), p. 1. 6. The rationale of ABM defenses, the ABM Treaty, and the threats produced by “Star Wars” is provided in McGeorge Bundy, George F. Kennan, Robert S. McNamara, and Gerard Smith, “The President’s Choice: Star Wars or Arms Control,” Foreign Affairs 63, no. 2 (December 1, 1984): pp. 264–278. 7. Baucom, Origins of SDI, p. 23. 8. See Henry Kissinger, Does America Need a Foreign Policy?: Towards a Diplomacy for the 21st Century (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001), p. 67. 9. Ibid., p. 70. 10. For a history of this rationale, see Gerard C. Smith, “The Arms Control and Disarmament Agency: An Unfinished History,”Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 40, 236 Notes

no. 4 (April 1984): pp. 13–17. For a complete summary of the ABM Treaty and, in particular the political rationale that surrounded it, see Alan Platt, “The Anti- Ballistic Missile Treaty,” in Michael Krepon and Dan Caldwell (eds.), The Politics of Arms Control Treaty Ratification (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1991), pp. 229–278. A detailed history of arms control and related treaty documents is National Academy of Sciences, Nuclear Arms Control: Background and Issues (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1985). For a discussion among the principal actors of the era, see National Archives, U.S. Strategic Nuclear Policy: A Video History, 1945–2004, Sandia Labs Historical Video Documents History of U.S. Strategic Nuclear Policy, Part 3 (1965–1983), http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nukevault /ebb361/index.htm. An historical review related to strategic arms policy during the Nixon Administration is: “Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976,” Volume XXXIV, National Security Policy, 1969–1972 at U.S. Department of State: Office of the Historian, http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969- 76v34. 11. Michael Rogin, Ronald Reagan The Movie: And Other Episodes in Political Demonology (Berkely: University of California Press, 1988), p. 3. 12. Ibid., p. 1. See also Stephen Vaughn, “Spies, National Security, and the ‘Inertia Projector’: The Secret Service Films of Ronald Reagan,”American Quarterly 39, no. 3 (October 1, 1987): pp. 355–380. 13. Reagan, Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security, March 23, 1983, Public Papers of the President of the United States: Ronald Reagan 1983 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1984), pp. 442–443. 14. For a summary of these years at GE as well as Reagan’s relationship with Beilenson, see Thomas W. Evans,The Education of Ronald Reagan: The General Electric Years and the Untold Story of His Conversion to Conservatism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), pp. 121–123. 15. Laurence Beilenson, Survival and Peace in the Nuclear Age (Chicago, IL: Regenry Gateway, 1980), p. 56 16. Letter from Ronald Reagan to Laurence Beilenson, August 11, 1980, in Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, and Martin Anderson, Reagan: A Life In Letters (New York: Free Press, 2004), p. 106. 17. Ronald Reagan radio commentary, “Peace,” April 1975, Reagan Pre-Presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Subseries A: Radio Broadcasts, Box 1, Folder: “Peace”, RRL. The two speeches on “Treaties” can be found in Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, and Martin Anderson, Reagan In His Own Hand (New York: Touchstone, 2002), pp. 51–57. 18. Ronald Reagan Address at West Point, May 27, 1981, WHORM Alpha File, Box 3, Folder: Laurence W. Beilenson, RRL. Reagan kept up his correspondence with Beilenson of foreign policy issues, specifically on SDI and negotiating with the Soviet Union. The archival record of Reagan’s letters to Beilenson that begin in September 1969 through May 1987 are included in Skinner et al., Life in Letters, pp. 59, 106, 225, 318, 355, 425, 426, 428, 429, 446, 471, 480, 532. 19. Historian Betty Glad also argued that Reagan’s “cognitive style” was affected by Laurence Beilenson “who also sees the USSR as the embodiment of evil and Notes 237

recommends a policy of fighting fire with fire and trying to destabilize them behind their base.” Betty Glad, “Black-and-White Thinking: Ronald Reagan’s Approach to Foreign Policy,” Political Psychology 4, no. 1 (March 1983): p. 66. 20. Ronald Reagan remarks, April 5, 1975, Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford/California Headquarters, Box 46, Folder: R. Reagan Statements on Defense Policy-Preliminary Drafts Reference Binder (1/3), RRL. 21. Ronald Reagan Radio Commentaries, “SALT Talks I” and “SALT Talks II,” Ronald Reagan Pre-presidential Papers, Series I: Speeches and Writings, Subseries A: Radio broadcasts, Box 25, Folders: SALT Talks I and SALT Talks II, RRL. 22. Reagan credits Committee on the Present Danger cofounder Eugene Rostow with the comparison of détente to appeasement. See Reagan’s radio script, October 23, 1978, and his address on December 13, 1975. His position on MAD is in his radio script of July 10, 1978, all located in Ronald Reagan 1980 Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford/California Headquarters, Box 46, Folder: R. Reagan statements on Defense Policy-Preliminary Drafts Reference Binder (2/3), RRL. 23. Ronald Reagan radio commentaries: “Intelligence,” March 23, 1977, and “Defense IV,” September 11, 1974, in Skinner et al., In His Own Hand, pp. 117–120. 24. Martin Anderson, Revolution (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), p. 85. Also see Lou Cannon, President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime (New York: PublicAffairs, 2000), pp. 275–276; and, FitzGerald, Way out There in the Blue, pp. 98–102. 25. A summary of the influence of Reagan’s trip to NORAD and the contemplation of a national missile defense during the 1980 campaign is found in David Hoffman, “Reagan Seized Idea Shelved in ’80 Race,” The Washington Post, March 3, 1985, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post (1877–1994), p. A1. 26. This was an objective that Reagan would later emphatically deny when negotiating with Gorbachev. 27. 1980 Republican Party Platform, July 15, 1980, Party Platforms, The American Presidency Project, www.presidency.ucsb.edu. 28. See documents related to preparation for the NSC meeting on Theatre Nuclear Force Arms Control Talks, April 30, 1981, in Executive Secretariat NSC: Meeting Files, Box 1, Folder: NSC 00008 30 April 81 (1/3), RRL. In these documents it is clear that that the Platform provided the standard against which development of policy was measured. 29. Ronald Reagan, An American Life (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990), p. 257. 30. Ibid., p. 258. 31. John Lewis Gaddis was an early supporter of this interpretation when he wrote: “President Reagan generally meant precisely what he said: when he came out in favor of negotiations from strength . . . he did not do so in the ‘killer amendment’ spirit favored by geopolitical sophisticates on the right; the president may have been conservative, but he was never devious.” John Lewis Gaddis, The United States and the End of the Cold War: Implications, Reconsiderations, Provocations (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 131. 32. Ronald Reagan closing statement during debate with Jimmy Carter, September 20, 1980, Ronald Reagan Campaign Papers, Series I: Hannaford California Headquarters, Box 25, Folder: 9/20/80 Debate, RRL. 238 Notes

33. Ronald Reagan State of the Union Address, January 26, 1982, Public Papers of Presidents: Ronald Reagan 1982 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1983), pp. 72–73 34. Ronald Reagan interview with reporters from the Los Angeles Times, January 20, 1982, Public Papers1982, p. 60. 35. Decision Making Information Report, Richard Wirthlin, November 1987, White House Office of Intergovernmental Affairs Files, RRL. By mid-year 1982, the slow economic recovery drove the “right direction” percentage down to the 30s where it remained until March 1984. 36. The Reagan Administration claimed at year-end 1981 that while “there were many challenges still ahead . . . it was equally clear that 1981 had indeed been a ‘new beginning.’” See WHSOF: Michael Deaver, Series OA 7622, Box 17, Folder: Reagan Presidency: A Review of the First Year (1), RRL. 37. Anatoly Dobrynin, who was the Soviet Ambassador to the United States from 1962 to 1986, characterized Krushchev, Brezhnev, Andropov, and Chernenko as the last leaders “of the old school” in Anatoly Dobrynin, In Confidence: Moscow’s Ambassador to Six Cold War Presidents (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001), p. 522. 38. For example, see Memorandum of Conversation, Secretary Haig and Minister Gromyko, September 23, 1981, WHSOF, William Clarke Files, Box 3, Folder: Haig /Gromyko Meeting, 9/23/91 and 9/28/81, RRL. Recollections of each Secretary are also included in their memoirs. Alexander Haig, Caveat: Realism, Reagan and Foreign Policy (West Sussex: Littlehampton Book Services Ltd, 1984), pp. 100–114, 218–234. George P. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1993), pp. 119–127. 39. See Cannon, Role of a Lifetime, pp. 30, 630; John Patrick Diggins, Ronald Reagan: Fate, Freedom, and the Making of History (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2008), p. 97; and Evelyn S. Taylor, P. A. T. C. O. and Reagan: an American Tragedy: The Air Traffic Controllers’ Strike of 1981 (Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2011). 40. Ronald Reagan, The Reagan Diaries, Douglas Brinkley (ed.) (New York: Harper, 2009), p. 536. 41. National Academy of Sciences, Nuclear Arms Control: Background and Issues, pp. 24–80. See also, National Archives, U.S. Strategic Nuclear Policy: A Video History, Part 3 (1965–1983), http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nukevault/ebb361/ index.htm. 42. Correspondence between Reagan and Soviet leaders is found in the Executive Secretariat NSC—Head of State: Records, RRL. Reagan/Brezhnev correspondence is in Box 37. 43. Dobrynin suggests, “Those early Reagan years in Washington were the most difficult and unpleasant I experienced in my long tenure as ambassador.” Dobrynin also received encouragement from Reagan friends Paul Laxalt and Walter Annenberg that he would find Reagan willing to “deal.” On the other hand, Dobrynin recalled that Jimmy Carter said, “he was ‘utterly convinced’ that there would be no agreement on arms control, especially on nuclear Notes 239

arms, as long as Reagan remained in power.” Dobrynin, In Confidence, pp. 478, 498, 547. 44. Ibid., p. 521. 45. Reagan’s “Evil Empire” speech was delivered on March 8, 1983, and his national television address that launched SDI was on March 23, 1983. See Public Papers 1983, pp. 359–364 and 437–443. 46. On October 2, 1981, Reagan stated, “we will complete the MX missile which is more powerful and more accurate than our current Minutemen missiles, and we will deploy a limited number of the MX missiles in existing silos as soon as possible.” Ronald Reagan remarks on the announcement of the United States Strategic Weapons Program, October 2, 1981, Public Papers of the Presidents: Ronald Reagan 1981 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1982), p. 879. 47. Richard Halloran, “Bishops Joining Nuclear Arms Debate,” The New York Times, October 4, 1982, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times, p. B6. 48. See Steve Breyman, Why Movements Matter: the West German Peace Movement and U.S. Arms Control Policy (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001); and Editorial, “The Unclear Freeze Debate,” The Wall Street Journal, October 25, 1982, in Executive Secretariat NSC: Subject File, Box 13, Nuclear Freeze (9/17/82–10/25/82), RRL. Randall Forsberg also served as chairman of the National Advisory Board to the Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign in 1982. See letter to Ronald Reagan from Randall Forsberg and Randall Kehler, November 15, 1982, WHORM Subject File, ND 018, Box 7, Folder: 108251–109975, RRL. 49. Memorandum to Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, Director of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Director of the International Communication Agency from William P. Clark (for the President), April 26, 1982, WHSOF, Sven F. Kraemer Files, Box 90278, Box 5, Folder: Nuclear Freeze (1/3), RRL. 50. Memorandum to III, James A, Baker III, Michael Deaver, April 22, 1982, WHSOF, David Gergen Files, Series OA 0529, Box 5, Nuclear Freeze (1/8), RRL. 51. David S. Meyer, A Winter of Discontent: the Nuclear Freeze and American Politics (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1990), p. xiii. 52. Memorandum to Judy Pond, White House Speakers’ Bureau from Robert B. Simms, July 10, 1982, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat: NSC Subject File, Box 13, Folder: Nuclear Freeze (7/12/82–8/12/82), RRL. 53. “Nuclear Arms Issues,” WHSOF, David Gergen Files, Series OA 1052, Box 4, Folder: Day After, RRL. On Reagan’s efforts to solicit support for his arms reduction plan before the vote in Congress, see also, Steven R. Weisman, “Reagan Calls on Catholics in U.S. to Reject Nuclear Freeze Proposal,” August 4, 1982, The New York Times, New York Times archive, www.nytimes.com. 54. See , “Democrats Seize Weapons Freeze as Issue for Fall,” June 20, 1982, The New York Times, New York Times archive, www.nytimes.com. 55. Robert Pear, “Foreign Agents Linked to Freeze, Reagan Says,” November 12, 1982, The New York Times, New York Times archive, www.nytimes.com. See also, Judith 240 Notes

Miller, “Soviet Role in Freeze Movement Found Minor,” December 10, 1982, The New York Times, New York Times archive, www.nytimes.com. 56. Editorial, “Against the Freeze Referendums,” October 24, 1982, The New York Times, in WHSOF: Executive Secretariat NSC: Subject File, Box 13, Folder: (9/17/82–10/25/82), RRL. Caspar Weinberger gave his first press conference in two years preceding the November votes in an attempt to convince Americans that the threat of the Soviet Union made any unilateral freeze a foolish undertaking. See George C. Wilson, “Weinberger Pushes For Voters to Reject Nuclear Freeze Moves,” The Washington Post, October 29, 1982, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post (1877–1994), p. A1. 57. Memorandum to William P. Clark from James A. Baker, III, September 8, 1982, WHORM Subject File, ND 018, Box 7, Folder: 108251–109975, RRL. 58. Andrew Rojecki, “Freeze Frame: News Coverage of the Freeze Movement,” in Thomas R. Rochon, and David S. Meyer (eds.), Coalitions & Political Movements: the Lessons of the Nuclear Freeze (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1997), p. 116. The nuclear freeze movement itself was short lived in the United States. While it was very active from 1980–1983, it faded quickly after Reagan announced SDI. See Meyer, A Winter of Discontent, pp. 269–271. 59. Although Reagan split the Catholic vote with Carter in 1980, Reagan 47 percent to Carter 46 percent, it represented an 11 point decline for Carter who had 57 percent of the Catholic vote in 1976. George H. Gallup, The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1980 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1981), p. 266. 60. Ronald T. Libby, “Listen to the Bishops,” Foreign Policy, no. 52 (October 1, 1983): p. 88. Libby argues the NCCB’s statement was unprecedented and established a new modality for the Bishops in advocating policy positions and use of the media. 61. James R. Kelly, “Catholicism and Modern Memory: Some Sociological Reflections on the Symbolic Foundations of the Rhetorical Force of the Pastoral Letter, ‘The Challenge of Peace,’” Sociological Analysis 45, no. 2 (July 1, 1984): p. 138. See also, Kenneth D. Wald, “Religious Elites and Public Opinion: The Impact of the Bishops’ Peace Pastoral,” The Review of Politics 54, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): pp. 112–143. Wald argues “Catholic nationalism was galvanized against communism and remained so until the Vietnam War.” p. 117. Afterward, the “Catholic Peace Fellowship” more often took the side of Protestant peace efforts. And, Susan Moller Okin, “Taking the Bishops Seriously,” World Politics 36, no. 4 (July 1, 1984): 527–554. Okin analyzes the stated requirements of the Bishop’s to tolerate strategies of deterrence and finds Reagan’s policies most often directly contravene the Bishop’s requirements. 62. Bishops Pastoral Letter, “The Challenge pf Peace: God’s Promise and Our Response,” May 3, 1983, National Conference of Catholic Bishops, p. 4, www. usccb.org/sdwp/international/TheChallengeofPeace.pdf. 63. Letter to Bishop Bernardin from Alexander M. Haig, Jr., March 23, 1982, WHORM Subject File, ND 018, Box 3, F: 070331–071453, RRL. 64. Initial meetings were suggested in late March 1982 (by Haig and Weinberger separately to Bernardin). The “first draft” of the pastoral letter was sent to the Notes 241

Administration in May 1982. William Clark responded to the Bishops through Clare Booth Luce on July 30, 1982. Bernardin received a response from Under Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger (during the transition from Haig to Shultz), Reverend Bryan Hehir (USCC) received a response from Director of the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Eugene Rostow (undated), and Bernardin also received a response from Weinberger on September 13, 1982. See WHSOF, Robert Reilly Files, Series II: Subject File, Box 3, Folder: National Conference on Catholic Bishops, RRL. The “second draft” of the pastoral letter came out of a conference of NCCB/USSC on November 15, 1982, which was subsequently responded to by William Clark on behalf of all prior Administration respondents, which led to a final meeting with Bernardin and his delegation of bishops at the Department of State on January 7, 1983. See WHORM Subject File, ND 018, Box 7, Folder: 110908–111174, RRL. On May 3, 1983, the NCCB/USCC issued the final pastoral letter. 65. Letter to Archbishop Bernardin from William P. Clark, undated, WHORM Subject File, ND 018, Box 7, Folder: 110908–111174, RRL. 66. Ibid. 67. Kenneth A. Briggs, “Prelates Backed in Dispute on Arms,” The New York Times, November 18, 1982, New York Times archive, www.nytimes.com. 68. Ibid. Reagan’s best ally in the turned out to be Cardinal John O’Connor of New York who objected to the pastoral letter and used his position in New York to shift the moral focus of the bishops to “the right of the unborn,” away from nuclear weapons. See Samuel S. Kim, “The U.S. Catholic Bishops and the Nuclear Crisis,” The Journal of Peace Research 22, no. 4 (1985): p. 330. 69. Memorandum to Robert C. McFarlane from Robert B. Sims, Sven Kraemer, and Cary Lord, December 7, 1982, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC: Subject File, Box 13, Folder: Nuclear Freeze (12/82), RRL. 70. Memorandum to William P. Clark from Sven Kraemer, January 8, 1983, WHORM Subject File, RM 031, Box 6, Folder: 125000–232368, RRL. 71. The Catholic bishops received extensive press coverage of their efforts. See: Halloran, “Bishops Joining Nuclear Arms Debate”; Stephen S. Rosenfeld, “The Bishops and the Bomb,” The Washington Post, October 29, 1982, p. A29; Marjorie Hyer, “Bishops” A-War Paper Puts U.S. Catholics Into a New Court,” The Washington Post, November 2, 1982, ProQuest Historical Papers The Washington Post (1877–1994), p. A2; Colman McCarthy, “Catholic Bishops and the Morality of Nuclear War,” The Washington Post, November 14, 1982, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post (1877–1994), p. H9. 72. Transcript of interview of Anthony Dolan by William Steding, February 24, 2011, William Steding’s research files. 73. Ronald Reagan address at the Annual Convention of the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando, Florida, March 8, 1983, Public Papers 1983, pp. 363–364. Reagan’s speech drew sharp criticism in major newspapers. See, Bill Peterson, “Reagan’s Use of Moral Language to Explain Policies Draws Fire,” The Washington Post, March 23, 1983, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post 242 Notes

(1877–1994), p. A15. Anthony Lewis, “Onward Christian Soldiers,” The New York Times, March 10, 1983, ProQuest Historical Newspapers New York Times ( 1851–2007), p. A27. Tom Wicker, “2 Dangerous Doctrines,” The New York Times, March 15, 1983, ProQuest Historical Newspapers New York Times (1851–2007), p. A25. Arthur Schlesinger, “Pretension in the Presidential Pulpit,” The Wall Street Journal, March 17, 1983. Schesinger’s editorial and other press clippings—both positive and negative—about the “Evil Empire” speech are found in WHSOF, Anthony R. Dolan Files, Series I: Speech drafts 1981–1989, Box 19, Folder: National Association of Evangelicals (1), RRL. 74. “Meeting with Jerry Falwell,” March 15, 1983, WHSOF, Presidential Briefing Papers, Box 27, Folder: 03/15/1983 (127515), RRL. Other religious groups, including the International Council of Christian Churches also opposed the Catholic Bishops. For example, see Letter to Ronald Reagan from Carl McIntire, May 6, 1983, WHORM Subject File, RM 031, Box 6, Folder: 125000–232368, RRL. 75. David S. Meyer shows that the nuclear movement was short lived, due in part to SDI. “Star Wars allowed the president to alter the terms of the nuclear debate. Effectively, SDI put the movement in the position of defending the status quo it had decried as terrifying and immoral.” Meyers, A Winter of Discontent, p. 271. The effect of the Pastoral Letter on Catholics was also short lived. See Wald, “Religious Elites,” pp. 112–143. 76. Bishops letter, “The Challenge of Peace,” p. 3. 77. Ronald Reagan Press Conference, October 2, 1981, Public Papers 1981 pp. 878–879. A summary of the history of this issue is in David C. Morrison, “ICBM Vulnerability,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (November 1984): pp. 22–29. 78. Memorandum to Ronald Reagan from Kenneth M. Duberstein, November 12, 1982, WHORM Subject File, ND 018, Box 7, Folder: 108251–109975, RRL. 79. Letter to Speaker Thomas P. O’Neill, Jr., from Ronald Reagan, November 22, 1982, WHORM Subject File, ND 018, Box 7, Folder; 110908–111174, RRL. 80. The Schedule of President Ronald Reagan, December 22, 1982, WHSOF, Presidential Briefing Papers: Records, Box 24, Folder: 12/22/1982, 115122, RRL. The Schedule of President Ronald Reagan, February 11, 1983, WHSOF, Presidential Briefing Papers: Records, Box 26, Folder: 2/11/1983, 121700, RRL. 81. Robert C. McFarlane and Zofia Smardz, Special Trust (New York: Caddell & Davies, 1994), pp. 226–230. 82. Memorandum to Ronald Reagan from William P. Clark, February 7, 1983, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC: Agency Files; Records, RAC Box 4, Box 2, Folder: Joint Chiefs of Staff 12/6/82–2/7/83, RRL. 83. McFarlane, Special Trust, pp. 228–230. 84. Baucom, The Origins of SDI, p. 149. See also, Daniel O. Graham, High Frontier: There is a Defense Against Nuclear War (New York: Tor Books, 1983). 85. Memorandum to Ed Meese from Jay Keyworth (undated), WHORM Subject File, ND 018, Box 8, Folder: 116000–116499, RRL. See also, Memorandum to William P. Notes 243

Clark from Horace L. Russell, December 17, 1982, WHORM Subject File, ND 018, Box 8, Folder; 120100–120999, RRL. 86. Ibid. On the meeting, see, “Meeting with Karl Bendetsen Agenda,” January 8, 1982, WHSOF, Presidential Briefing Papers, Box 12, Folder: 01/08/1982 Casefile 056747, RRL 87. Memorandum to William P. Clark from Ray Pollock, November 29, 1982, WHORM Subject File, ND 018, Box 8, Folder: 119150–120099, RRL. 88. Letter to Joseph Coors from Daniel Graham, January 5, 1984, WHORM Subject File, ND 018, Box 16, Folder: 194400–194999, RRL. 89. Memorandum for Robert C. McFarlane from Gilbert D. Rye, March 1, 1984, WHORM Subject File, FG 006–12, Box 6, Folder: 218000–218999, RRL. 90. Letter to Ronald Reagan from , July 23, 1982, WHSOF, George Keyworth Files, RAC Box 16, Box 15, Folder: Teller, Edward 1981/1982, RRL. 91. Memorandum to W.P. Clark from Jay Keyworth, July 29, 1982, WHSOF, George Keyworth Files, RAC Box 16, Box 15, Folder: Teller, Edward 1981/1982, RRL. 92. Reagan’s margin notes to Judge Clark on Keyworth’s memorandum to Ronald Reagan, July 29, 1982, WHSOF, George Keyworth Files, RAC Box 16, Box 15, Folder: Teller, Edward 1986, RRL. 93. Schedule Outline for Teller/Reagan meeting, August 9, 1982, WHSOF, George Keyworth Files, RAC Box 16, Box 15, Folder: Teller, Edward 1981/1982, RRL. 94. See Edward Teller, “Reagan’s Courage,” and Richard L. Garwin, “Reagan’s Riskiness,” in The New York Times, March 30, 1983, ProQuest Historical Newspapers, p. A31. 95. “Fact Sheet on Involvement of Edward Teller with President’s March 23 Speech on Strategic Defense,” Executive Office of the President, Office of Science and Technology Policy, May 3, 1983, WHSOF, George Keyworth Files, RAC Box 16, Box 15, Folder: Teller, Edward 1983 (3), RRL. 96. Letter to Ronald Reagan from Hans A. Bethe, March 29, 1983, WHSOF, George Keyworth Files, RAC Box 14, Box 11, Folder: SDI—1983 (1/3), RRL. 97. “Space-Based Missile Defense,” a report by the Union of Concerned Scientists, March 1984, WHSOF, George Keyworth Files, RAC Box 14, Box 11, Folder: SDI—March 1984, RRL. The scientific debate about SDI went on for several months during 1983 and 1984. See: Charles Mohr, “Reagan Is Urged to Increase Research on Exotic Defenses Against Missiles,” The New York Times, November 5, 1983, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851–2007), p. 32; Charles Mohr, “Study Assails Idea of Missile Defense,” The New York Times, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851–2007), p. A11; and, Wayne Biddle, “Study Challenges Space Laser Plan,” The New York Times, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851–2007), p. A15. 98. Ronald Reagan Press Conference on Domestic and Foreign Policy Issues, March 29, 1983, Public Papers 1983, p. 466. 99. Lance Gay, “U.S. Speeds Up ‘Star Wars’ Laser Plan,” Pittsburgh Press, September 29, 1982, in WHSOF, George Keyworth Files, RAC Box 16, Box 15, Folder: Teller, Edward 1981/1982, RRL. 244 Notes

100. Donald R. Baucom, “Hail to the Chiefs: The Untold History of Reagan’s SDI Decision,” Policy Review (Summer 1990), p. 70. 101. Ronald Reagan State of the Union Address, January 25, 1983, Public Papers 1983, p. 104. 102. Decision Making Information Report, December 1983, WHSOF, Bruce Chapman Files, Box 30, Folder: Decision Making Information Report, December 1983, RRL. 103. “Our Future Course in the Intermediate Nuclear Force Negotiations,” WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC: NSPG Files, Box 1, Folder: NSPG0049 10 Jan 1983 [U.S.-Soviet Relations] (2/2), RRL. 104. Memorandum to Ronald Reagan from William P. Clark, February 4, 1983, WHSOF, Robert C. McFarlane Files, Box 5, Folder: Sensitive Chron File [01/07/1983–03/02/1983], RRL. 105. Memorandum to Edwin Meese III, James A. Baker III, and Michael Deaver from Richard B. Wirthlin, July 8, 1983, WHSOF, Michael K. Deaver Files, Series VI: Political Material, Box 23, Folder: Dick Wirthlin [1983–1984] (3), RRL. 106. In an interview with Morton Kondracke and Richard H. Smith of Newsweek on March 4, 1985, Reagan took complete credit and responsibility for the birth of SDI as something he thought of himself and challenged the Joint Chiefs to explore. See Reagan speech archives at Ronald Reagan Presidential Library online, http: //www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1985/30485i.htm. Similarly, Shultz credits SDI exclusively to Reagan: “The truth of SDI’s origin was simple: the vision came from Ronald Reagan.” Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, p. 261. 107. McFarlane, Special Trust, p. 230. 108. On Shultz’s and Weinberger’s reactions, see McFarlane, Special Trust, pp. 232–233; and Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, p. 249–250. Secretary of Defense Weinberger was hesitant to support SDI in the initial meetings with the Joint Chiefs but allowed them to make their case. He would later become an ardent supporter of SDI. See Caspar W. Weinberger, “U.S. Defense Strategy,” Foreign Affairs vol. 64, no.4 (Spring 1986): pp. 675–697 and Caspar W. Weinberger, “Why Offense Needs Defense,” Foreign Policy, no. 68 (October 1, 1987): pp. 3–18. Leslie Gelb wrote in The New York Times that “several White House and Pentagon aides suggested that the idea had not been carefully studied.” Leslie H. Gelb, “Aides Urged Reagan to Postpone Antimissile Ideas for More Study,” The New York Times, March 25, 1983, New York Times archive, www.nytimes.com. 109. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, p. 246.

9 The Strategic Defense Initiative and US–Soviet Relations: 1983–1987

1. Notable studies of Reagan’s foreign policy and US–Soviet relations include: Don Oberdorfer, The Turn: From the Cold War to a New Era (New York: Touchstone Notes 245

Books, 1992); Raymond L. Garthoff, The Great Transition: American-Soviet Relations and the End of the Cold War (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1994); Coral Bell, The Reagan Paradox: American Foreign Policy in the 1980s (New Brunswick: Press, 1989); Beth A. Fischer, The Reagan Reversal: Foreign Policy and the End of the Cold War (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1997); James Mann, The Rebellion of Ronald Reagan: A History of the End of the Cold War (New York: Penguin Books, 2010); Jack F. Matlock, Jr., Reagan and Gorbachev: How the Cold War Ended (New York: Random House, 2005); and Richard Dean Burns, Norman A. Graebner, and Joseph M. Siracusa, Reagan, Bush, Gorbachev: Revisiting the End of the Cold War (Westport, CT: Praeger Security International, 2008). 2. Robert C. McFarlane, and Zofia Smardz,Special Trust (New York: Cadell & Davies, 1994), p. 231. 3. Ronald Reagan Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security, March 23, 1983, Public Papers of the Presidents: Reagan 1983 (Washington, DC: United States Printing Office, 1984), pp. 437–443. For Reagan’s visual aids used during the address, see WHSOF, John Poindexter Subject Files, Box 11, Folder: Strategic Defense [Speech March 1983] (2/3), RRL. 4. John F. Burns, “Andropov Says U.S. is Spurring a Race in Strategic Arms,” The New York Times, March 27, 1983, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times, p. 1. 5. Memorandum to Director of Central Intelligence and Deputy Director of Central Intelligence from Assistant National Intelligence Officer for USSR-EE, May 23, 1983, WHSOF, Jack F. Matlock, Jr., Series II: USSR Subject File, Box 20, Folder: Andropov (5), RRL. 6. After Reagan’s speech on SDI, polls continued to show American’s concerns for his handling of foreign policy. A Louis Harris poll released in early April 1983 showed “60% of Americans give Reagan a negative rating for his overall handling of foreign policy.” Several Congressmen thought the speech may have backfired in its attempt to generate support for both Reagan’s defense budget and his new strategic defense initiative. See Lou Cannon and Margot Hornblower, “Reagan Defense Push May Backfire,” The Washington Post, April 7, 1983, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post, pp. A1, A18. Among Allies, the only strong supporter of SDI was Britain’s Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. See Margaret Thatcher,The Downing Street Years (London: HarperCollins, 1995), pp. 450, 463–464, 466. 7. Secretary Shultz statement before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, June 15, 1983, Department of State Bulletin, July 1983, pp. 65–72, Boston Public Library, http://www.archive.org/details/departmentofstatb1983unit. 8. Peter J. Westwick, “‘Space-Strike Weapons’ and the Soviet Response to SDI,” Diplomatic History 32, no. 5 (November 2008): p. 956. 9. Memorandum to Ronald Reagan from George P. Shultz, August 29, 1983, Executive Secretariat NSC—Head of State: Records, Box 38, Folder: General Secretary Andropov, 8290913, 8391028, 8391032, 8391507, 8490115, RRL. 246 Notes

10. For a comprehensive study on KAL 007, see Seymour M. Hersh, The Target Is Destroyed: What Really Happened To Flight 007 And What America Knew About It (New York: Random House, 1986). 11. Anatoly Dobrynin, In Confidence (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1995), p. 537. 12. Andropov Statement on U.S. Policy, KAL, INF Talks, Pravda, September 29, 1983, Jack F. Matlock, Jr.: Files, Series II: USSR Subject File, Box 20, Folder; Andropov (4), RRL. 13. Ronald Reagan Statement on the Soviet Attack on a Korean Civilian Airliner, September 1, 1983, and Ronald Reagan Address to the Nation on the Soviet Attack on a Korean Civilian Airliner, September 5, 1983, Public Papers 1983, pp. 1221, 1227, 1229. Details of his return to Washington and reference to the NSC meeting are in Ronald Reagan, The Reagan Diaries, Douglas Brinkley (ed.) (New York: Harpers, 2009), p. 259. 14. The “Shadow of Flight 007” was blamed for “overshadow[ing] all other issues in the United States-Soviet relationship” in Bernard Gwertzman, “U.S. Says Russians Rejected Appeal,” September 3, 1983, The New York Times, New York Times archive, www.nytimes.com. To Reagan’s benefit, the downing of KAL007 also helped diminish the nuclear freeze movement, which was in its waning days. See Martin Tolchin, “Senators Reject Freeze Proposal,” September 21, 1983, The New York Times, New York Times archive, www.nytimes.com. 15. Benjamin B. Fischer, “A Cold War Conundrum: The 1983 Soviet War Scare,”Central Intelligence Agency, p. 16–17, https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of- intelligence/csi-publications/books-and-monographs/a-cold-war-conundrum/ source.htm. 16. Christopher Andrew and Oleg Gordievsky, KGB: The Inside Story of Its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), p. 605. 17. Fischer, “A Cold War Conundrum,” p. 9. 18. Staff, “Men of the Year: Ronald Reagan and Yuri Andropov,” January 2, 1984, TIME, www.time.com. 19. Ibid. 20. Oberdorfer, The Turn, p. 67. 21. Reagan, Reagan Diaries, p. 273. 22. See: Memorandum to Edwin Meese III, James A. Baker III, and Michael K. Deaver, from Richard B. Wirthlin, September 2, 1983, WHSOF, Michael K. Deaver Files, Series VI: Political Material, Box 23, Folder: Dick Wirthlin [1983–1984] (1), RRL. “Decision Making Information Report,” December 1983, WHSOF, Bruce Chapman Files, Box 30, Folder: Decision Making Information December 1983, RRL. 23. Caspar Weinberger credits Nancy Reagan with moving Reagan in this direction in Interview of Caspar Weinberger, November 19, 2002, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” Miller Center of Public Affairs, p. 33, http://millercenter. org/president/reagan/oralhistory. Nancy Reagan also recalls she pushed “Ronnie to meet with Gorbachev” to thwart members of the Administration who “did Notes 247

not favor any talks.” Nancy Reagan, My Turn (New York: Random House, 1989), p. 289. 24. Reagan, Diaries, p. 305. NSDDs related to SDI include #85 “Eliminating the Threat of Ballistic Missiles,” #119 “Strategic Defense Initiative,” #172 “Presenting the Strategic Defense Initiative,” and #192 “The ABM Treaty and the SDI Program.” For a compilation see memorandum to Dr. McTague from Lt. Col. Bailey, January 24, 1986, WHSOF, George Keyworth, RAC Box 15, Box 14, Folder: SDI 1/1/86–2/5/86, RRL. 25. George Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1993), p. 465. 26. Ronald Reagan “Address to the Nation and Other Countries on United States- Soviet Relations,” January 16, 1984, Public Papers of the Presidents: Reagan 1984, Book I (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1985), pp. 40–44. 27. Martin Walker, The Walking Giant: The Soviet Union Under Gorbachev (London: Abacus, 1986), p. 24. 28. In his State of the Union Address on January 25, 1984, Reagan declared “America is back, standing tall, looking to the eighties with courage, confidence, and hope.” Ronald Reagan State of the Union Address, January 25, 1984, Public Papers 1984, p. 87. Richard Wirthlin’s Tracking Polls and Reports showed Reagan was never seriously challenged in 1984. His closest rival in the polls in the spring was Senator who then lost to former Vice President Fritz Mondale. By the fall, Reagan had job approval ratings in the mid-60s with 57 percent of the electorate believing the country was going in the “right direction.” Decision Making Information Reports and “Flash Tracking” in WHSOF, Michael K. Deaver Files, Series VI: Political Materials, Box 23, Folder: Dick Wirthlin [1984–1985] (1), and David Chew Files, Box 1–3, RRL. 29. Letter to Konstantin Chernenko from Ronald Reagan, February 11, 1984, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Head of State; Records, Box 39, Folder: General Secretary Chernenko 8401238, RRL. 30. Letter to Ronald Reagan from Konstantin Chernenko, March 19, 1984, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Head of State; Records, Box 39, Folder: General Secretary Chernenko 8401238, RRL. Letter to Ronald Reagan from Konstantin Chernenko, June 6, 1984, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Head of State; Records, Box 39, Folder: General Secretary Chernenko 8490695 (1/2), RRL. Shultz advised Reagan “these communications basically contain nothing new, and confirm my impression that the Soviets are currently uncertain about how to handle us.” Shultz further suggested that the enthusiasm they were hearing about negotiating from Dobrynin was overstated, “there may be some daylight between him and Moscow,” and that Chernenko was, in effect, “hibernating.” See Memorandum to Ronald Reagan from George P. Shultz, June 14, 1984, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Head of State; Records, Box 39, Folder: General Secretary Chernenko 8490695 (1/2), RRL. 31. Letter to Konstantin Chernenko from Ronald Reagan, April 16, 1984, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Head of State; Records, Box 39, Folder: General Secretary Chernenko 8490448, 8490546, RRL. 248 Notes

32. Anatoly Dobrynin called this paradox of Ronald Reagan “was a problem of almost mathematical complexity . . . the apparent incompatibility of the hostile policies he proclaimed toward the Soviet Union with some things he did or said in his private conversations with Soviet leaders and me.” Dobrynin, In Confidence, p. 607. 33. Letter to Ronald Reagan from Konstantin Chernenko, July 7, 1984, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Head of State; Records, Box 39, Folder: General Secretary Chernenko 8490757, 8490769, 8490793, RRL. 34. Kevin Lewis and Benjamin Lambeth, “The Kremlin and SDI,” Foreign Affairs 66, no. 4 (April 1, 1988): pp. 758, 770. 35. Westwick, “Space Strike Weapons,” p. 957. See also Stephen M. Meyer, “Soviet Strategic Programs and U.S. SDI,” Survival 27, no. 6 (1985): pp. 274–292. The same claim is made in Lewis and Lambeth, “The Kremlin and SDI,” p. 759. 36. Walker, The Walking Giant, p. 121. 37. See Westwick, “Space Strike Weapons,” pp. 956–957. Gorbachev was arguably the first Soviet leader to grasp the onset of the information age and the importance of developing information or intelligence-based technologies. See also Walter LaFeber, “Presidential Address: Technology and U.S. Foreign Relations,” Diplomatic History 24, no. 1 (Winter 2000): p. 16. George Shultz later claimed that the Soviets “feared that we were further along technically than we actually were.” Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, p. 770. Kenneth Adelman, Reagan’s Director of the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency also claimed SDI was “technology they [the Soviets] could not keep up with.” Interview of Kenneth Adelman, September 30, 2003, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” Miller Center of Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/president/ reagan/oralhistory, p. 60. 38. Lambeth and Lewis, “The Kremlin and SDI,” pp. 756–757. For further discussion of the suspicions of Soviet Military leaders of SDI see Westwick, “Space Strike Weapons,” pp. 962–965; and William C. Wohlworth (ed.), Witness to the End of the Cold War (Baltimore, MD: Press, 1996), p. 128. 39. Anatoly Dobrynin recalled that Soviet leaders dismissed “information or assurances about [Reagan’s] intentions to improve relations.” They were interpreted as ‘deceptive and exclusively designed for propaganda purposes.’ Dobrynin also argues that SDI had only marginal impact on Soviet economic problems that “were the result of our own internal contradictions of autarky, low investment, and lack of innovation.” Dobrynin, In Confidence, pp. 607, 611. 40. McGeorge Bundy, George F. Kennan, Robert S. McNamara, and Gerard Smith, “The President’s Choice: Star Wars or Arms Control,” Foreign Affairs 63, no. 2 (December 1, 1984): pp. 269, 274. 41. House Joint Resolution 531, March 28, 1984, WHSOF Executive Secretariat NSC, Subject File, Box 19, Folder: Strategic Defense Initiative 6/16/1984–7/31/1984, RRL. 42. Exhibits to memorandum to Robert McFarlane from Robert Linhard, November 1, 1984, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Subject File, Box 19, Folder: 08/01/1984–11/14/1984, RRL. Notes 249

43. Exhibits to memorandum to Robert McFarlane from Robert Linhard, December 1, 1984, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Subject File, Box 19, Folder; Strategic Defense Initiative, 12/01/1984 (1/4), RRL. 44. Minutes of NSPG Meeting, November 30, 1984, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Meeting Files, NSPG, Box 3, Folder: NSPG 0100 30 Nov 1984 [Arms Control], RRL. 45. Minutes of NSPG Meeting, December 5, 1984, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Meeting Files, NSPG, Box 3, Folder: NSPG 0101 5 Dec 1984 [Arms Control], RRL. 46. See minutes of NSPG meeting, December 10, 1984, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Meeting Files, NSPG, Box 3, Folder; NSPG 0102 10 Dec 1984 [Arms Control] (1/2), RRL; and, “Talking Points for Mr. McFarlane,” NSPG meeting, December 10, 1984, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Meeting Files, NSPG, Box 3, Folder; NSPG 0102 10 Dec 1984 [Arms Control] (2/2), RRL. Also at this time, some members of the Administration began to express (albeit anonymously) that SDI might be traded with the Soviets for concessions in arms reductions. See Lou Cannon, “U.S. Might Trade Off ‘Star Wars’ Defense, Administration Hints,” The Washington Post, December 21, 1984, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post (1877–1994), p. A9. Prior to the Summit in Geneva, similar claims surfaced. See Don Oberdorfer and David Hoffman, “‘Star Wars’ Eyed as Bargaining Chip,” The Washington Post, September 15, 1985, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post (1877–1994), p. A1. 47. “The President’s Strategic Defense Initiative,” January 1985, WHSOF, Robert E. Linhard Files, Box 92167, Box 4, Folder: SDI-Allied Cooperation January–May 1985, (1/3), RRL. Many politicians and members of the security community had routinely asserted this contention since the ABM Treaty had been signed in 1972. Evidence to support the contention was, however, not provided in the assertion made in the “SDI Bible.” 48. Memorandum for the Senior Arms Control Group, March 28, 1985, WHSOF, Robert E. Linhard Files, Box 92083, Box 2, Folder: SDI-NSDD 172 Prep April 1985, Offensive-Defensive, RRL. 49. Thatcher,Downing Street Years, p. 463. 50. Ibid., p. 461. 51. Letter to Mikhail Gorbachev from Ronald Reagan, March 11, 1985, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Head of State File: Records, Box 39, Folder, General Secretary Gorbachev 8590272, 8590336, RRL. 52. Letter to Ronald Reagan from Mikhail Gorbachev, March 24, 1985, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Head of State File: Records, Box 39, Folder, General Secretary Gorbachev 8590272, 8590336, RRL. 53. Letter to Mikhail Gorbachev from Ronald Reagan, April 30, 1985, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Head of State File: Records, Box 39, Folder, General Secretary Gorbachev 8590475, RRL. 54. Letter to Ronald Reagan from Mikhail Gorbachev, June 10, 1985, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, Head of State File: Records, Box 39, Folder, General Secretary Gorbachev 8590683, 8590713, RRL. 250 Notes

55. Historian Thomas J. McCormick also makes the claim that SDI was motivated by economic aims. He called SDI “Keynesian pump-priming with a vengeance” and cites Malcolm Browne, a science editor at The New York Times, who estimated the impact on the civilian sector to be between “$20 and $25 trillion dollars” from the $1 trillion that might be spent on SDI. This claim is, however, not supported in White House documents related to the development of SDI, and an accounting of SDI in 1998 estimated $55 billion spent over 15 years. See Thomas J. McCormick, America’s Half-Century: United States Foreign Policy in the Cold War and After (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), pp. 228–230; and Stephen Schwartz in William D. Hartung, “Reagan Redux: The Enduring Myth of Star Wars,” World Policy Journal 15, no. 3 (October 1, 1998): p. 18. 56. Minutes of the Third Plenary Meeting, November 20, 1985, WHSOF, Jack Matlock, Jr. Files, Series III: U.S.–USSR Summits, Box 56, Folder; Briefing Book Ambassador Matlock (8), RRL. 57. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, p. 607. 58. Walker, The Walking Giant, p. 122. 59. Mikhail Gorbachev, Memoir (New York: Doubleday, 1995), p. 403. 60. Minutes of the NSPG Meeting, June 6, 1986, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSPG, Box 4, Folder: NSPG 0134 06/06/1986 (2), RRL. 61. Ibid. 62. John H. Cushman, Jr., “Senate Move Said to Imperil Research on Missile Defense,” May 24, 1986, The New York Times, New York Times archive, www.nytimes.com. 63. Jonathan Fuerbringer, “House, 239 to 176, Decides to Reduce ‘Star Wars’ Money,” August 13, 1986, The New York Times, New York Times archive, www.nytimes.com. 64. Ibid. 65. Phillip M. Boffey, “Obstacles Force Narrower Focus on ‘Star Wars,’” October 19, 1986, The New York Times, New York Times archive, www.nytimes.com. 66. Draft letter to Senator Sam Nunn in Memorandum to Robert Linhard from Abraham D. Soafer, February 2, 1987, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC, NSPG Files, Box 5, Folder: NSPG 0143 02/03/1987 [SDI/ABM] (3/3), RRL. 67. “Fact Sheet: The ABM Treaty and the SDI Program,” WHSOF, Robert E. Linhard Files, Box 8, Folder: Significant Arms Control Records 1981–1986 10/12/1986 (3), RRL. 68. Gorbachev provides a comprehensive review of these issues in Gorbachev, Memoirs, pp. 412–416. 69. Reagan argued the Soviets had been “violating the restraints of the treaty” for seven years and that all it had accomplished was “the legitimizing of an arms race.” Ronald Reagan Press Conference, June 11, 1986, Public Papers of the Presidents: Reagan 1986, Book I (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1988), p. 749. Reagan was criticized by members of Congress but lauded by the Committee on the Present Danger. See letters and articles in WHORM, Subject File, FO-006–03, Box 3, Folder: 405200–407999, RRL. 70. Gorbachev, Memoirs, pp. 405–406. 71. Ibid., p. 414. Notes 251

72. “Notes from the Politburo Session,” September 22, 1986, Anatoly Chernyaev, The Reykjavik File, National Security Archive, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv /NSAEBB/NSAEBB203/index.htm. 73. “Gorbachev’s Instructions to the Reykjavik Preparation Group,” Anatoly Chernyaev, October 4, 1986, The Reykjavik File, National Security Archive, http: //www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB203/index.htm. 74. “Notes from the Politburo Session,” October 8, 1986, Anatoly Chernyaev, The Reykjavik File, National Security Archive, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv /NSAEBB/NSAEBB203/index.htm. 75. NSDD 245: “Reagan-Gorbachev Preparatory Meeting,” October 7, 1986, WHSOF, Tyler Cobb Files, Box 6, Folder: Background Papers, October 10–12, 1986 Reykjavik, Iceland, RRL. 76. Memorandum to Ronald Reagan from John M. Poindexter, prepared by Jack F. Matlock, (undated), WHSOF, European Soviet Affairs Directorate NSC; Records, Box 3, Folder: Reykjavik (4), RRL. 77. Memorandum to John M. Poindexter from Steve Sestanovich, September 30, 1986, WHSOF, European Soviet Affairs Directorate NSC; Records, Box 3, Folder: Reykjavik (1), RRL. Another memorandum to Shultz from Poindexter on October 4, 1986, provides a full range of speculation about Gorbachev’s thinking prior to the meeting at Reykjavik, which underscores the fact the United States had no idea what to expect from Gorbachev. See Memorandum to George P. Shultz from John M. Poindexter, October 4, 1986, The Reykjavik File, National Security Archive, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB203/index.htm. 78. “Gorbachev’s Position on the Eve of the Summit,” October 2, 1986, WHSOF, European Soviet Affairs Directorate NSC; Records, Box 3, Folder: Reykjavik (1), RRL. 79. “Public Diplomacy Strategy for Iceland Meeting,” October 3, 1986, WHSOF, European Soviet Affairs Directorate NSC; Records, Box 3, Folder: Reykjavik (1), RRL. 80. Memorandum of Conversation, Reagan–Gorbachev Meetings in Reykjavik, October 11, 1986, Morning Meeting, The Reykjavik File, National Security Archives, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB203/index.htm. 81. Ibid. 82. Memorandum of Conversation, Reagan-Gorbachev Meetings in Reykjavik, October 11, 1986, Afternoon Meeting, The Reykjavik File, National Security Archives, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB203/index.htm. 83. Polls showed strong support for SDI among Americans, although supporters were evenly split between whether Reagan should keep SDI or trade it for substantial arms reductions. See Richard Wirthlin’s “Decision Making Information Report,” December 19, 1986, Alpha Files, David Chew Files, Box 35, Folder: Public Attitudes Towards Arms Control and the Strategic Defense Initiative January 20, 1987 (1/3). This report compiles polls on arms control and SDI from multiple sources dating from late 1985 through 1986. 84. Memorandum of Conversation, Reagan-Gorbachev Meetings in Reykjavik, October 12, 1986, Morning Meeting, The Reykjavik File, National Security Archives, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB203/index.htm. 252 Notes

85. Memorandum of Conversation, Reagan-Gorbachev Meetings in Reykjavik, October 12, 1986, Afternoon Meeting, The Reykjavik File, National Security Archives, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB203/index.htm. 86. Gorbachev news conference in Reykjavik, October 12, 1986, WHSOF: Alton Keel Files, Box 1, Folder: Post-Iceland (1/3), RRL. 87. “Gorbachev’s thoughts on Reykjavik,” Analtoly Chernyaev’s notes, October 12, 1986, The Reykjavik File, National Security Archives, http://www.gwu. edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB203/index.htm. 88. Session of the Politburo of the CC CPSU, October 14, 1986, The Reykjavik File, National Security Archives, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB /NSAEBB203/index.htm. 89. Quotes of Senator Ted Kennedy and Congressman Ed Markey in Memorandum to Senior White House Staff from , October 16, 1986, WHSOF, Alton Keel Files, Box 1, Folder: Post-Iceland, (2/3), RRL. 90. See Don Regan’s interview in The Washington Post, October 13, 1986 in WHSOF, William Graham Files, Box 1, Folder: U.S.–USSR Summit Reykjavik Oct 11–12 1986 (4), RRL. See John Poindexter’s press briefing, October 13, 1986, in WHSOF, William Graham Files, Box 1, Folder: U.S.–USSR Summit Reykjavik Oct 11–12 1986 (2), RRL. See Richard Perle’s briefing at the Pentagon, October 14, 1986, in WHSOF, William Graham Files, Box 1, Folder: U.S.–USSR Summit Reykjavik Oct 11–12 1986 (1), RRL. 91. Ronald Reagan’s remarks to Executive Branch Officers of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency and Department of State, October 14, 1986, WHSOF, William Graham Files, Box 1, Folder: U.S.–USSR Summit Reykjavik Oct 11–12 1986 (2), RRL. 92. Immediately following Reykjavik, Poindexter implored Reagan to “step back from any discussion of eliminating all nuclear weapons in 10 years.” See Memorandum to Ronald Reagan from John Poindexter, October 16, 1986, WHSOF, Alton Keel Files, Box 1, Folder: Reykjavik Briefings Memo re: Eliminating Nuclear Weapons (3/3), RRL. The Joint Chiefs met with Reagan on December 19, 1986, and expressed their strong objections of his post-Reykjavik instructions as described in NSDD 250. See JCS Meeting with the President, December 19, 1986, WHSOF, Robert Linhard Files, Box 8, Folder: JCS Response-NSDD 250, 12/19/86 (1/3), RRL. U.S.–Soviet relations and SDI put European allies in a precarious position. Gorbachev recalled Thatcher claimed “we must not allow a second Reykjavik to happen” as she feared such drastic reductions in weapons. Gorbachev, Memoirs, p. 420. A summary of the European concerns is found in Robert Kleiman, “Hostage to ‘Star Wars,’” The New York Times, February 5, 1985, ProQuest Historical Newspapers (1851–2007), p. A25. See also, William Drozdiak, “Europeans To Act Jointly On ‘Star Wars,’” The Washington Post, April 24, 1985, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post (1877–1994), p. A27. 93. Reagan’s assistant, James F. Kuhn, who accompanied him to Reykjavik, recalled that Reagan was “distraught . . . very upset, extremely, very taken aback, upset, borderline distraught” after ending the negotiations at Reykjavik. It was not until Notes 253

three hours into the flight back to Washington D.C. that Reagan told Kuhn, “I’m okay now. I gave it a lot of thought. I know I made the right decision back there. We couldn’t give up SDI, not for America’s future. I made the right decision. I wasn’t sure, but I know now that I did.” Interview of James F. Kuhn, March 7, 2003, “The Ronald Reagan Oral History Project,” The Miller Center of Public Affairs, http://millercenter.org/scripps/archive/oralhistories/reagan, pp. 46, 48. 94. See Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, pp. 770–778; McFarlane, Special Trust, p. 234; Poindexter’s memorandum to Reagan (cited immediately below); and, in reference to Paul Nitze, Strobe Talbott, The Master of the Game: Paul Nitze and the Nuclear Peace (New York: Alfred A. Knopfe, 1988), pp. 322–362. Weinberger also acknowledged SDI’s value as a negotiating tool, but like Reagan, always pushed for both development and deployment. See his comments in the NSPG meeting on February 10, 1987, on Arms Control and SDI in The Reagan Files, http://jasonebin. com/nspg143a.html. Throughout this period of US–Soviet arms negotiations there was frequent speculation that SDI would be bargained away. See Lou Cannon, “U.S. Might Trade Off ‘Star Wars’ Defense Administration Hints,”The Washington Post, December 21, 1984, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post, p. A9; and Don Oberdorfer and David Hoffman, “‘Star Wars’ Eyed as Bargaining Chip.” September 15, 1985, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post, p. A1. 95. Memorandum to Ronald Reagan from John M. Poindexter, (undated), WHSOF, Alton Keel Files, Box 1, Folder: Post Iceland (2/3), RRL. See also, Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, p. 775. 96. Minutes of the Meeting of the Senior Presidential Advisors, February 3, 1987, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat NSC: NSPG, Box 5, Folder: NSPG 0143 02/03/1987 [SDI/ABM] (2/3), RRL. According to Paul Nitze, Weinberger’s promoting the possibility of the deployment of SDI reflected his own devotion to SDI, which was surpassed only by Reagan’s. See Talbott, The Master of the Game, pp. 351–363. 97. Abraham D. Sofaer, legal adviser to the NSC, issued a memorandum to Robert Linhard on February 2, 1987, that examined the requirements to produce a “proper basis” for “implementing the ‘Broad’ view of the ABM Treaty.” It concluded it would take until late 1987 to accomplish all the legal and legislative steps to affect such a “legally correct interpretation.” See Memorandum to Robert Linhard from Abraham D. Sofaer, February 2, 1987, WHSOF, Executive Secretariat, NSC: NSPG, Box 5, Folder: NSPG 0143 02/03/1987 [SDI/ABM] (3/3), RRL. 98. NSPG meeting, Arms Control and SDI, February 10, 1987, The Reagan Files, http://jasonebin.com/nspg143a.html. 99. National Security Decision Directive 261, February 18, 1987, “Consultations on the SDI Program,” NSDD Declassified, Box 2, Folder: NSDD 261–270, RRL. Reagan had been signaling a proposed revision toward a more broad interpretation since before the summit in Geneva in 1985. See Don Oberdorfer, “White House Revises Interpretation of ABM Treaty,” The Washington Post, October 9, 1985, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post (1877–1994), p. A21. 254 Notes

100. Gorbachev, Memoirs, pp. 439, 440. Gorbachev claims this television address occurred on March 1, 1987, while Don Oberdorfer suggests it was February 28, 1987, in Oberdorfer, The Great Transition, p. 305. 101. Ibid. At the in December 1987, Gorbachev finally gave Reagan his wish on SDI. In the Cabinet Room he told Reagan, “if in the end you think you have a system you want to deploy, go ahead and deploy it.” Gorbachev in Frances FitzGerald, Way Out There In the Blue: Reagan, Star Wars and the End of the Cold War (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001), p. 436. 102. William D. Hartung, “Reagan Redux,” p. 18. See also Michael O’Hanlon, “Star Wars Strikes Back,” Foreign Affairs 78, no. 6 (November 1, 1999): pp. 68–82. 103. Ronald Reagan White House Briefing, November 23, 1987,Public Papers of the Presidents: Ronald Reagan 1987 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1989), p. 1375.

Conclusion: God Is Love, God Is Power

1. Daniel L. Schacter, Searching for Memory: The Brain, the Mind, and the Past (New York: Basic Books, 1996), p. 52. Bibliography

Archival Sources

Libraries and Collections

Carter, Jimmy. Presidential Library, Atlanta, Georgia. Administration Exit Interviews. Camp David Collection. Carter Family Papers: 1976 Campaign Files. Carter Family Papers: Jimmy Carter Speech Files. Carter/Smith Interview Collection. Chief of Staff: Hamilton Jordan Confidential Papers Hendrick Hertzberg Donated Historical Materials: Speech Notes. NSA: Brzezinski Donated Historical Material, Country Files. NSA: Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Geographic Files. NSA: Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Subject File. NSA: Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, Office Files. NSA: Brzezinski Donated Historical Materials, VIP Visit Files. NSA: Subject File, Backchannel Communications. Office of Congressional Liaison: Jeff Nuechterlein Files. Office of Public Liaison: Midge Costanza Files. Office of the Staff Secretary: Presidential Handwriting File. Panama Canal Collection. Plains Collection: Subject Files. Plains Collection: President’s Personal Foreign Affairs Files. Pre-presidential Papers: 1970 Gubernatorial Campaign Files. Pre-presidential Papers: 1976 Campaign Files. Pre-presidential Papers: 1976 Campaign Noel Sterrett Files. Pre-presidential Papers: 1976 Campaign Peter Conlon Subject Files. Pre-presidential Papers: 1976 Campaign Sam Bleicher Files. Pre-presidential Papers: 1976 Campaign Stuart Eizenstat Files. Staff Offices: Joseph Aragon Files. Staff Offices: James Fallows Files.

255 256 Bibliography

Staff Offices: Jody Powell Files. Staff Offices: Robert Lipschutz Files. Staff Offices: Speechwriters’ Chronological Files. Staff Offices: Speechwriters’ Subject Files. Susan Clough Files: Subject Files. Vertical File: Presidential Directives. White House Central File (WHCF): First Lady’s Social Office Files. WHCF: Foreign Affairs. WHCF: Human Rights. WHCF: Religious Matters. WHCF: Speeches.

Reagan, Ronald. Presidential Library, Simi Valley, California. 1980 Campaign Papers: Debate Papers. 1980 Campaign Papers: Tony Dolan Files. 1980 Campaign Papers: Hannaford California Headquarters. 1980 Campaign Papers: Ed Meese Files. 1980 Campaign Papers: Richard Wirthlin Files. European Soviet Affairs Directorate: NSC Records. Executive Secretariat NSC: Agency Files. Executive Secretariat NSC: Head of State Records. Executive Secretariat NSC: NSC Meeting Files. Executive Secretariat NSC: NSDD Files. Executive Secretariat NSC: NSPG Files. Executive Secretariat NSC: Subject Files. Governor’s Office 1967–1975: Research Files. Gubernatorial Papers 1966–1975: 1966 Campaign Files. Gubernatorial Papers 1966–1975: 1966 Subject Files. Gubernatorial Papers: 1986 Campaign Subject Files. Presidential Handwriting File: Presidential Meetings. Presidential Handwriting File: Presidential Records. Pre-presidential Papers: Speeches and Writings—Radio Broadcasts. White House Office: Intergovernmental Affairs Files. White House Office of Records Management (WHORM) Alpha Files: Lawrence W. Beilenson. WHORM Alpha Files: Douglas Coe. WHORM Alpha Files: Billy Graham. WHORM Alpha Files: Suzanne Massie. WHORM Alpha Files: Richard Vigueri WHORM Subject File: Country. WHORM Subject File: Federal Government Organizations. WHORM Subject Files: Foreign Affairs. WHORM Subject Files: National Security—Defense. WHORM Subject Files: Presidential Briefing Papers. Bibliography 257

WHORM Subject File: Public Relations. WHORM Subject File: Religious Matters. WHORM Subject File: Science. White House Staff Office Files (WHSOF): James A. Baker III. WHSOF: Frank Carlucci WHSOF: Bruce Chapman. WHSOF: David Chew. WHSOF: William P. Clark. WHSOF: Tyler Cobb. WHSOF: Michael Deaver. WHSOF: Anthony R. Dolan. WHSOF: David Gergen. WHSOF: William Graham. WHSOF: Alton Keel. WHSOF: George Keyworth. WHSOF: Sven F. Kramer. WHSOF: Robert E. Linhard. WHSOF: Jack F. Matlock. WHSOF: Robert C. McFarlane. WHSOF: Office of Speechwriting. WHSOF: John Poindexter. WHSOF: Robert Reilly. WHSOF: William H. Wright. Vertical File: Lou Cannon. Vertical File: Reagan’s Religion.

Online Archives

The American Presidency Project,http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ . State of the Union Addresses, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/sou.php#axzz1qu nz97Qi. Inaugural Addresses, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/inaugurals.php. Presidential Debates, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/debates.php. Convention Speeches, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/nomination.php. Party Platforms, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/platforms.php. Boston Public Library, http://www.bpl.org/. Department of State Bulletins, http://www.bpl.org/online/govdocs/department_of _state_bulletin.htm#1971-1980. The Jimmy Carter Library & Museum,http://www.jimmycarterlibrary.gov/ . Presidential Directives, http://www.jimmycarterlibrary.gov/documents/pddirectives /pres_directive.phtml. Presidential Review Memorandums, http://www.jimmycarterlibrary.gov/documents /prmemorandums/pres_memorandums.phtml. Central Intelligence Agency, http://www.cia.gov. 258 Bibliography

Library: Historical Collection Publications, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications /historical-collection-publications/index.html. Library: Reports, https://www.cia.gov/library/reports/index.html. The Miller Center, http://millercenter.org/. Oral Histories, http://millercenter.org//academic/oralhistory. Speech Archive, http://millercenter.org/president/speeches. National Security Archive, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/index.html. The Reykjavik File, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB203/index.htm. The Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life,http://www.pewforum.org/ . Beliefs and Practices, http://www.pewforum.org/Topics/Beliefs-and-Practices/. Demographics, http://www.pewforum.org/Topics/Demographics/. The Reagan Files,http://web.me.com/jasonebin/The-Reagan_Files NSPG Meetings, http://web.me.com/jasonebin/The_Reagan_Files/NSPG_Meetings. html. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library Online Archives, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu /archives/. The Public Papers of President Ronald W. Reagan,http://www.reagan.utexas.edu /archives/speeches/publicpapers.html.

Newspapers and Periodicals

The Atlantic Monthly (Washington, DC). The Boston Globe. The Los Angeles Times. The National Interest (Washington, DC). The New Republic (Washington, DC). Newsweek (New York). The New Yorker. The New York Review of Books. The New York Times. The New York Times Magazine. Playboy (Chicago). Pravda (Moscow). Reason Magazine (Los Angeles). Rolling Stone (New York). TIME (New York). The Wall Street Journal (New York). The Washington Post.

Edited Collections and Government Publications

Carter, Jimmy. Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Jimmy Carter. 8 vols. Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1977–1981. Carter, Jimmy. . New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2010. Bibliography 259

Reagan, Ronald. Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Ronald Reagan. 15 vols. Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1981–1989. Reagan, Ronald. The Reagan Diaries: Unabridged. Edited by Douglas Brinkley. 2 vols. New York: HarperCollins, 2009. Skinner, Kiron K., Annelise Anderson, Martin Anderson. Reagan, In His Own Hand: The Writings of Ronald Reagan that Reveal His Revolutionary Vision for America. New York: Free Press, 2001. ———. Reagan: A Life in Letters. New York: Free Press, 2004. ———. Reagan’s Path to Victory: The Shaping of Ronald Reagan’s Vision: Selected Writings. New York: Free Press, 2004.

Secondary Sources

Books and Journal Articles Agee, James, and Walker Evans. Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2001. Ahlstrom, Sydney E. A Religious History of the American People. 2nd ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004. Airoldi, Edoardo M., Stephen E. Fienberg, and Kiron K. Skinner. “Whose Ideas? Whose Words? Authorship of Ronald Reagan’s Radio Addresses.” PS: Political Science and Politics 40, no. 3 (July 1, 2007): 501–506. Alford, C. Fred. “Mastery and Retreat: Psychological Sources of the Appeal of Ronald Reagan.” Political Psychology 9, no. 4 (December 1, 1988): 571–589. Anderson, Irvine H. Biblical Interpretation and Middle East Policy: The Promised Land, America, and Israel, 1917–2002. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005. Anderson, James William. “The Methodology of Psychological Biography.” The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 11, no. 3 (January 1, 1981): 455–475. Anderson, Martin. Revolution. : Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1988. Andrew, Christopher, and Oleg Gordievsky. KGB: The Inside Story of Its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev. New York: HarperCollins, 1992. Apodaca, Clair. Understanding U.S. Human Rights Policy: A Paradoxical Legacy. London: Routledge, 2006. Appleby, Joyce, Lynn Hunt, and Margaret Jacob. Telling the Truth About History. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1995. Augelli, Enrico, and Craig Murphy. “Ideology and American Foreign Policy.” University of Colorado Ira Chernus lecture materials. www.colorado.edu/religiousstudies /chernus/4820/coldwarculture/readings/ideologyandamericanforeignpolicy.pdf. Axelrod, Robert M. Structure of Decision: The Cognitive Maps of Political Elites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976. Bacevich, Andrew J. The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism. New York: Holt Paperbacks, 2009. Balmer, Randall Herbert. God in the White House: A History: How Faith Shaped the Presidency from John F. Kennedy to George W. Bush. New York: HarperOne, 2008. 260 Bibliography

Balmer, Randall Herbert. Redeemer: The Life of Jimmy Carter. New York: Basic Books, 2014. Barber, James D. The Presidential Character: Predicting Performance in the White House. 4th ed. New York: Pearson Longman, 2008. Barnet, Richard J. Roots of War: The Men and Institutions Behind U.S. Foreign Policy. New York: Atheneum Publishers, 1972. Baucom, Donald R. “Hail to the Chiefs.” Policy Review, no. 53. (Summer 1990): 66–73. ———. The Origins of SDI, 1944–1983. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1992. Begin, Menachem. White Nights. New York: Harper & Row, 1957. Beilenson, Laurence. Survival and Peace in the Nuclear Age. Washington, DC: Regnery Gateway, 1980. Bell, Coral. The Reagan Paradox: American Foreign Policy in the 1980s. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1990. Bell, Daniel. The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties, with “The Resumption of History in the New Century.” 2nd ed. Harvard University Press, 2000. Bellah, Robert N. “Civil Religion in America.” Daedalus 96 (1967): 1–21. Bercovitch, Sacvan. The Puritan Origins of the American Self. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1977. Berge, William H. “Voices for Imperialism: Josiah Strong and the Protestant Clergy.” Border States: Journal of the Kentucky-Tennessee American Studies Association (1973). http://spider.georgetowncollege.edu/htallant/border/bs1/berge.htm. Berggren, Jason D., and Rae, Nicol C. “Jimmy Carter and George W. Bush: Faith, Foreign Policy, and an Evangelical Presidential Style.” Presidential Studies Quarterly 36, no. 4 (2006): 606–632. Bloomfield, Lincoln P. “From Ideology to Program to Policy: Tracking the Carter Human Rights Policy.” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 2, no. 1 (Autumn 1982): 1–12. Blumenthal, Sidney. The Rise of the Counter-Establishment: The Conservative Ascent to Political Power. New York: Union Square Press, 2008. Booth, Ken, and Phil Williams. “Fact and Fiction in U.S. Foreign Policy: Reagan’s Myths About Détente.” World Policy Journal 2, no. 3 (July 1, 1985): 501–532. Bourne, Peter G. Jimmy Carter: A Comprehensive Biography from Plains to Post-Presidency. New York: Scribner, 1997. Brands, H. W. “The Age of Vulnerability: Eisenhower and the National Insecurity State.” The American Historical Review 94, no. 4 (October 1989): 963–989. ———. What America Owes the World: The Struggle for the Soul of Foreign Policy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Breyman, Steve. Why Movements Matter: The West German Peace Movement and U.S. Arms Control Policy. Albany: SUNY Press, 2001. Brinkley, Douglas G. The Unfinished Presidency: Jimmy Carter’s Journey Beyond the White House. New York: Penguin, 1999. Brown, Delwin. What Does a Progressive Christian Believe? A Guide for the Searching, the Open, and the Curious. New York: Church Publishing, Inc., 2008. Bibliography 261

Brown, Harold. Thinking About National Security: Defense and Foreign Policy in a Dangerous World. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983. Brzezinski, Zbigniew. “America in a Hostile World.” Foreign Policy, no. 23 (Summer 1976): 65–96. ———. Between Two Ages. New York: Penguin, 1976. ———. “The New Dimensions of Human Rights.” Lecture presented at the Morgenthau Memorial Lecture on Ethics and Foreign Policy, New York, NY, April 6, 1995. ———. Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Advisor 1977–1981. New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1983. ———. “Recognizing the Crisis.” Foreign Policy, no. 17 (Winter 1975–1974): 63–74. Bundy, McGeorge, George F. Kennan, Robert S. McNamara, and Gerard Smith. “The President’s Choice: Star Wars or Arms Control.” Foreign Affairs 63, no. 2 (December 1, 1984): 264–278. Burns, Richard Dean, Norman A. Graebner, and Joseph M. Siracusa. Reagan, Bush, Gorbachev: Revisiting the End of the Cold War. Westport, CT: Praeger Security International, 2008. Busch, Andrew E. “Ronald Reagan and the Defeat of the Soviet Empire.” Presidential Studies Quarterly 27, no. 3 (July 1, 1997): 451–466. Cannon, Lou. President Reagan The Role of a Lifetime. New York: PublicAffairs, 2000. Carter, Jimmy. A Government As Good As Its People. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1996. ———. An Hour Before Daylight: Memoirs of a Rural Boyhood. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001. ———. Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1995. ———. Living Faith. New York: Three Rivers Press, 1998. ———. Our Endangered Values: America’s Moral Crisis. 2nd ed. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005. ———. Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006. ———. The Blood of Abraham: Insights into the Middle East. 3rd ed. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2007. ———. Why Not the Best? Nashville, TN: Broadman Books, 1975. Carter, Rosalynn. First Lady from Plains. 2nd ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1984. Casey, Michael W. “‘Come Let Us Reason Together’: The Heritage of the Churches of Christ as a Source for Rhetorical Invention.” Rhetoric & Public Affairs 7, no. 4 (2004): 487–498. Chambers, Whittaker. Witness. Washington: Regnery Press, 1987. Chappell, David L. A Stone of Hope. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004. Chernoff, Fred. “Ending the Cold War: The Soviet Retreat and the US Military Buildup.” International Affairs 67, no. 1 (January 1991): 111–126. Chernus, Ira. Apocalypse Management: Eisenhower and the Discourse of National Insecurity. Palo Alto, CA: Press, 2008. 262 Bibliography

Chernus, Ira. Monsters to Destroy: The Neoconservative War on Terror and Sin. Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2006. Cherry, Conrad, ed. God’s New Israel: Religious Interpretations of American Destiny. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998. Church, F. Forrester. So Help Me God: The Founding Fathers and the First Great Battle Over Church and State. Orlando, FL: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2007. Clark, Victoria. Allies for Armageddon: The Rise of Christian Zionism. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007. Cohen, Warren I. The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations: America in the Age of Soviet Power, 1945–1991. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Cox, Harvey G. “The ‘New Breed’ in American Churches: Sources of Social Activism in American Religion.” Daedalus 96, no. 1 (Winter 1967): 135–150. Cox, Robert G. “Choices for Partnership or Bloodshed in Panama.” In The Americas in a Changing World, 132–155. New York: Quadrangle, 1975. Crawford, Alan. Thunder on the Right. New York: Pantheon Books, 1980. Dallek, Robert. “National Mood and American Foreign Policy: A Suggestive Essay.” American Quarterly 34, no. 4 (Autumn 1982): 339–361. ———. Ronald Reagan: The Politics of Symbolism. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999. Danielson, Leilah. “Christianity, Dissent, and the Cold War: A. J. Muste’s Challenge to Realism and U.S. Empire.” Diplomatic History 30, no. 4 (2006): 645–669. Davis, Patti. The Way I See It: An Autobiography. New York: Putnam Adult, 1992. Dayan, Moshe. Breakthrough: A Personal Account of the Egypt-Israel Peace Negotiations. New York: Random House, 1981. Deaver, Michael K. A Different Drummer: My Thirty Years with Ronald Reagan. New York: Perennial, 2003. Demme, Jonathan. Jimmy Carter Man from Plains. DVD. Los Angeles: Sony Pictures, 2008. Derian, Patricia M. “Human Rights and American Foreign Policy.” Universal Human Rights 1, no. 1 (March 1979): 3–9. Destler, I. M., Leslie H. Gelb, and Anthony Lake. Our Own Worst Enemy: The Unmaking of American Foreign Policy. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1985. Diamond, Edwin, and Bruce Mazlish. Jimmy Carter: A Character Portrait. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1980. DiCicco, Jonathan M. “Fear, Loathing, and Cracks in Reagan’s Mirror Images: Able Archer 83 and an American First Step Toward Rapprochement in the Cold War.” Foreign Policy Analysis 7, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 253–274. Diggins, John Patrick. Ronald Reagan: Fate, Freedom, and the Making of History. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2008. Di Nunzio, Mario R., ed. Woodrow Wilson. New York: New York University Press, 2006. Dionne, E. J. Jr., Jean Bethke Elshtain, and Kayla M. Grogosz, eds. “Liberty and Power: A Dialogue on Religion and US Foreign Policy in an Unjust World.” The PEW Forum on Religion and Public Life (October 15, 2004). Director of Central Intelligence. “Possible Soviet Responses to the US Strategic Defense Initiative.” CIA Historical Documents, September 13, 1983. NIC M 83–10017. Bibliography 263

Federation of American Scientists. http://www.fas.org/spp/starwars/offdocs /m8310017.htm Dobrynin, Anatoly. In Confidence: Moscow’s Ambassador to Six Cold War Presidents. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1995. Dobson, Alan P. “The Reagan Administration, Economic Warfare, and Starting to Close Down the Cold War.” Diplomatic History 29, no. 3 (June 1, 2005): 531–556. Domke, David, and Kevin Coe. The God Strategy: How Religion Became a Political Weapon in America. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. Dugger, Ronnie. On Reagan: The Man and His Presidency. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1983. Dumbrell, John. The Carter Presidency: A Re-Evaluation. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995. Eagleton, Terry. Ideology: An Introduction. 2nd ed. London: Verso, 2007. Early, Tracy. “The Carter Administration and Human Rights—Part I: A Crusade Quickly Cancelled.” Worldview Magazine 21, no. 7–8 (August 1978): 10,12. Edwards, Anne. Early Reagan: The Rise to Power. New York: William Morrow, 1990. Edwards, Mark. “‘God Has Chosen Us’: Re-Membering Christian Realism, Rescuing , and the Contest of Responsibilities During the Cold War.” Diplomatic History 33, no. 1 (2009): 67–94. Ehrman, John. The Eighties: America in the Age of Reagan. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006. Ellwood, Robert S. The Fifties Spiritual Marketplace. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997. Evans, Thomas W. The Education of Ronald Reagan: The General Electric Years and the Untold Story of His Conversion to Conservatism. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008. Falk, Richard A. “Panama Treaty Trap.” Foreign Policy, no. 30 (Spring 1978): 68–82. Farber, David, and Beth Bailey. The Columbia Guide to America in the 1960s. New York: Columbia University Press, 2001. Farnham, Barbara. “Reagan and the Gorbachev Revolution: Perceiving the End of Threat.” Political Science Quarterly 116, no. 2 (Summer 2001): 225–252. Findlay, James F. “Religion and Politics in the Sixties: The Churches and the Civil Rights Act of 1964.” The Journal of American History 77, no. 1 (June 1990): 66–92. Fischer, Benjamin B. “A Cold War Conundrum: The 1983 Soviet War Scare.” CIA Historical Document, March 17, 2007. https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/books-and-monographs/a-cold-war- conundrum/source.htm#HEADING1-01. Fischer, Beth A. The Reagan Reversal: Foreign Policy and the End of the Cold War. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2000. FitzGerald, Frances. Way out There in the Blue: Reagan, Star Wars and the End of the Cold War. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001. Flint, Andrew R., and Joy Porter. “Jimmy Carter: The Re-emergence of Faith-Based Politics and the Abortion Rights Issue.” Presidential Studies Quarterly 35, no. 1 (March 2005): 28–51. Fogel, Robert William. The Fourth Great Awakening and the Future of Egalitarianism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. 264 Bibliography

Forsythe, David P. Human Rights and U.S. Foreign Policy. Talahassee: University Press of Florida, 1988. ———. “Human Rights Fifty Years After the Universal Declaration.” PS: Political Science and Politics 31, no. 3 (September 1998): 505–511. Freedman, Robert. “The Religious Right and the Carter Administration.” The Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (2005): 231–247 Gaddis, John Lewis. Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal of American National Security Policy During the Cold War. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005. ———. The United States and the End of the Cold War: Implications, Reconsiderations, Provocations. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. ———. We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. Galia, Golan. Soviet Policies in the Middle East: From World War Two to Gorbachev. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Gallup, George, Jr. The 1972–77 Gallup Poll: Public Opinion. Wilmington, DE: Scholastic Resources, 1978. ———. The 1978 Gallup Poll: Public Opinion. Wilmington, DE: Scholastic Resources, 1979. ———. The 1980 Gallup Poll: Public Opinion. Wilmington, DE: Scholastic Resources, 1981. ———. The 1981 Gallup Poll: Public Opinion. Wilmington, DE: Scholastic Resources, 1982. ———. The 1982 Gallup Poll: Public Opinion. Wilmington, DE: Scholastic Resources, 1983. ———. The 1983 Gallup Poll: Public Opinion. Wilmington, DE: Scholastic Resources, 1984. Garthoff, Raymond L.The Great Transition: American-Soviet Relations and the End of the Cold War. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1994. Gaustad, Edwin S. Historical Atlas of Religion in America. New York: Harper & Row, 1976. Gaustad, Edwin S., and Leigh Schmidt. The Religious History of America: The Heart of the American Story from Colonial Times to Today. New York: HarperOne, 2004. George, Alexander L, and Juliette L George. Presidential Personality And Performance. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998. George, Alexander L. “The ‘Operational Code’: A Neglected Approach to the Study of Political Leaders and Decision-Making.” International Studies Quarterly 13, no. 2 (June 1, 1969): 190–222. Geyelin, Philip. “The Reagan Crisis: Dreaming Impossible Dreams.”Foreign Affairs 65, no. 3 (January 1, 1986): 447–457. Geyer, Anne E., and Robert Y. Shapiro. “A Report: Human Rights.” The Public Opinion Quarterly 52, no. 3 (Autumn 1988): 386–398. Gilbert, Robert E. “Ronald Reagan’s Presidency: The Impact of an Alcoholic Parent.” Political Psychology 29, no. 5 (2008): 737–765. Bibliography 265

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“Able Archer,” 142 AWACS. See Aircraft Warning ABMs. See antiballistic missiles and Control Systems (ABMs) (AWACS) abolitionists, 14 Ayers, Lew, 95 Adams, John, 12, 15 Adelman, Kenneth, 109 Baker, James A. III, 120, 131, Afghanistan, Soviet invasion 232n92 of, 225n4 ballistic missile defense (BMD) air traffic controllers strike, 130 systems, 124, 126 Aircraft Warning and Control Bancroft, Brass, 94 Systems (AWACS), 210n26 Barber, James David, 36 alcoholism, 88–9, 93, 216n8 Barth, Karl, 31 Alger, Horatio, 159 Bastiat, Frédéric, 92 Allen, Richard, 115 Beecher, Lyman, 13 Alliance for Progress, 61 Begin, Menachem, 75, 78–83, American exceptionalism. See 85, 209n20 exceptionalism Beilenson, Laurence, 95–6, 98, Anderson, James William, 4 111–12, 126 Anderson, Martin, 127 beliefs, 165n1 Andropov, Yuri Bell, Daniel, 3, 16 Reagan, Ronald, foreign Bellah, Robert, 16 policy, 120 Bendetsen, Karl, 135 Strategic Defense Initiative Bermúdez, Francisco Morales, 68 (SDI) and, 129–30, 137, Bernardin, Joseph, 132 140–1, 143–4, 148 Bethe, Hans A., 136 antiballistic missiles (ABMs), 124 BMD systems. See ballistic ABM Treaty, 125, 127, 143, missile defense (BMD) 145–8, 152 systems Armageddon, thoughts on. See Bonhoeffer, Dietrich, 31 Reagan, Ronald born-again Christians Arms Control Information Carter, Jimmy, 5, 48, 160, Policy Group, 133 166n14, 176n35 Atlanta Constitution, 42–3 Reagan, Ronald, 122, 129, 160 authority at White House, Bourne, Peter, 26 232n94 Brands, H. W. Jr., 19

279 280 Index

Brewer, David Josiah, 15 cognetic narrative of, 25–38. See also Brezhnev, Leonid Carter, Jimmy, cognetic narrative death of, 129 of for detailed treatment human rights and, 50, 54 early life, 25–8 Panama Canal treaties and, 66 early political career, 28–38 propaganda and, 143 early presidency (1977–1978), foreign Reagan, Ronald and, 112, 115–17, policy, 47–53 119–20 foreign policy and, 44–55 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) as governor, 35–6 and, 125, 129–30 human rights mission of, 39–55. See Brown, Harold, 36, 74 also Carter, Jimmy, human rights Brown, Jerry, 45 mission of for detailed treatment Brown, Pat, 97 inaugural address (1977), 47–8, Brown, Sam, 45 186n27, 189n64 Bryan, William Jennings, 17 Interagency Group on Human Brzezinski, Zbigniew Rights and Foreign Assistance, 51 human rights and, 49–50, 53–5, on intervention, 43 193n89 just peace, pursuit of. See Carter, Middle East concerns, 73–5, 77, Jimmy, Middle East peace and 79–80 Law Day speech, 42 on morality, 190n69 losses suffered, 175n24 “New Spirit” theme and, 192n85 Meet the Press and, 40 on Palestinian homeland, 210n32 Middle East, trip to, 214n27 Panama Canal treaties and, 63, 66 Middle East peace and. See Carter, Buckley, William F., 133 Jimmy, Middle East peace and Bundy, McGeorge, 144 military build-up under, 116 Bunker, Ellsworth, 59 military service, 26, 32–4 Bush, George H. W., 115 Our Endangered Values: America’s Bush, George W., 5 Moral Crisis, 39 Bush, Vannevar, 136 overview, 1–5 Butler Act, 17–18 Panama, 54–5, 111–12. See also Carter, Byrd, Harry, 62 Jimmy, Panama Canal treaties and Plains, Georgia, 26, 32–4 Caddell, Patrick, 38, 47, 51, 77 politics, entry into, 34–8 Camp David Accords, 78–81 prepresidency, foreign policy, 44–7 Carlucci, Frank, 109 president, election as, 38 Carter, Bessie Lillian Gordy, 26, 27 presidential campaign, 5, 32, 36–8, Carter, Billy, 28 40, 43–4, 52, 77–8, 88, 187n39 Carter, James Earl, Sr., 26–8, 33 PRMs, 54 Carter, Jimmy Reagan, Ronald, comparisons, arms race and, 127 98, 100, 105, 107, 114, 159–62, baptism, 178n55 223–4n99 as born-again Christian, 5, 48, 160, on reelection, 224n1 166n14, 176n35 religion and, 22–3 Catholic vote and, 132 religiosity and, 17–18 Christian heritage and, 7–10 religious heritage, 28–32 Index 281

religious leaders and, 105 renegotiations, 197n5 religious standards of, 40–2 security arguments for, 60 SALT II, 54–5, 66, 111–12 support for, 61 on segregation, 183n3 Carter, Rosalynn, 34–5, 41, 58, 68, 83 siblings, 28 Castro, Fidel, 63 social justice and, 67 Catholic Bishops, Strategic Defense Southern populism of, 37–8 Initiative (SDI) and, 132–3, 135 state of the union address (1978), Chernenko, Konstantin, 129, 143–4, 148 53–3 Chernobyl nuclear reactor meltdown, United Nations addresses (1977), 150 48–9 Christian heritage, narrative threads United States, view of, 114 of, 7–10 , 32–4 exceptionalism, 8–9 US-Soviet relations, Strategic individualism, 8 Defense initiative and, 139 Massachusetts, 8–10 World Jewish Congress speech perfectibility, 8 (1977), 52 religious liberty, 9–10 Carter, Jimmy, cognetic narrative of, Rhode Island, 10 25–38 Christian Index, 41 early life, 25–8 Christianity, study of, 3 politics, entry into, 34–8 Christopher, Warren, 49, 50, 51 religious heritage, 28–32 Church of the Holy Trinity v. United Carter, Jimmy, Middle East peace and, States, 15 54–5, 71–85 CIA, 142, 145 Camp David Accords, 78–80 “Soviet Role in the Middle East,” 74 cognetics and pursuit of just peace, civil rights movement, religion and, 77–84 20, 22 Nile Collar Award, 83 Clark, William P., 119, 131, 136, 137 oil, concerns regarding, 73–7 Clarke, Rachel, 29 Palestinian question, 84 Cleaver, Ben, 90, 216n9 Policy Review Committee on the Cleaver, Margaret, 90, 92, 216n9 Middle East (PRCME), 79 Clergy and Laymen Concerned About public opinion, 73–7 Vietnam, 20 Soviet expansion and, 73–7 Clough, Susan, 66 Carter, Jimmy, Panama Canal treaties Coe, Douglas E., 105 and, 57–70, 79 cognetics, 87–101 arguments for, 58–65 Carter, Jimmy, cognetic narrative Canal Zone, 62, 69 of, 25–38. See also Carter, Jimmy, cognetics and, 65–9 cognetic narrative of for detailed Communist influence over Canal, treatment 199n19 Carter, Jimmy, Middle East peace Linowitz report, 63 and, 77–84 necessity of new treaty and, 198n11 definition of term, 3 opposition to, 200n30 development of cognetic public appeal for pursuit of, 59 narratives, 4 public opinion, 64–5 overview, 3–5 282 Index cognetics—Continued Egypt. See also Carter, Jimmy, Middle Panama Canal treaties, Jimmy East peace and; Middle East Carter and, 65–9 Israel, negotiations, 80–1 Reagan, Ronald. See Reagan, Ronald, Eighteenth Amendment, 18 cognetic narrative of Eisenhower, Dwight, 18, 172n85 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), Elac, John C., 64 Reagan, Ronald and, 125–8 Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 16 Cohen, Warren, 38 , 21 Cold War evangelical movement, 10–18. See also arms control negotiations, 128–9 human rights mission of Carter, human rights during, 39, 189–90n66 Jimmy religion and, 19 exceptionalism, 8–9, 16, 167n9, 177n42 Coleman, Julia, 28 Reagan, Ronald, foreign policy CONUS battalion, 63 mission and, 107–11, 237n27 convictions, 165n1 Cooke, Terence J., 105, 116 Fallows, James, 197m4 Coolidge, Calvin, 89 Falwell, Jerry, 22, 133 Coors, Joseph, 135 Faulkner, Dick, 92 Cordiner, Ralph, 95 Fielding, Fred F., 105, 106 Council on Wage and Price Stability, 115 Findlay, James, 22 Cox, Robert G., 64–5, 205n73 Fitzgerald, Frances, 220n55 “Crisis of Spirit,” 40, 48, 52, 55, 57, 79, Ford, Gerald, 44–5, 57 85, 186n27, 192–3n87 foreign policy Cuban missile crisis, 144 Carter, Jimmy. See Carter, Jimmy Reagan, Ronald. See Reagan, Ronald, Darwin, Charles, 17 foreign policy mission Davis, Loyal, 96 Forsberg, Randall, 131 Davis, Nancy, 95 Fortson, Ben, 35 Deaver, Michael K., 106, 116, 120 Fundamentals pamphlet, 171n72 Democratic National Convention (1976), 45–6 Gaddis, John Lewis, 237n31 Diamond, Edwin, 26, 29, 35 Gallup, George, 196n1 Diggins, Patrick, 219n34 Gardner, Lloyd, 23 Disraeli, Benjamin, 97 Gardner, Richard, 53 Dobrynin, Anatoly, 54, 121, 130, 141, General Assembly of the Organization 248n39 of American States, 67 Dobson, Alan P., 121 General Electric (GE), 126 Dolan, Anthony R., 92, 133 Geneva Conference, 73–4, 209n19 dos Santo, Adalberto Pereire, 68 (1985), 147–8 Douglass, Frederick, 13, 14 George, Douglas, 145 Drew, Elizabeth, 51 Gettysburg Address, 14–15 Duvalier, Jean-Claude, 118 Gilbert, Robert, 89 Glad, Betty, 29 Eagleton, Terry, 3–4 Goldwater, Barry, 96, 149 Edwards, Anne, 92, 94 Gorbachev, Mikhail, 99, 129, 147–56, Edwards, Jonathan, 10–11, 13 248n37 Index 283

Gordievsky, Oleg, 142 ICBMs. See intercontinental ballistic Gordy, Jim Jack, 27 missiles (ICBMs) Gordy, Tom Watson, 26, 33 Ideology: An Introduction (Eagleton), 3 Gospel of Joh, 196n2 Ideology and US Foreign Policy (Hunt), 3 Graham, Billy, 19, 41, 105, 185n14 individualism, Christian heritage Graham, Daniel O., 135 and, 8 Great Awakening, 10–13 individuals and institutions, Great Depression, 18 distinctions, 32, 91, 117, 121, Greene, Graham, 201–2n45 178n60, 179n61 Gromyko, Andrei, 130, 146 industrialization, 15–17 INF, 146 Habib, Phillip, 74 Interagency Group on Human Rights Haig, Alexander, 115, 120, 130, 232n90 and Foreign Assistance, 51 Harpers, 105 intercontinental ballistic missiles Harwell, Jack U., 41 (ICBMs), 124, 126, 145 Hatch, Nathan O., 21 Israel. See also Carter, Jimmy, Middle Hayek, Friedrich, 92 East peace and; Middle East Hazlitt, Henry, 92 Egypt, negotiations, 80–1 Head and Heart (Wills), 3 Geneva Conference and, 73–4 Heine, Heinrich, 119 as homeland, 78, 82 Helms, Jesse, 62 Jewish American view of, 72, 76, 78 Herberg, Will, 19 Six Day War, 72 High Frontier Panel, 135 West Bank, annexation of, 79 Hiroshima, 124 Hiss, Alger, 98 Jackson, Henry, 44, 45 Hogan, Michael J., 65 “Jackson Amendment,” 45 House Concurrent Resolution James, William, 16, 19 No. 306, 127 Jefferson, Thomas, 11–12, 22, 40, 95, 98 House Un-American Activities Jefferson Jackson Day Dinner, 46 Committee (HUAC), 95, 98 Jewish lobby, Middle East, 71–2, 76, HSDDs, 116, 118–20 211n47 HUAC. See House Un-American Jobotinsky, Ze’ev, 82–3 Activities Committee (HUAC) Johnson, Alvin, 27, 175n17 Hughes, Thomas L., 58 Johnson, Haynes, 189n64 human rights mission of Carter, Johnson, Lyndon, 52, 72, 96, 97 Jimmy, 39–55 Johnson, William, 27 American history, human rights in, Joint House Resolution 531, 145 182–3n1 Jordan, Hamilton, 40, 66, 71, 77 early presidency (1977–1978), foreign just peace, Carter’s pursuit of in policy, 47–53 Middle East. See Carter, Jimmy, foreign policy and, 40–3, 53–5 Middle East peace and prepresidency, foreign policy, 44–7 religious standards and, 40–2 Kalb, Marvin, 109 Hume, Jack, 135 Kelly, Pete, 44 Humphrey, Hubert, 20 Kennan, George, 145 Hunt, Michael, 3–4 Kennedy, John F., 44, 52, 112, 140, 160 284 Index

Kennedy, Ted, 44, 154 McCarthy, Colman, 93 Keyworth, George, 136 McCarthy, Joseph, 132 KGB, 142 McClellan, John, 62 Kierkegaard, Soren, 31 McCormick, Thomas J., 250n55 King, Martin Luther Jr., 20, 22 McDonald, Larry, 141 King, Martin Luther Sr., 29 McDougal, Walter, 15 King Hussein, 76 McFarlane, Robert, 134, 140, 142, 149, 155 Kirbo, Charles, 37 McNamara, Robert, 124, 144–5 Kirkpatrick, Jeane J., 120 Meese, Edwin III, 120, 135 Kissinger, Henry, 54, 72–3, 125 Meet the Press, 40 Korean Airlines Flight 007, 141–2, Memorial and Remembrance 246n14 (Madison), 12 Ku Klux Klan, 172n80 Méndez, Aparicio, 61 Kuhn, James F., 106 Menges, Constantine, 120 Kvitsinsky, Yuli, 142 Middle East Carter, Jimmy and, 54–5, 71–85. See Lacorne, Denis, 7 also Carter, Jimmy, Middle East Lahr, Angela M., 19 peace and for detailed treatment Lance, Bert, 33–6 Jewish lobby, 71–2, 76, 211n47 Law Day speech, 42 Yom Kippur War, 72, 76 Laxalt, Paul, 100, 107 Mises, Ludwig von, 92 League of Nations, 17 missionaries, 171n63 Lear, Norman, 105, 226n19 Model of Christian Charity Lewis, Flora, 120 (Winthrop), 9 Liebman, Robert, 18, 21 Moffett, George III, 206n88 Lincoln, Abraham, 14–16, 105, 235n131 Mondale, Walter, 49, 54, 72, 76, 145, Linhard, Robert, 15, 145 190n68 Linowitz, Sol M., 59–60, 62–4, 66 Monroe, James, 13 Linowitz report, 63 Monroe Doctrine, 58 Locke, John, 11 Moore, Homer, 35 Luther, Martin, 8, 31 Morris, Kenneth, 37 motion, law of, 11 MAD, 126–7, 129 Moyers, Bill, 34, 36, 192n86 Maddox, Lester, 36 Moynihan, Daniel P., 45 Maddox, Robert, 41 Muslims of Tripoli, 12, 15 Madison, James, 12, 22 MX (“Peacekeeper”) missiles, 128, 130, Marcos, Ferdinand, 118 134, 239n46 Markey, Ed, 154 Myer, Alan A., 112 Marsden, George M., 21 Martin, William, 99 Nagasaki, 124 Massachusetts, Christian heritage and, National Association of Evangelicals, 8–10 133, 241–2n73 Massachusetts Bay Colony, 8–9 National Defense Highway System, Mather, Cotton, 10 172n85 maturation of the state, 2 National Democratic Conference Mazlish, Bruce, 26, 29, 35 (Louisville, 1975), 43–5 Index 285

National Prayer Breakfast, 105 Palestinian Liberation Organization National Security Council, 71, 131 (PLO), 73–4 National Security Division Directive Palestinian question, Carter, Jimmy (NSDD), 119, 143, 156 and, 84 National Security Planning Group Palmer, Benjamin Morgan, 14 (NSPG), 145–6, 148 Panama and Panama Canal NATO, 142 Carter, Jimmy and, 54–5, 111–12. See Nazis, missile attack against London, 123 also Carter, Jimmy, Panama Canal New Christian Right, 21–2 treaties and “New Spirit” theme, 192n85 post-Vietnam era, significance of, New York Times, 52, 105, 131 198n10 Newton, Isaac, 11 prior to Carter administration, Nicholson, Arthur, 147 197–8n9 Niebuhr, Reinhold, 16, 18, 20, 31–2, Panama Canal treaties, Jimmy Carter 42, 46 and, 57–70, 79 Nile Collar Award, 83 arguments for, 58–65 Nitze, Paul, 142, 155 Canal Zone, 62, 69 Nixon, Richard, 21, 57, 96, 125 cognetics and, 65–9 Noll, Mark, 20, 21 Communist influence over Canal, nonviolence, 178n60 199n19 NORAD, 127, 237n25 Linowitz report, 63 NSC, 148, 151 necessity of new treaty and, 198n11 NSPG. See National Security Planning opposition to, 200n30 Group (NSPG) public appeal for pursuit of, 59 nuclear freeze, call for, 131, 133, 135 public opinion, 64–5 nuclear war as Armageddon, Reagan renegotiations, 197n5 and. See Reagan, Ronald security arguments for, 60 support for, 61 Oakes, John B., 118 Parks, Rosa, 20 OAPEC. See Organization of Arab Pastor, Robert, 63, 202n47 Petroleum Exporting Countries Peace in the Nuclear Age (OAPEC) (Beilenson), 126 Oberdorfer, Don, 119, 142 Peres, Shimon, 79 oil, Middle East peace and during Pérez, Carlos Andrés, 61 Jimmy Carter’s presidency, 73–7 perfectibility, Christian heritage and, 8 O’Neill, Thomas “Tip,” 147 perfectionism, 18 operation RYAN, 142 Perle, Richard, 154 Organization of Arab Petroleum Pierard, Richard, 15 Exporting Countries (OAPEC), 76 PLO. See Palestinian Liberation O’Sullivan, John, 13 Organization (PLO) Our Endangered Values: America’s Moral Poindexter, John M., 149, 154, 155 Crisis (Carter), 39 Poland, Soviet Union invasion, 116 Owen, Henry, 53 Policy Review Committee on the Middle East (PRCME), 73, 79 Pace, Steve, 33 Pope John Paul II, 105 Palestinian homeland, 76, 84, 210n32 Pope Pius XII, 117 286 Index

Powell, Jody, 40, 66, 186n33 born-again Christian, 122, 129, 160 PRCME. See Policy Review Committee Carter, Jimmy, comparison, 105, 107, on the Middle East (PRCME) 114, 159–62, 223–4n99 Presidential Succession Act of 1947, Carter, Jimmy, differences, 100 115–16 Catholic vote and, 132 Professional Air Traffic Controllers Chernenko, Konstantin and, Organization, 130 143–4, 148 Protestant reformism, 8 Christian heritage and, 7–10 psychological methodologies, 4 defense budget, 141 public opinion early career, 92–6 Carter, Jimmy, Middle East peace early life of, 87–90 and, 73–7 Gorbachev, Mikhail and, 147–56 Panama Canal treaties, Jimmy Governor of California, campaign Carter and, 64–5 for, 97, 221n73 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), human rights and, 45 245n6, 251n83 intelligence of, 220n58 Puritanism, 8–9 jobs, focus on, 129 Middle East and, 77, 85 Qadhafi, Moamar, 73 on military power, 97–8 Quandt, William B., 71, 79–80 NORAD, trip to, 127, 237n25 Quirós, Daniel Oduber, 61 nuclear freeze, call for, 131, 133, 135 overview, 1–5 Rabham, David, 35 Panama Canal treaties and, 59–60, Rabin, Yitzhak, 79, 212n54 2067n90 Rafshoon, Jerry, 192–3n87 as politician, 96–100 Rauschenbusch, Walter, 16 presidential campaign, Reagan, Jack, 87–9, 94 98–9, 110–11, 114 Reagan, Nancy, 91, 111, 120, 143, 217n10, public relations and, 154 246–7n23 religion and, 23 Reagan, Neil, 88 religiosity and, 16, 18–19, 21 Reagan, Nelle, 87–9, 91, 94, 217n14, religious heritage of, 90–2 218n15 “Religious Right” and, 99–100 Reagan, Patricia Ann, 222n84 Reykjavik summit (1986), 150–6, Reagan, Ronald, 123–38. See also 252–3nn92–3 Reagan, Ronald, cognetic SALT I, 115, 126–7, 146 narrative of; Reagan, Ronald, SALT II, 115, 150 foreign policy mission “Senior Presidential Advisors” as actor, 94–5, 110, 125 meeting (1987), 155–6 air traffic controllers strike, 130 space-based defense, 135–7 Andropov, Yuri and, 140–1, as spokesperson, 93–6 143–4, 148 as sportscaster, 93 Armageddon, thoughts on, 5, 96, State of the Union Address (1984), 100, 107, 109–10, 116, 118, 122, 247n28 128–9, 134, 142, 144, 146, 155–7, Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI). 166n14, 221n71, 228n41 See Strategic Defense Initiative assassination attempt, 115–16 (SDI) Index 287

“thousand years of darkness,” use of religiosity, 10–22 phrase, 96, 109, 117, 122, 235n131 slavery and, 14–15, 20 “Two Worlds” address, 99 utilitarian ends and, 19–20 US-Soviet relations, 139–57 Vietnam War, 20 Vietnam War and, 98, 110 Watergate, 21 Reagan, Ronald, cognetic narrative of, religiosity in America 87–101 1954–1976, 18–22 career changes, 92–100 ebb and flow of, 10–18 early career, 92–6 “Religious Right,” 99–100 early life of Reagan, 87–90 Republican National Convention religious heritage of Reagan, 90–2 (1980), 114 Reagan, Ronald, foreign policy Reston, James, 69 mission, 103–22 restraint toward individual, 1–2 Armageddon, thoughts on, 109–10, Reykjavik summit (1986), 150–6, 166n14, 221n71, 228n41 252–3nn92–3 audience acceptance of, 106–7 Rickover, Hyman, 33, 35, 161 on communism, 110 “riddle of American politics,” 169n39 early presidency, foreign policy Robertson, Pat, 22 agenda, 114–21 Rockefeller, David, 36 exceptionalism, contemplation of, Rogin, Michael, 125 107–11, 237n27 Romero, Carlos Humberto, 61 foreign policy agenda, 111–21 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 52, 94, 160 imperium, pursuit of, 107–11 Roosevelt, Theodore, 15, 51 nuclear war, thoughts on, 109 Roscho, Bernard, 65 prepresidency, foreign policy agenda, 111–14 Sadat, Anwar, 72–5, 79–80, 83, 85, religious leaders and, 105 209n21 religious permissions and standards Safire, William, 77 and, 104–7 SALT I and II on Soviet threat, 112–13 Carter, Jimmy and, 54–5, 66, 111–12 Soviet Union and, 115–22 Reagan, Ronald, 115, 118, 127, 146, 150 on Vietnam War, 110 Schacter, Daniel L., 163 Williams College address, 108 Schindler, Alexander, 76 “Reagan Revolution,” 129 Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr., 16 Reconstruction, 15 Schultz, George Red excursion, 19 Reagan, Ronald, foreign policy, 120 Reed, Thomas C., 126 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) Reformation, 13–15 and, 130, 137, 140–1, 143, 146, 148, Regan, Donald, 154 153, 155–6 religion, political sphere and, 7–23 scientific method, influence of, 2 Christian heritage, narrative threads scientists, White House briefing on of, 7–10 SDI, 136 civil rights movement, 20, 22 Scopes v. State of Tennessee, 17–18 Cold War concerns and, 19 SDI. See Strategic Defense Initiative nationalistic role of religion, 19 (SDI) New Christian Right, 21–2 segregation, 183n3 288 Index

Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 140 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), separation of church and state, 11–12, 93–4, 96, 123–38 40, 184n8 Catholic Bishops and, 132–3, 135 Shamir, Yitzhak, 93 cognetics, Reagan, Ronald and, Sharansky, Anatoly, 117, 130 125–8 Sheen, Fulton J., 19 credit taken for, 244n106 Shlaim, Avi, 82 development of, 128–37 Simons, Marlise, 63 economic claims and, 250n55 Six Day War, 72 incubation of, 128–37 slavery, religiosity and, 14–15, 20 origins of, 123–5 Smith, Gerard, 145 public opinion, 245n6, 251n83 Smith, Hedrick, 52, 69, 81 scientists, White House briefing Sofaer, Abraham, 253n97 on, 136 Sola scriptura, 8 “SDI Bible,” 145, 146 Solzhenitsyn, Alexander, 112 U.S.-Soviet Relations, 139–57. See also Southern Baptist Convention, 41 U.S.-Soviet Relations. Strategic Soviet Union Defense Initiative (SDI) and for Afghanistan, invasion of, 225n4 detailed treatment arms control negotiations, 128–31 Strong, Josiah, 15 arms race, 126. See also Strategic Strong, Robert, 55 Defense Initiative (SDI) Sunday, Billy, 17 expansion of, Middle East peace and, 73–7 Talmadge, Herman, 35 grain embargo, 115 TASS, 76 investment in military, 230n67 Teller, Edward, 135, 136 Poland, invasion of, 116 That Printer of Udell’s: A Story of the Reagan, Ronald, foreign policy Middle West, 92 mission, 115–22 Thatcher, Margaret, 147 Reagan, Ronald, on threat, 112–13 Thoreau, Henry David, 16 Space, 146 “thousand years of darkness,” use of space-based defense, 135–7 phrase, 96, 109, 117, 122, 235n131 Spann, Gloria Carter, 28 Thurmond, Strom, 62 Spencer, Stuart, 109 Tillich, Paul, 16, 31, 46 Spinoza, Baruch, 82 Time magazine, 45 Stalin, Joseph, 120 “Man of the Year,” 47 Stapleton, Ruth Carter, 26, 175n14 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 2 “Star Wars.” See Strategic Defense Tolstoy, Leo, 176n28 Initiative (SDI) Torrijos, General, 64–6 START. See Strategic Arms Reduction Tower, John, 134 Treaty (START) The Treaty Trap (Beilenson), 111–12, 126 Stevenson, Adlai, 44 Trilateral Commission, 60 Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 13 Truman, Harry, 36 Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty. See Turner, Frederick Jackson, 15, 88 SALT I and II Turner, Stansfield, 63, 74 Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty Twain, Mark, 88, 93 (START), 118, 146, 152, 156 “Two Worlds” address (Reagan), 99 Index 289

Tyng, Stephen H., 14 Warner, Harry, 94 Tyrrell, R. Emmett, Jr., 113 Watergate, 21, 57 Watkins, Jim, 134 U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Watson, Jack, 194n98 Agency, 146 WCTU. See Women’s Christian U.S. Department of Defense, 148 Temperance Movement (WCTU) U.S. Navy, 32–4 Weinberger, Caspar, 120, 136–7, 155, U.S.-Soviet Relations. Strategic 246–7n23 Defense Initiative (SDI) and, Wesley, Charles, 10 139–57 Wesley, John, 10 1983–1985, 139–57 West Bank, annexation of, 79, 81 1985–1987, 147–56 Westwick, Peter J., 141 Udall, Morris, 45 Whitefield, George, 10 Uncle Tom’s Cabin (Stowe), 13 Whitman, Walt, 16 “Union of Concerned Scientists,” 136 Williams, Roger, 9–10, 31, 40 United Nations Wills, Garry, 3, 14, 92, 93 Carter, Jimmy, addresses (1977), Wilson, William, 135 48–9 Wilson, Woodrow, 17, 36, 44, 51 Resolution 242, 72 Winthrop, John, 8–9, 93, 108 Resolution 338, 72 Wirthlin, Richard, 107, 110, 113, 131, 143, 229n57 Vance, Cyrus Women’s Christian Temperance human rights and, 49–50, 53–4 Movement (WCTU), 17 Middle East and, 73, 80 World Jewish Congress, 52, 78 Panama Canal treaties and, World War II, 18, 145 63, 66, 71 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) Vietnam War and, 124 Reagan, Ronald and, 98, 110 Wuthnow, Robert, 18, 21 religion and, 20 Wyman, Jane, 94–5 “VietNam Syndrome,” 112 Yom Kippur War, 72, 76 Walker, Martin, 143 York, Herbert F., 124 Wallace, George, 36, 45 Wallop, Malcolm, 135, 136 Zionism, 82