Worlds in Movement, Living Without Dams
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Power & Environmental Policy : Tasmanian Ecopolitics from Pedder
Power & Environmental Policy: Tasmanian Ecopolitics from Pedder to Wesley Vale. bY Catherine M. Crowley" B. Arts, (Mon.), Dip. Ed., (Rusden) & Dip. Rec., (Phillip Inst.). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science, University of Tasmania, Hobart, Australia, May 1994. 1 all other publications by the name of Kate Crowley. Statements This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any tertiary institution. To the best of the candidate's knowledge and belief, this thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference is made in the text of the thesis. This thesis may be available for loan and limited copying in accordance with the Copyright Act 1968. v1/1274 Catherine M Crow elf - Date ii Power and Environmental Policy: Tasmanian Eco politics from Pedder to Wesley Vale Abstract It is argued that the realisation of ecopolitical values, interests and demands is inevitably constrained by material interests within advanced industrial societies. The policy environment in the state of Tasmania is examined, and both a traditional affirmation and accommodation of the goals of industrial development, and a resistance to the more recent ecopolitical challenge to established state interests is found. However, a review of four key environmental disputes finds that the politics of ecology ('ecopolitics'), despite routine constraint by material interests, continues to defy predictions -
Todd Farrell Thesis
The Australian Greens: Realignment Revisited in Australia Todd Farrell Submitted in fulfilment for the requirements of the Doctorate of Philosophy Swinburne University of Technology Faculty of Health, Arts and Design School of Arts, Social Sciences and Humanities 2020 ii I declare that this thesis does not incorporate without acknowledgement any material previously submitted for a degree in any university or another educational institution and to the best of my knowledge and belief it does not contain any material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the text. iii ABSTRACT Scholars have traditionally characterised Australian politics as a stable two-party system that features high levels of partisan identity, robust democratic features and strong electoral institutions (Aitkin 1982; McAllister 2011). However, this characterisation masks substantial recent changes within the Australian party system. Growing dissatisfaction with major parties and shifting political values have altered the partisan contest, especially in the proportionally- represented Senate. This thesis re-examines partisan realignment as an explanation for party system change in Australia. It draws on realignment theory to argue that the emergence and sustained success of the Greens represents a fundamental shift in the Australian party system. Drawing from Australian and international studies on realignment and party system reform, the thesis combines an historical institutionalist analysis of the Australian party system with multiple empirical measurements of Greens partisan and voter support. The historical institutionalist approach demonstrates how the combination of subnational voting mechanisms, distinctly postmaterialist social issues, federal electoral strategy and a weakened Labor party have driven a realignment on the centre-left of Australian politics substantial enough to transform the Senate party system. -
PRG 1618/Box 1/Folder 1: Family Memorabilia, Photos and Slides of Janine and Family, and a Drawing in Charcoal and Pencil on Paper of Janine Haines (PRG 1618/1/1/1)
______________________________________________________________________________ Haines, Janine PRG 1618 Papers of Janine Haines Box List ______________________________________________________________________________ PRG 1618/ box 1: PRG 1618/box 1/folder 1: Family memorabilia, photos and slides of Janine and family, and a drawing in charcoal and pencil on paper of Janine Haines (PRG 1618/1/1/1). To view additional photographs in this folder do an ARCHIVAL NUMBER search for PRG 1618/1/1/1, 5-6. Folder includes: ‘Adelaide Church Guardian’ April 1995 – front page ‘Politician speaks out at St Pauls’. Transcript 15 March 1990 ABC interview for ‘7.30 Report’ on AD [Australian Democrats] policy for Federal election. Paul Lyneham questions JH [Janine Haines]. Script ‘A Sort of Crusade’ undated but post 1990 16 Dec 1991. Jocelyn Scott’s cover letter for edited chapter to go into ‘Breaking Through’. Letter 13 Dec 91 from Harry Evans req memorabilia for exhibition ‘Women in the Federal Parliament’ to be opened 27 Feb 92. Ann Millar ref. Script Laura Whelan speaks to JH [Janine Haines] in Adelaide. No date, but mostly covers ‘Suffrage to Sufferance’ material. Undated letter and brief CV to Marilyn Waring. Includes mention of my exp of reviewing ‘Playing the State’ for Sept’s ABR. 1991 set of notes for Candidates Skills Training session to be held at 711 South Road 19 May. Some astute advice. PRG 1618/box 1/folder 2: ‘PAC Returns’ AM honours list NCW of SA note. PRG 1618/box 1/folder 3: Congratulatory letters. June 2001. PRG 1618/box 1/folder 4: Congratulatory letters, including those from Gough Whitlam, Phillip Adams, Mike Rann, Eric Neal, John Olsen and Bob Carr. -
Parliamentary Experiences of the Tasmanian Greens: the Politics of the Periphery1
in Ecopolitics: Thought and Action, Vol 1, No 1, 2000, pp. 53-71. Parliamentary Experiences of the Tasmanian Greens: The Politics of the Periphery1 i Kate Crowley ABSTRACT This paper reflects upon the green political trajectory in Tasmania from the founding in 1972 of the world's first green2 party, the United Tasmania Group, to the recent 'electoral reform’ that in effect disenfranchised most of the Tasmanian parliamentary greens (Crowley, 2000). It argues that green politics, whilst fundamentally transforming the island state of Tasmania in part through its nature conservation successes, has remained a politics at the periphery that is resisted by both the major parties. This peripheralisation is not entirely owed to the green's longstanding pursuit of wilderness preservation, however, but also to their preoccupation both with progressive politics and democratic accountability that has led them into state parliament where they have twice achieved the balance of power (Crowley, 1996; 1999b). This paper recounts familiar terrain with its description of Tasmania as a conservative, economically marginal island state that has pursued a development formula based upon resource exploitation and hydroindustrialisation that went unchallenged until the rise of the greens. It shows how Tasmania's green politics, perhaps unlike green politics in more vital, less marginal contexts, has been a politics of contrast and change, ecocentric to its core, but strategically concerned with broader social reformism. By considering the failure of both green minority governments (Labor-Green 1989-91; and Liberal-Green 1996-8), it further reinforces how much the major parties have resisted green efforts both to share the state political stage and to move more than rhetorically away from resource based developmentalism3. -
Wilderness Karst in Tasmanian Resource Politics
WILDERNESS KARST IN TASMANIAN RESOURCE POLITICS by Kevin Kiernan Tasmanian Wilderness Society Until the early 1970s karst resources were largely un recognised in decisions regarding land-use in Tasmania. Over the past decade growing concern for the protection of the wilderness landscape of the island's south-west has stimulated the growth both of community based environmental interest groups and of protective agencies within the administrative machinery of government. Both have attracted individuals with expertise in karst and a personal committment to its proper management. Largely through their awareness and individual efforts, caves and karst have been promoted as little-known but worth while components of the wilderness. The positive results of this have included a stimulus to our knowledge of karst, an increase in public awareness of karst and a strengthening of the case for the prevention of the wilderness area. On the negative side, there may be some potentially dysfunctional consequences attached to the politicising of karst, including the loss of any "first strike" advantage which might otherwise have been available to karst advocates dealing with areas where it is a primary rather than subsidiary resource; and also the developmnent in some sectors of the community of an "anti-cave" ethos which might other wise not yet have arisen. Proceedings of 14th Conference of the ASF 1983 25 I WILDERNESS KARST IN TASMANIAN RESOURCE POLITICS KIERNAN INTRODUCTION The obj ect of this paper is to trace the nature of and changes in the management status over the past decade of one s.all co.ponent of the Tas.anian environ.ent : karst. -
Proportional Representation in Theory and Practice the Australian Experience
Proportional Representation in Theory and Practice The Australian Experience Glynn Evans Department of Politics and International Relations School of Social Sciences The University of Adelaide June 2019 Table of Contents Abstract ii Statement of Authorship iii Acknowledgements iv Preface vi 1. Introduction 1 2. District Magnitude, Proportionality and the Number of 30 Parties 3. District Magnitude and Partisan Advantage in the 57 Senate 4. District Magnitude and Partisan Advantage in Western 102 Australia 5. District Magnitude and Partisan Advantage in South Eastern Jurisdictions 132 6. Proportional Representation and Minor Parties: Some 170 Deviating Cases 7. Does Proportional Representation Favour 204 Independents? 8. Proportional Representation and Women – How Much 231 Help? 9. Conclusion 247 Bibliography 251 Appendices 260 i Abstract While all houses of Australian parliaments using proportional representation use the Single Transferable Vote arrangement, district magnitudes (the numbers of members elected per division) and requirements for casting a formal vote vary considerably. Early chapters of this thesis analyse election results in search for distinct patterns of proportionality, the numbers of effective parties and partisan advantage under different conditions. This thesis argues that while district magnitude remains the decisive factor in determining proportionality (the higher the magnitude, the more proportional the system), ballot paper numbering requirements play a more important role in determining the number of (especially) parliamentary parties. The general pattern is that, somewhat paradoxically, the more freedom voters have to choose their own preference allocations, or lack of them, the smaller the number of parliamentary parties. Even numbered magnitudes in general, and six member divisions in particular, provide some advantage to the Liberal and National Parties, while the Greens are disadvantaged in five member divisions as compared to six or seven member divisions. -
Download Balancing Act: the Australian Greens 2008-2011
Parliament of Australia Department of Parliamentary Services RESEARCH PAPER NO. 7, 2011–12 8 February 2012 Balancing act: the Australian Greens 2008–2011 Dr Joy McCann Politics and Public Administration Section Executive summary • In 2008 the Parliamentary Library published The rise of the Australian Greens which discussed the emergence of environmental politics in Australia, analysed the characteristics of Greens’ voters, and speculated as to whether the Australian Greens party would ever be more than ‘positioned on the edge’ of mainstream politics. • In the 2010 federal election, the Australian Greens emerged with the balance of power in the Senate and shared balance of power in the House of Representatives in the first hung federal parliament in Australia for 70 years. As a result, the ALP entered into an agreement with the Greens in order to secure the party’s commitment to a stable government during the 43rd Commonwealth Parliament. • The increased visibility of the Australian Greens at a national level has generated greater public scrutiny and debate about the implications of the Greens’ policy agenda for Australia, and exposed a lingering confusion about the true ideological nature of the party. • The party has a distinctive political culture and values with a ‘grassroots’ organisational structure reflecting its origins in social and environmental movements and citizen-led activism. • The party’s federal electoral success has also highlighted the way in which the Greens are engaged in a ‘balancing act’, both externally, as a coalition partner with the Labor government and as the balance-of-power party in the Senate, and internally, between the pragmatists and idealists within its membership. -
The Mother of All Effects? Stability and Change in Greens Political Party
The Mother of All Effects? Stability and Change in Greens Political Party Identification in Australia Bruce Tranter University of Tasmania and Jonathan Smith Monash University Abstract Some of the first young Australians able to inherit Greens party identity are examined, as the Australian Greens only formed as a national party in 1992. Analysis of youth cohort data from the state of Queensland spanning 5 years (n=2,160; aged 17 to 22), shows that parental political affiliation (especially maternal affiliation) strongly influences Greens party identification as it does for the major parties. However, Greens are less likely than major party identifiers to exhibit stable party allegiances over time. Defections between Greens and Labor identifiers are also far more likely than between these parties and conservative parties (Liberals or Nationals). The comparatively recent formation of the Australian Greens accounts for the relative instability of Greens identity over time. Nevertheless, inter- generational transmission of Greens identity should translate into a relatively stable electoral base for the Greens, helping ensure they remain an influential presence in Australian federal politics. Keywords Party identification Green parties Green voting Australia Introduction Identification with the Greens party among young Australians is of particular interest for several reasons. While environmental social movements have been influential in Australia for decades (Hutton and Connors 1999), and the Australian Democrats’ Norm Sanders ‘was the first “green” politician, elected to the Tasmanian parliament in 1980’ (Turnbull and Vromens 2006, 456), the Australian Greens did not form a national political party until 1992.1 As partisan loyalties develop in childhood and early adolescence (Jennings and Niemi 1974), and given the small scale and fragmented nature of green parties across Australia prior to 1992, until very recently, only a small proportion of adult Greens identifiers could have acquired their partisan allegiances from their parents. -
THE FAR-LEFT HISTORY of the AUSTRALIAN GREENS the Greens’ Past Shows They Are a Party of the Radical Left, Not the Environment, Argues Christian Kerr
THE FAR-LEFT HISTORY OF THE AUSTRALIAN GREENS The Greens’ past shows they are a party of the radical left, not the environment, argues Christian Kerr. THE FAR-LEFT HISTORY OF THE AUSTRALIAN GREENS R Brown was a prominent figure in were joined by three other members— the Wilderness Society from its earliest Christine Milne, Lance Armstrong CHRISTIAN KERR Journalist with The Australian days. He wrote about rafting the and Di Hollister—largely elected in Franklin River in the very first issue protest against a proposed paper pulp of its journal and became the society’s mill at Wesley Vale, outside the north- paradox lies at the very director in 1978, putting him at the eastern centre of Devonport. heart of the Greens. ‘The very forefront of the dam debate. It was during this term of first Green Party anywhere It was an Australian Democrat, parliament that the movement got in the world began in Norm Sanders, who was first elected a name. The Tasmanian Wilderness AAustralia in 1972, the United to the state parliament off the back Society had already spread to the Tasmania Group, which grew out of of the controversy. He became a mainland, dropping the specific state pioneering Australian environmental member for Denison in a by-election reference as its work broadened. campaigns,’ the official creation story early in 1980, the first Australian The growing political organisation on their website reads. ‘Early elections political candidate elected on an found a title too. saw Greens representatives hold the environmental platform. But Brown The title came from the Green balance of power at the state level, very much became the face of the ‘No Ban campaigns in Sydney of the including Bob Brown and Christine Dams’ campaign as it spread beyond early 1970s which had begun after Milne in Tasmania. -
Electoral Politics and the Tasmanian Greens
THE PLACE OF NATURE? ELECTORAL POLITICS AND THE TASMANIAN GREENS Kate Crowley Green politics in Tasmania is very much a politics of place, driven by struggles to save iconic natural areas such as Lake Pedder, the Franklin River, the South West wilderness and more recently the state’s old growth forests and unprotected areas. These struggles have inspired a green politics that is historic, in the sense of inspiring the formation of the world’s first green party, and distinctive for the growing and consolidating of green parliamentary representation. Whilst the rest of the world may be attempting to explain the waxing and waning of green parliamentary politics, in Tasmania the questions that need answers are: why does green parliamentary representation persist and has it reached its limits. This paper focuses on the trajectory of Tasmania’s parliamentary greening, rather than on the green movement’s broader characteristics, disputes and groups. It is a study of recent electoral efforts by the Tasmanian Greens and the counter efforts of anti-green forces. It focuses on the state election in 2006, and argues that there are very clear limits to the place of nature within the state parliament. Whilst the Greens are old hands at gaining parliamentary advantage, in the 2006 election opposing forces used effective tactics to constrain their further success. TWENTY-FIVE YEARS OF Greens would again assume the balance of PARLIAMENTARY GREENING power and what demands they would bring Nearly twenty years ago, Australia’s small, to government. A further more academic remote, southern, and relatively wild, state question is whether, after decades in state of Tasmania was described as a crucible of parliament, the Greens are now capable of environmental conflict. -
Second Reading Speech
SECOND READING SPEECH Cassy O’Connor MP House of Assembly Restoration Bill 2018 *check Hansard for delivery* I move - That the bill be now read the second time. Discussion around reducing seats in the Tasmanian Parliament began in 1983: the same year Bob Brown entered parliament on a countback following the resignation of Democrats MP Norm Sanders. No irony there, but the Greens in this place have been an uncomfortable truth to the major parties since the first day we arrived. In 1983 Liberal Premier Robin Gray established an advisory committee which reported the next year. The Ogilvie Report recommended against any reduction in the size of the Tasmanian Parliament. The issue was again raised in 1993 following the breakdown of the 1989 Labor-Greens accord in 1992. Liberal Premier Ray Groom introduced a pair of linked measures, A reduction in the House of Assembly from 35 to 30 members and a 40 per cent salary increase for the remaining MPs. These issues were untied during the parliamentary process and only the 40 per cent pay rise was passed into law. Following this, in 1994, Premier Groom established a board of inquiry into the size of the Tasmanian Parliament, which reported in June 1994. The Morling Report, again, recommended against any reduction in the size of the Tasmanian House of Assembly. The issue was again raised in 1997, one year into the Liberal-Greens minority arrangement with a defeated proposal for a referendum to reduce the size of Parliament by removing a Lower House electorate and reducing the size of the Legislative Council to 16. -
The Politics of Hydro-Megaprojects: Damming with Faint Praise in Australia, New Zealand, and British Columbia
Volume 27 Issue 3 Summer 1987 Summer 1987 The Politics of Hydro-Megaprojects: Damming with Faint Praise in Australia, New Zealand, and British Columbia Derrick W. R. Sewell Recommended Citation Derrick W. Sewell, The Politics of Hydro-Megaprojects: Damming with Faint Praise in Australia, New Zealand, and British Columbia, 27 Nat. Resources J. 497 (1987). Available at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nrj/vol27/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Natural Resources Journal by an authorized editor of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. W. R. DERRICK SEWELL* The Politics of Hydro-Megaprojects: Damming with Faint Praise in Australia, New Zealand, and British Columbia* * ABSTRACT The 1970s gave birth to two important trends in resource devel- opment that inevitably led to major conflicts in the 1980s. In some countries these are likely to continue well into the next decade. The first was the growing tendency towards megaprojects. These were huge schemes, often costing more than a billion dollars. Dominantly they related to energy resource development. The second was the increasingsophistication of the environmental movement. The two trends clashedin several countries in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Bitter confrontations occurred in northern Canada, Australia and New Zealand, particularly over proposals for hydro-power devel- opment. This paper examines the history of three hydropower projects that were proposed in the 1970s. One of these was the Franklin Dam, scheduledfor construction in Southwest Tasmania, Australia, in the last remaining extensive wilderness area in that country.