Dual State : Parapolitics, Carl Schmitt and the National Security Complex
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Vice Admiral Luke M. Mccollum Chief of Navy Reserve Commander, Navy Reserve Force
2/16/2017 U.S. Navy Biographies VICE ADMIRAL LUKE M. MCCOLLUM Vice Admiral Luke M. McCollum Chief of Navy Reserve Commander, Navy Reserve Force Vice Adm. Luke McCollum is a native of Stephenville, Texas, and is the son of a WWII veteran. He is a 1983 graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy and is a designated surface warfare officer. McCollum holds a Master of Science in Computer Systems Management from the University of Maryland, University College and is also a graduate of Capstone, the Armed Forces Staff College Advanced Joint Professional Military Education curriculum and the Royal Australian Naval Staff College in Sydney. At sea, McCollum served on USS Blue Ridge (LCC 19), USS Kinkaid (DD 965) and USS Valley Forge (CG 50), with deployments to the Western Pacific, Indian Ocean, Arabian Gulf and operations off South America. Ashore, he served in the Pentagon as naval aide to the 23rd chief of naval operations (CNO). In 1993 McCollum accepted a commission in the Navy Reserve where he has since served in support of Navy and joint forces worldwide. He has commanded reserve units with U.S. Fleet Forces Command, Military Sealift Command and Naval Coastal Warfare. From 2008 to 2009, he commanded Maritime Expeditionary Squadron (MSRON) 1 and Combined Task Group 56.5 in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom. He also served as the Navy Emergency Preparedness liaison officer (NEPLO) for the state of Arkansas. As a flag officer, McCollum has served as reserve deputy commander, Naval Surface Force, U.S. Pacific Fleet; vice commander, Naval Forces, Central Command, Manama, Bahrain; Reserve deputy director, Maritime Headquarters, U.S. -
Erlander Och Den Besvärliga Neutraliteten Av Bengt Gustafsson
DISKUSSION & DEBATT Erlander och den besvärliga neutraliteten av Bengt Gustafsson det som var avsikten från början med den- Gustav Möller hade han haft ansvar för na studie var att försöka fördjupa kunska- landets inre säkerhet, den svenska under- pen om det svenska flygvapnets förberedel- rättelsetjänsten i Norge samt det politiska ser för att kunna operera tillsammans med ansvaret för den militära utbildningen av främst USA:s flygvapen, det vill säga komma norska och danska värnpliktiga i Sverige, längre än Neutralitetspolitikkommissionen de så kallade ”polititropperna”. (NPK) gjorde 1994. Det skulle snart visa Det senare var ett avsteg från den då sig att jag hamnade i en annan och intres- förklarade neutraliteten. Ett annat, och ett santare frågeställning, som ansluter till av de allvarligaste avstegen, var dock att SvD-reportern Mikael Holmströms avsnitt vi 1943-45 lät brittiska och amerikanska med uttrycket Ögonaböj i en rubrik i hans bombplan flyga över Götaland på sin väg bok som kom ut förra året.1 En samman- mot sina mål i Nazityskland. Att genom- fattning av flygvapnets förberedelser för föra en annan politik i en krigssituation Natostöd fick förvisas till ett appendix. Jag än den officiellt deklarerade utrikespoliti- kom förresten ej heller på så mycket nytt ken var sålunda inte Erlander främmande. om förberedelserna. Dubbelpolitiken fördes med omsorg om Den fråga som kom att intressera mig den svenska demokratins överlevnad i en vilken behandlas i det följande är om stats- svår situation. minister Tage Erlander insåg att målsätt- ningen syftande till neutralitet i krig var Åtgärder inom det oförenlig med de möjligheter som var för luftoperativa området handen i början av det kalla kriget. -
1905 and All That: Quebec and the Issue of Chronological Symbolism
1905 and All That: Quebec and the Issue of Chronological Symbolism by John Erik Fossum and David G. Haglund Introduction Norway’s separation from Sweden a century ago took place in a peaceful manner. This is an exception in a world where the breakup of an existing political entity can be, and often is, an extremely conflict-fraught political development. Given the peaceful nature of the process and the convivial relationship that marks the present situation between the Scandinavian neighbours, it is no surprise that Quebec sovereigntists and Canadian academics alike have sometimes turned their gaze to it, with emphasis upon its irenic nature (Young 1995). This emphasis, in turn, can find its way into a more comprehensive argument, to wit that what took place in Scandinavia during the early twentieth century might have an echo in the Canada of the early twenty-first century. It is this argument that we set out to critique in our paper. We hope to accomplish three things in our critique. First, we seek to assess the relevance of the 1905 events for a future Quebec-Canada tango. A couple of critical issues are raised in this regard: one goes to the comparability of cases in a comparative historical context; the other touches upon just how “peaceful” the 1905 process actually was. Second, we bring into the analysis the fundamental issue of “Europe.” Both Sweden as member and Norway as associated nonmember are engulfed in the transformations that have been taking place under the aegis of the European Union. If “Europe” really is to be the apple of the sovereigntists’ eye, then we want to determine under what kind of circumstances may they find that in ostensibly “leaving” Canada, they will not in fact have “left”? In this section of the paper, we therefore examine in turn as possible models for a future Canada-Quebec relationship the European Union, and the special arrangement that Norway has developed with the EU (namely, the European Economic Agreement, or EEA). -
Sjövå.Sendet
TIDSKRIFT I SJÖVÅ.SENDET 177 1 ME D FÖRSTÅN D OCH STYRKA UTGES AV KUNGL ÖRLOGSMANNASÄLLSKAPET N:r 1 2002 TIDSKRIFT I SJÖVÄSENDET FÖRSTA UTGIVNINGSÅR 1836 KUNGL ÖRLOGSMANNASÄLLSKAPET TIDSKRIFT I KARLSKRONA POSTGIRO 125 17 - 9 BANKGIRO 446-3220 Redaktör och ansvarig utgivare: Kommendörkapten LARS WIGERT, Pilgatan 5 A, 352 36 Växjö. Telefon: 0470-212 45, alt. 070-582 6385, c-mail: [email protected]. Kungl. Örlogsmannasällskapets postadress: Box 13025, 103 01 Stockholm. Annonser: MARGARET A JOHANSSON, Mälby l, 148 95 Mus kö, Telefon: 08-500 454 76, Telefax 08-500 456 79. Ekonomi och prenumerationer: Kommendör 1.gr JAN BRING, Kantatvägen 27, 13140 Nacka, Telefon: 08-716 73 38, Telefax: 08-466 97 92. Tidskrift i Sjöväsendet utkommer i regel med 4 häften per år. Prenumerationspris 150 kronor per år inom Sverige, 200 kr utrikes. Prenumeration sker endast genom att avgiften insätts på post girokonto 125 17-9. Inbetalningskort utsänds med fö rsta häftet årligen. Införda artiklar, recensioner, o dyl honoreras med c: a 50 kronor per sida. För införd artikel. som av KÖMS anses särskilt förtjänt, kan fö rfattaren belönas med sällska• pets medalj och/eller penningpris. Bestämmelser för Kungl. Örlogsmannasällskapets tävlingsskrifter återfinns i häftena nr l och 4. Innehåll nr 1/02 Meddelande .......................................................................................................................... 3 Socialistiska amiraler - Iakttagelser rörande amiralsutnämningarna i Osttyskland ... 5 Av Klaus-Richard Böhme Tre år som Generalinspektör -
The Impact of Social Capital on Economic and Social Outcomes C 2008 I.˙ S
The Impact of Social Capital on Economic and Social Outcomes c 2008 I.˙ S. Ak¸comak All rights reserved. Cover artwork by I.Semih˙ Ak¸comak Prepared with LATEX Published by Universitaire Pers Maastricht ISBN 978 90 5278 799 2 Printed in the Netherlands by Datawyse Maastricht The Impact of Social Capital on Economic and Social Outcomes Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit Maastricht, op gezag van de Rector Magnificus, Prof. Mr. G.P.M.F. Mols, volgens het besluit van het College van Decanen, in het openbaar te verdedigen op donderdag 12 februari 2009 om 14.00 uur door Ibrahim˙ Semih Ak¸comak UMP UNIVERSITAIRE PERS MAASTRICHT Promotor: Prof. Dr. P. Mohnen Co-promotor: Dr. B.J. ter Weel, Centraal Planbureau en Universiteit Maastricht Beoordelingscommissie: Prof. Dr. L. Borghans, voorzitter Prof. Dr. J.H. Garretsen, Rijksuniversiteit Groningen Prof. Dr. H.L.F. de Groot, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Prof. Dr. L.L.G. Soete Prof. Dr. B. Verspagen This research is financed by Maastricht Research School of Economics of Technology and Organizations (METEOR) Contents 1 Introduction 1 1.1 From informal societies to social capital . 2 1.2 Main argument . 6 1.3 Outline of the thesis . 11 2 Bridges in social capital: A review of the literature and the social capital of social capital researchers 15 2.1 Introduction . 15 2.2 Origins of social capital . 18 2.3 Social capital . 20 2.3.1 Defining social capital . 21 2.3.2 Is social capital a form of “capital”? . 28 2.3.3 “Adverse” social capital . -
Ledning I Försvarsmakten Svenska Militära Chefers Erfarenheter
Ledning i Försvarsmakten Svenska militära chefers erfarenheter MAGDALENA GRANÅSEN, LINDA SJÖDIN, HELENA GRANLUND FOI är en huvudsakligen uppdragsfinansierad myndighet under Försvarsdepartementet. Kärnverksamheten är forskning, metod- och teknikutveckling till nytta för försvar och säkerhet. Organisationen har cirka 1000 anställda varav ungefär 800 är forskare. Detta gör organisationen till Sveriges största forskningsinstitut. FOI ger kunderna tillgång till ledande expertis inom ett stort antal tillämpningsområden såsom säkerhetspolitiska studier och analyser inom försvar och säkerhet, bedömning av olika typer av hot, system för ledning och hantering av kriser, skydd mot och hantering av farliga ämnen, IT-säkerhet och nya sensorers möjligheter. FOI Totalförsvarets forskningsinstitut Tel: 08-55 50 30 00 www.foi.se Försvarsanalys Fax: 08-55 50 31 00 164 90 Stockholm FOI-R--3375--SE Underlagsrapport Försvarsanalys ISSN 1650-1942 December 2011 Magdalena Granåsen, Linda Sjödin, Helena Granlund Ledning i Försvarsmakten Svenska militära chefers erfarenheter Omslagsbild: Bildkollage av Henric Roosberg FOI-R--3375--SE Ledning i Försvarsmakten. Svenska militära chefers Titel erfarenheter. Title Command and Control in the Swedish Armed Forces. Experiences of Swedish military commanders. Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--3375--SE Rapporttyp/ Report Type Underlagsrapport/ Base data report Sidor/Pages 25 p Månad/Month December Utgivningsår/Year 2011 ISSN Kund/Customer Försvarsmakten Projektnr/Project no E11109 Godkänd av/Approved by Markus Derblom FOI, Totalförsvarets -
Monthly Journal from the Luleå Biennial 0
� Monthly journal from the Luleå Biennial 0:- Nr.1 “We Were Traitors of the Nation, They Said” Aug 2018 attack can be seen as the culmination of the preceding years of nationalism, warmongering and hatred against the communists in the re- gion. Its features and planning are remarkable: one of the key agents in the act, Ebbe Hallberg, was state attorney and chief of police in Luleå. Together with a journalist at the conservative newspaper Norrbottens-Kuriren and some army officers, they organised and carried out the bru- tal deed with the aim of silencing dissidents. We will also direct our attention to the history of the Swedish government’s establishment of internment camps for anti-fascists and anti-na- zis during the 1930s and 40s. The largest of the camps was located in the Norrbotten town Stors- ien in the Kalix municipality. Interned here were, among others, members of Flamman’s editorial staff. The camp and the attack overlap in time, 1 sentiment and the destinies they affected. 1 By addressing this dark history, we reflect on Swe- den’s idea of itself and its neutrality. How do these Monument by Toivo Lundmark, in memory of the attack events resonate today? What happens when we on Norrskensflamman. Photo: Thomas Hämén, 2018. look back and remember together? And why do these stories feel especially pertinent at this par- Between two private residences on Kungsgatan ticular time? These are questions we have raised 32 in the centre of Luleå is a memorial to the five in a research process that will lead us further to- people who fell victim to the attack on the com- wards the opening of the Luleå Biennial in Novem- munist newspaper Norrskensflamman on the 3rd ber 2018. -
Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University. -
Italian National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights
ITALIAN NATIONAL ACTION PLAN ON BUSINESS AND HUMAN RIGHTS 2016-2021 FOREWORD BY THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION, THE HON. PAOLO GENTILONI I am pleased to present the first Italian National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights. The Plan for 2016-2021 is the final achievement of a multi-faceted activity of the Inter-ministerial Committee for Human Rights (CIDU) in line with the implementation of the “Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights” unanimously endorsed by the UN Human Rights Council in 2011. An ad hoc working group has been established, coordinated by CIDU and composed of representatives of several ministries and institutions, for the elaboration of the present Plan. Its contents have also emerged from wide consultations with experts, business representatives, trade unions and non- governmental organizations. In a spirit of sharing, the Plan has also been published online for public consultation from July 27 to September 10, which has allowed to enrich its contents with comments received from civil society and many other actors who had the opportunity to individually contribute. The Plan is an instrument to move towards the new needs of interaction between human rights and the economic dimension, in line with the “UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights”. This approach, which has received new force with the UN Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development, sees Italy in the forefront as country committed to give its own contribution. In the framework of the Plan, promotion and respect for human rights - with particular consideration to the most vulnerable groups - are primary vehicles to rebalance the distortions and inefficiencies produced within the economic and productive contexts that have proved not to be efficient in this regard. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Seeking Balance Swee Lean Collin Koh
Naval War College Review Volume 65 Article 5 Number 1 Winter 2012 Seeking Balance Swee Lean Collin Koh Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Koh, Swee Lean Collin (2012) "Seeking Balance," Naval War College Review: Vol. 65 : No. 1 , Article 5. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol65/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Color profile: Generic CMYK printer profile Composite Default screen Koh: Seeking Balance SEEKING BALANCE Force Projection, Confidence Building, and the Republic of Singapore Navy Swee Lean Collin Koh espite the widespread proliferation of studies on the major navies in DAsia, first and foremost that of China, writings on the small navies of Asia—Southeast Asia in particular—have been few and far between. The slant toward those major navies is warranted by their influence on the regional na- val balance of power. However, it scarcely does justice to the small navies of Southeast Asia, a region of huge maritime geostrategic importance with po- tential security ramifications for wider Asian and global maritime security. Southeast Asia is also the scene of an interesting and serious buildup of sophis- ticated naval capabilities. This article therefore attempts to redress, at least partially, the dearth of inter- est in the small navies in Southeast Asia, using the Republic of Singapore Navy (RSN) as a case study. -
Summaries © Scandia 2008 © Scandia 2008
© Scandia 2008 www.scandia.hist.lu.se Summaries © Scandia 2008 www.scandia.hist.lu.se © Scandia 2008 www.scandia.hist.lu.se Ulf Telernan History and Language History Language is a biological and social phenomenon. The structure of the human brain defines the limits of what can be a grammatical or a lexical rule of a language. But how a specific language emerges and changes within the biologically given boundaries is a sociohistorical process, and it should be understood and explained as such. The link between history on one hand and the grammar or the lexicon of a language on the other is the use of the language in spoken and written communication, the pro- duction of texts. Through texts history is influenced by language: the language available makes it easier to say some things than others. Through texts the rules of a language are influenced by history: the verbal interaction between people confirms or challenges the linguistic rules in force. This article is about the latter kind of influence or determination. The way we talk is only partly dependent upon current conventions: superordinate maxims of communication makes it possible, practical or necessary to deviate from the norms. What we say - or write - is therefore full of ellipses, expansions (metaphors, expanded meanings of words), borrowings and even errors etc. Some of these deviations or expansions are taken over by other language users and conventionalized as parts of the common system of grammatical and lexical rules. A couple of quite general motive forces lie behind the conventionalization of individual communicative solutions, e.g.