Grand Valley Review

Volume 29 | Issue 1 Article 14

2005 Turning Point in Van Diemen's Land: Bob Brown, Bob Hawke and the Franklin River Dam Crisis of 1983 Randall Doyle Central Michigan University

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Recommended Citation Doyle, Randall (2005) "Turning Point in Van Diemen's Land: Bob Brown, Bob Hawke and the Franklin River Dam Crisis of 1983," Grand Valley Review: Vol. 29: Iss. 1, Article 14. Available at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/gvr/vol29/iss1/14

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Turning Point in Van Diemen's land Bob Brown, Bob Hawke and the ery day Franklin River Dam Crisis of 1983

here is often a historical event that can be pointed T to as the beginning of a new era and the origin of future destinies for the major players and entities involved. The 1983 Franklin River dam crisis in south­ 'R.t3ndall 'Doyle is currently a west Tasmania is such an event. Bob Brown and Bob Visiting c.A'ssistant Professor in the Hawke were two individuals whose respective politi­ 'l!istory 'Department at [entral cal careers took dramatic turns toward acquiring and c.7vlichigan University. 'llis new representing fame and power in Australian politics for book, America and Australia, the rest of the 20'h century and beyond. The Franklin was published in c.A'ugust by the River itself became an enduring and dynamic symbol University Press of c.A'merica. CJ!e is of change affecting Australia's constitutional interpreta­ currently researchingjor a new book 47 tion and practice, as well as inspiring environmentalists concerningfuture UJ.foreign policy nationwide who sought ecological policies that pro­ within the Pacific 'RJ.,m during the tected the most treasured, and revered gifts of nature, 21st century. from man's endless lust towards private and public development and exploitation. Together, Brown, Hawke, and the Franklin River altered the constitutional, environmental, political and social landscapes, the self-perceptions that Australians had of themselves, and the land they inhabited. For all three subjects, the dam crisis represented and triggered a turning point in their respective existences. Amanda Lohrey wrote, quite aptly, "The Franklin River blockade of 1982-1983 is one of the defining moments in Aus­ tralian political history."1 Franklin River Dam Crisis: A Thrning Point in Australian Environmental History The environmental showdown, in 1983, over the proposed damming of the Franklin River was not an accident. It was a collision of historical forces that were

1 and Information Literacy divinely destined to occur on this often ignored island ate University. located off the southeastern coast of the Australian mainland. The roots of this environmental, political, and The Lake Pedder d social confrontation were deeply embedded in the flood­ an enormous amount o ing of Lake Pedder in 1972. Kevin Kiernan, a professor in environmentalists and the Environmental Studies Program at the University of mental reform toward~ Tasmania (UTAS), wrote about the pain associated with Commission (HEC) 2 this event that altered his existence in Tasmania, "(Lake) state government. Then Pedder was the cradle of my adult life ... My own soul River dam crisis becamc seems haunted by an unwanted legacy of cynicism and moral equivalent of G2 distrust."2 that gave Australians ~ This stunning alpine lake was considered, in 1972, by worth and courage as a most ecological observers as an aquatic jewel of unspoken sands of casualties up01 beauty. Many individuals, like Professors Keirnan and the (Turkey) Ottoman his fellow university colleague, Richard (Dick) Jones, the of the British Empire. founder of the Environmental Studies Program at UTAS, that this environmenta admitted afterwards their respective recoveries from the its "green" combatants, painful ordeal of attempting to prevent Lake Pedder's a fight that had to be ~ drowning was, indeed, profound. Professor Jones believed peration permeated tht the political environment in Tasmania to be corrupt and even imprisonment, if amoral. In an interview with Roger Green, Jones stated an unflinching commit1 that the Franklin River campaign and the (Lake) Pedder struction of an unwante' campaign were "just one continuum of experience and dam upon the Franklin 3 48 activity." Pete Hay, a professor within, and former Direc­ region ofTasmania. tor of, the Environmental Studies program at UTAS, The man who emeq commented, about his former colleague (Jones died tioned resolve to confro tragically in 1986 after falling from the roof of his home), the Franklin Dam was 2 that Professor Jones was an intense and serious-minded doctor, from (north-cc individual who did not care much for small talk.4 named Bob Brown. AJ Dr. Jones held an especially intense disdain for the River in 1976, "the best t Tasmanian and Australian political systems that he to Dr. Brown, he becam believed to be broken and unresponsive to the wishes environmentalist.6 Soor of the people at-large. He believed this dysfunctional Robert Moore, a reportc political reality became evermore evident and undeni­ ing Company (ABC), : able to the common citizen who witnessed both of "physical obstruction" if the environmental campaigns mentioned above. Jones tion of the (Franklin) d was unsparing in his seething critique of the state and Thus, the birth of federal government, respectively: environmental leader tc I believe there is a fundamental breakdown in the upon one of the last w operation of politics in Australian society and that Nature, inexplicably, exe Lake Pedder detected that in the early stages. The and spirituality over h1 responsibility of politicians and the public has understanding. The raf continued to break down-public decision-making Brown to become a foo and involvement in politics has only gone for worse the Franklin River. 8 Tht -and that's a continuum.5 Australian history eme1 all the parties involved Randall Doyle

ronmental, political, and The Lake Pedder debacle left behind in its wake Therefore, educating the public embedded in the flood- an enormous amount of bad blood amongst hard-core and presenting a strong and visible 11 Kiernan, a professor in environmentalists and strong supporters of environ­ protest were necessary, according to ram at the University of mental reform towards the powerful Hydro-Electric Brown, to stop the Franklin River the pain associated with Commission (HEC) and the indifferent Tasmanian dam project. He also knew that an lCe in Tasmania, "(Lake) state government. Therefore, in 1982-1983, the Franklin aggressive blockade represented a 1lt life ... My own soul River dam crisis became the environmental version and threat to his well-being. Indeed, legacy of cynicism and moral equivalent of Gallipoli, the famed WWI battle during the Franklin protest, Brown that gave Australians an inspired sense of their own was beaten severely by youths with a ; considered, in 1972, by worth and courage as a nation. Australia suffered thou­ wheel-brace, sent death threats and luatic jewel of unspoken sands of casualties upon this isolated peninsula within vilified by many of the local citizens :>rofessors Keirnan and the (Turkey) Ottoman Empire to defend the integrity during his activities in the southwest ichard (Dick) Jones, the of the British Empire. It is not an exaggeration to say region of Tasmania.9 He was not 1dies Program at UTAS, that this environmental "battle" in Tasmania amongst deterred, nor intimidated, in his com­ tive recoveries from the its "green" combatants, like Gallipoli, was perceived as mitment to save the Franklin River prevent Lake Pedder's a fight that had to be won at all costs. A sense of des­ from destruction. Professor Jones believed peration permeated the air. All efforts, strategies, and In 1983, the potential flooding nania to be corrupt and even imprisonment, if necessary, had to demonstrate of one of the last wild rivers in the ger Green, Jones stated an unflinching commitment toward stopping the con­ world propelled an all-out effort to L and the (Lake) Pedder struction of an unwanted and unnecessary hydro-power prevent the repeat of Lake Pedder. uum of experience and dam upon the Franklin River system in the southwest The stakes were incredibly high, and 1thin, and former Direc­ region ofTasmania. the atmosphere within Tasmania 49 ies program at UTAS, The man who emerged as representing an unques­ was dangerously tense and threat­ colleague (Jones died tioned resolve to confront and deny the development of ening. The situation was a powder n the roof ofhis home), the Franklin Dam was a quiet and unassuming country keg waiting to blow. Both sides, the 1se and serious-minded doctor, from (north-central Tasmania) Launceston, Tasmanian state government (led by 1 for small talk.4 named Bob Brown. After rafting down the Franklin Robin Gray-Liberal Party) and the intense disdain for the River in 1976, "the best two weeks of my life," according HEC on one side, and the ardent itical systems that he to Dr. Brown, he became an avid and uncompromising environmentalists with significant sponsive to the wishes environmentalist. 6 Soon afterwards, he wrote a letter to grassroots support within Tasmania ved this dysfunctional Robert Moore, a reporter for the Australian Broadcast­ and throughout Australia on the ·e evident and undeni­ ing Company (ABC), stating that he would resort to other, squared off on this small island ho witnessed both of "physical obstruction" if necessary to prevent construc­ located below the 40 degrees south 1entioned above. Jones tion of the (Franklin) dam.7 latitude marker from the equator. ·itique of the state and Thus, the birth of Australia's most significant This often forgotten backwater island r: environmental leader took place during a rafting trip became the focus of the world. al breakdown in the upon one of the last wild river systems in the world. Kate Crowley, a professor of [ian society and that Nature, inexplicably, exercises an undefined aura, power, Political Science at the University of the early stages. The and spirituality over humanity and its institutions of Tasmania, has also written that the and the public has understanding. The rafting adventure convinced Bob seeds of rebellion, in relation to the >lie decision-making Brown to become a foot soldier in the struggle to save Franklin River dam crisis in 1982- only gone for worse the Franklin River. 8 The beginning of a new chapter in 1983, were planted during the Lake Australian history emerged, but went unrecognized by Pedder affair in 1972. The destruc­ all the parties involved at the moment of conception. tion of this unquestioned beauty of nature only inflamed and motivated those committed to preventing a repeat of this tragedy Franklin dam proposa from happening again in the future. Professor Crowley thousands of Tasman stated, "If the (Lake) Pedder dam had torn the heart out ballotsY The Labor F of the southwest, a Franklin-Gordon dam would bisect state was coming to an its remnants into utter insignificance."10 badly fragmented; its 1 However, the origins of the political and social declared that he was a1 tsunami that was to strike Tasmania and Australia in in late-1981. Lowe w2 1982-83, which eventually became an international the plebiscite issue, dt event, began with a major report released, in 196 7, by the Dams"'option to be i1 Tasmanian-based Hydro-Electric Commission (HEC) forced to renege on t titled, "Report on the Gordon River Power Development vote within the Labor Stage One. '11 The report indicated the HEC's interest ofleadership.16 in facilitating the power existing within the region In March 1982, Ta~ which consisted of the Lower Gordon and the Franklin time ever the emerge River system. Initial drilling proceeded, in 1970, to find government majority, lc a location where a sound and functional dam could to move forward on t be built. In 1976, a summary report was released, and within his own party.' this document re-confirmed the HEC's interest in the it appeared that Gray, 1 region and spoke of two potential sites for dams; both ment had gained the u1 had the Lower Gordon and the Franklin River involved of wills. Nevertheless, • in different configurations of development.U Tasmanian Wildernes~ so In 1979, a second major report was produced by the UTG (United Tasman HEC that endorsed a plan to build the "Gordon below known then), and othe Franklin" dam. In 1980, the Tasmanian Parliament voted servation continued th this proposal down, but later approved another option, the HEC and state gov "the Gordon above Olga" scheme. In 1981, the Franklin, River. 17 By the end of Lower Gordon, and Olga Rivers were declared to be over 1,400 individuals a part of the Wild Rivers National Park in southwest of which, approximate Tasmania. However, this designation was irrelevant to running out. the veterans of the Lake Pedder debacle. They knew In early 1983, Austr this "national"'status did not fully protect the territory Bill Hayden spoke out i identifiedY Lake Fedder's flooding was the proof of this tion of the Franklin Ri hard-earned wisdom. Though, the Tasmanian Parlia­ on the Gordon River v ment, for the first time, voted down an HEC proposal, Minister Malcolm Fra~ not everyone was optimistic about the future of the million to alter their f< southwestern region of Tasmania. Bob Brown, then power plant in their Director of the Tasmanian Wilderness Society, believed Hayden's comments an< that conservationists' efforts to prevent the building of outright. Gray, quite cc the Olga Dam scheme might be doomed.14 tutional rights of states From 1981 to 1983, a number of political decisions, their natural resources events, and maneuverings took place within Tasmania. the Franklin dam had a The Tasmanian situation spilled over into the national However, fate had not fi political scene as well. In 1981, Tasmania held only its Australia, and its citize1 third plebiscite in history over the issue concerning the lian political journalist Franklin dam proposals. Though the Gordon-below- retrospect, commented Randall Doyle

1 repeat of this tragedy Franklin dam proposal received 47 percent of the vote, some type of divine intervention ure. Professor Crowley thousands of Tasmanians wrote "No Dams" on their when they needed it most.20 had torn the heart out ballots.15 1he Labor Party's dominant position in the In a surprise move, Prime Minister ·don dam would bisect state was coming to an end.The Labor government was Fraser called for national elections in nee. ,10 badly fragmented; its leader, Doug Lowe, was deposed, February 1983. The Franklin River ~ political and social declared that he was an Independent and left the party crisis was to be transformed from a 1ania and Australia in in late-1981. Lowe was actually forced to resign over Tasmanian issue into a quasi-national arne an international the plebiscite issue, due to his early support of a "No referendum concerning the nation's :eleased,in 1967, by the Dams'"option to be included on the ballot. He was environmental future. A growing c Commission (HEC) forced to renege on this voting option, and a secret environmental tsunami was about •er Power Development vote within the Labor caucus, 12-9, ended Lowe's days to strike the Australian body poli­ :d the HEC's interest of leadership.16 tic. Unbeknownst to all, Tasmanian ng within the region In March 1982, Tasmanians witnessed for the first politics, Australian history, and the >rdon and the Franklin time ever the emergence of a Liberal (conservative) interpretation of the Australian Con­ :eeded, in 1970, to find government majority, led by Robin Gray, who promised stitution were standing at the cusp of functional dam could to move forward on the dams issue despite tensions radical change and transformation. Jort was released, and within his own party. Throughout the rest of the year, In early February 1983, Fraser was HEC's interest in the it appeared that Gray, the HEC, and the state govern­ simply not going to intervene and al sites for dams; both ment had gained the upper hand in this titanic struggle stop the construction of any dam on ;-anklin River involved of wills. Nevertheless, Bob Brown, the Director of the the Franklin River. However, in a velopment.12 Tasmanian Wilderness Society during this period, the sudden and unexpected turn of events, t was produced by the UTG (United Tasmania Group-as the Greens were Labor had decided to shake up the 51 ild the "Gordon below known then), and other committed supporters of con­ party's leadership just before Fraser's mian Parliament voted servation continued their struggle in Tasmania against call for new elections. Hayden, though >roved another option, the HEC and state government's plans for the Franklin considered a good man within the :. In 1981, the Franklin, RiverY By the end of February 1983, there had been party ranks, was perceived by Labor's rs were declared to be over 1,400 individuals arrested at the Franklin blockade, powerbrokers as not being strong 1al Park in southwest of which, approximately 600 went to jail.18 Time was enough to beat the incumbent Prime ation was irrelevant to running out. Minister, due to his electoral defeat to :r debacle. They knew In early 1983, Australian Labor Party (ALP) leader Fraser in 1980. y protect the territory Bill Hayden spoke out in favor of stopping the construc­ As a result, after a tumultuous 1g was the proof of this tion of the Franklin River dam scheme while boating intra-party power struggle, Bob he Tasmanian Parlia­ on the Gordon River with Bob Brown. Liberal Prime Hawke, a former Rhodes Scholar, wn an HEC proposal, Minister Malcolm Fraser even offered Tasmania $500 charismatic and, at times, a dynamic tout the future of the million to alter their focus toward creating a thermal speaker with a long history within 1ia. Bob Brown, then power plant in their state. Premier Gray ignored the Australian labor movement, :rness Society, believed Hayden's comments and rejected Fraser's financial offer was chosen to replace Hayden. This trevent the building of outright. Gray, quite correctly, pointed out the consti­ political development, in hindsight, : doomed.14 tutional rights of states to control the development of probably saved the Franklin River · of political decisions, their natural resources as they wished. Also, work on system from destruction. >lace within Tasmania. the Franklin dam had already proceeded during 1982.19 Hawke, upon becoming the leader over into the national However, fate had not finished its efforts with Tasmania, of the ALP, immediately announced Lasmania held only its Australia, and its citizens. Peter Thompson, an Austra­ to the voters of Australia, that if ,e issue concerning the lian political journalist and Franklin River activist, in elected, the Franklin River dam proj­ h. the Gordon-below- retrospect, commented that the Greens always received ect would be terminated. This decision was not wildly popular within the ALP. Labor, out of prime minister. Man power since Gough Whitlam's controversial (uncon­ Australia asked why. stitutional?) dismissal as Prime Minister in 1975, was spect, the backdrop t< desperate to win back the prime ministership. Taking a common-sense app1 on an environmental crisis in Tasmania appeared to that leaders must sem be a waste of party resources and time. Nevertheless, direction, even if it's Hawke had publicly committed the ALP to the cause forthrightly, that "the of stopping the Franklin River dam from being con­ terms of seeing the Fr structed.21 of a revelation.24 Inste: Bob Hawke: Dams, Environmentalists and crisis in Tasmania an the Pursuit of Power building of a dam Uf Robert (Bob) James Lee Hawke is a man who has right thing to do, and cultivated, developed, and capitalized upon opportuni­ well. Hawke told Ta: ties throughout his life. His extraordinarily successful paign that tourism ref political career, and his subsequent career as a business­ investment in the stat man and consultant to numerous countries in East hydro-electricity of q1 Asia during his post-prime ministership, represents It is important ton irrefutable evidence ofhis driving ambition and human was attempting to get relations skills. To some, though, Hawke appeared to be into power after the ( just another ambitious politician on the make. Tasma­ Since 1949, the Liben nian writer, environmental activist, and fellow Rhodes Party), led primarily b: 52 Scholar, Richard Flanagan considered Hawke an empty had dominated the po vassal despite his pedigree of excellence. 22 Flanagan, like the early 1970s.The W many in Tasmania, was not expecting any miracles from shining moment, frm the new Labor leader. The scars from Whit Nevertheless, in 1983, Hawke exhibited a substantive quite evident amongs intellectual capacity and unexpected political cour­ 1980s. age during the volatile national election campaign. As a consequence c Although his critics, at times, chose to ignore these of Australian voters < qualities, it was these traits that endeared him to the wasn't quite up to the common 'bloke' in Australian society. Hawke truly crippling perception r' believed that he could influence any voter in Australia, for ALP candidates : if given half a chance. Hawke always felt, and his four Hawke's candidacy, in winning electoral campaigns strongly support this as a fresh start for the contention, that he had a deep connection with the Aus­ and the Australian pea tralian people. It was a relationship that he treasured. commodity from his) Though it was impossible to get every vote, Hawke saw within the Australian himself as the leader of the whole country.23 It was this one point, Hawke wa "special relationship" that made it difficult for friends the Australian Labor and politically dangerous for opponents to criticize him Council ofTrade Uni, too harshly, on issues he felt strongly about, during his Therefore, it did r reign as prime minister (1983-1991). observers that Hawke In 1983, Hawke chose to make the Franklin River kers as the "breakthro dam crisis a point of principle in his campaign to be In an interview, i he exercised this strer Randall Doyle

h.e ALP. Labor, out of prime minister. Many political observers throughout controversial (uncon­ Australia asked why. Upon closer scrutiny, in retro­ Minister in 1975, was spect, the backdrop to Hawke's candidacy represented : ministership. Taking a common-sense approach to politics. Hawke believed Lasmania appeared to that leaders must sense when it is time to go in a new 1d time. Nevertheless, direction, even if it's unconventional. Hawke stated the ALP to the cause forthrightly, that "there was no road to Damascus" in dam from being con- terms of seeing the Franklin River Dam crisis in terms of a revelation.24 Instead, Hawke saw the environmental mentalists and crisis in Tasmania and his support in preventing the building of a dam upon this wild river system as the ke is a man who has right thing to do, and good economics for the state as lized upon opportuni­ well. Hawke told Tasmanians during the 1983 cam­ raordinarily successful paign that tourism represented greater profitability and 11t career as a business­ investment in the state's future than the production of 25 ms countries in East hydro-electricity of questionable future value. .nistership, represents It is important to remember, once again, that Hawke ~ambition and human was attempting to get the Australian Labor Party back Hawke appeared to be into power after the Gough Whitlam debacle of1975. Lon the make. Tasma­ Since 1949, the Liberal Party (along with the National ist, and fellow Rhodes Party), led primarily by the patriarchal Robert Menzies, had dominated the political landscape in Australia until lered Hawke an empty 53 lienee. 22 Flanagan, like the early 1970s. The Whitlam government, Labor's brief ting any miracles from shining moment, from 1972 to 1975, ended in tatters. The scars from Whitlam's abrupt dismissal were still exhibited a substantive quite evident amongst many Labor voters in the early Jected political cour- 1980s. 11 election campaign. As a consequence ofWhitlam's demise, the majority chose to ignore these of Australian voters continued to believe that Labor : endeared him to the wasn't quite up to the task of national leadership. This society. Hawke truly crippling perception represented an enormous obstacle any voter in Australia, for ALP candidates seeking the prime ministership. ways felt, and his four Hawke's candidacy, in 1983, in many respects, was seen ;trongly support this as a fresh start for the ALP amongst common workers 1.nection with the Aus­ and the Australian people at large. He was a well-known ;hip that he treasured. commodity from his years of high-profile involvement ~very vote, Hawke saw within the Australian labor movement and politics. At 1e country.23 It was this one point, Hawke was the national president of both it difficult for friends the Australian Labor Party (ALP), and the Australian onents to criticize him Council ofTrade Unions (ACTU). >ngly about, during his Therefore, it did not surprise Australian political 191). observers that Hawke was seen by the ALP powerbro­ .ke the Franklin River kers as the "breakthrough" candidate against Fraser. in his campaign to be In an interview, in 1998, Hawke explained how he exercised this strength with those who challenged his ascendancy to the party's leader­ the votes within the party caucus, eight months later, needed a powerful all: ship in 1982-1983. Hawke knew, in were simply not there.30 It was a heart-wrenching and construction upon the : terms of being able to win the prime difficult moment for Hayden, who had risen to the top In March 1983, H ministership, he was the only game of the ALP leadership after beginning his working life beleaguered Fraser, and in town. The party's powerbrokers, in as a policeman. Hawke, indeed, was the new leader of that his stance on the F 1983, had lost faith in Hayden's elec­ the ALP, but potential internal damage to the party in his unseating the i toral capabilities.26 Therefore, it was had been prevented due to the gracious and supportive understandably, it was acknowledged and accepted within behavior displayed by Hayden toward Hawke during the ALP used an enviro the ALP leadership that Hawke was the post-defeat period. issue to achieve elector< the only candidate with a significant The federal elections were not going to be a cake­ observer and a writer of national presence and support to run walk for Bob Hawke and the ALP. Malcolm Fraser "It was the big symboli against the incumbent Fraser and was a tough and resourceful opponent. He knew how destroyed the Coalition': win.27 to obtain power Qust ask Gough Whitlam), and how voters)."32 Kelly also not However, his critics were not to use it. Yet, Hawke represented a real and unexpected of the 1980s was Labo1 3 without merit. Hawke had not been threat to his re-election. There was also a serious and environmental issues." : a member of the House of Repre­ unexpected political development for Fraser and the Hawke, in retrosp1 sentatives until1980, winning a sqfe Liberal Party: By 1983, the environment had ascended transformation in reco: seat representing Wills, located in rapidly amongst voters as a national issue, and the Lib­ Franklin River's presen Melbourne's industrial northern sub­ eral Party was not ready to respond decisively. environmental conflicts urbs. 28 There were several ALP House The Franklin River dam crisis and Fraser's refusal as prime minister. He st members who were disgruntled about to exercise federal power and intercede on behalf of to a Damascus-type of 54 the fact that Hawke had not paid his environmentalists, despite domestic and global pres­ We (Australians) had dues within the often volatile and sures to do so, represented a real threat to his re-election ment) as an issue, and f bloody trenches of Australian politics. chances. Hawke had publicly stated that he would use . I thought seriously ah Nevertheless, he quickly positioned federal power to cease construction of the dam upon his side of that end (pro-eJ himself to succeed the popular but election. Fraser, responding to Hawke's bold declara­ a common factor with vulnerable Labor leader, Bill Hayden. tion, correctly stated that the Australian constitution 1983 (Franklin River), 15 Hawke's decision to stand for parlia­ prevented his use of federal power to intercede due to 1990 (Kakadu); they all ment was due to a burning internal the recognition of states' rights and their lawful control issue at stake.35 Hawk{ need to seek the parliamentary lead­ over their indigenous natural resources. Though Fraser each case. ership of the ALP. Thus, in 1983, was legally correct, the Australian public increasingly Philip Toyne and Si Hawke's ascendance to the party's interpreted his indifferent response as representing essay that evaluated l­ leadership position, though stormy political weakness and a lack of willful leadership. and legacy, "The Hawk< at times, was not a question of if, but Hawke, ever the savvy political opportunist and acute achieving more to pro1 only of when. surveyor of Australian politics, proclaimed his disagree­ national government b< The ALP's caucus voters were ment with the Fraser government on this issue. To put a in 2004, that "leadershiF determined, if not desperate, to pres­ finer point on this issue for public consumption, Hawke certain moments in his1 ent to Australian voters a perceived was photographed with Tasmanian environmental and I stillfeel that I di1 "winner." The defeat of the incum­ activist Dr. Bob Brown at a Melbourne rally. Hawke's and Australia."37 bent Malcolm Fraser at the polls then wife, Hazel, in a brilliant move, wore rather large Bob Brown: Birth of was the primary focus of everyone earrings at the rally that had the triangular shaped Robert (Bob) James :E 29 31 in the ALP. On 3 February 1983, slogan, "No Dams," upon them. 1hough Hawke and 1972. He had spent an Hayden resigned his leadership Brown were not close personally, they did respect each Australian mainland an position in the ALP. Having staved other. In truth, they needed each other desperately in Practice) of medicine.- off a Hawke challenge in July 1982, 1983. Hawke wanted to be prime minister, and Brown Randall Doyle

1s, eight months later, needed a powerful ally to help shut down the dam heart-wrenching and construction upon the Franklin River. 10 had risen to the top In March 1983, Hawke was victorious over the ming his working life beleaguered Fraser, and many political analysts believed .vas the new leader of that his stance on the Franklin River played a key part damage to the party in his unseating the incumbent. Ironically, though acious and supportive understandably, it was not the last time Hawke and Jward Hawke during the ALP used an environmental issue as a major wedge issue to achieve electoral victory. Paul Kelly, a longtime ,t going to be a cake­ observer and a writer ofAustralian politics, commented, \.LP. Malcolm Fraser "It was the big symbolic (environmental) issues which onent. He knew how destroyed the Coalition's credibility (with the Australian 1 Whitlam), and how voters)."32 Kelly also noted that the "one (political) story a real and unexpected of the 1980s was Labor's mastery of the Coalition on v-as also a serious and environmental issues."33 1t for Fraser and the Hawke, in retrospect, did not mythologize his mment had ascended transformation in recognizing the importance of the 1al issue, and the Lib­ Franklin River's preservation, or the other high-profile nd decisively. environmental conflicts that occurred during his tenure s and Fraser's refusal as prime minister. He stated simply, "There was no road 1tercede on behalf of to a Damascus-type of conversion that I can recall .... :stic and global pres­ We (Australians) had to face up to it (the environ­ 55 ueat to his re-election ment) as an issue, and also within the party (ALP) ... ted that he would use . I thought seriously about it, and I came down on the 'n of the dam upon his side of that end (pro-environment)."34 Kelly points to lawke's bold declara­ a common factor within Hawke's electoral victories: ustralian constitution 1983 (Franklin River), 1987 01Ieensland rainforests), and er to intercede due to 1990 (Kakadu); they all had a significant environmental 1d their lawful control issue at stake.35 Hawke chose the "green" position in )urces.Though Fraser each case. m public increasingly Philip Toyne and Simon Balderstone stated, in an onse as representing essay that evaluated Hawke's environmental record ,villfulleadership. and legacy, "The Hawke Government can lay claim to opportunist and acute achieving more to protect the environment than any )claimed his disagree­ national government before or since."36 Hawke stated, on this issue. To put a in 2004, that "leadership represents the key ingredient at consumption, Hawke certain moments in history. I felt that I was right then, mian environmental and I stillfeel that I did the right thing for Tasmania bourne rally. Hawke's and Australia."37 ove, wore rather large Bob Brown: Birth of an Environmental Icon he triangular shaped Robert (Bob) James Brown arrived in Tasmania in 1 1hough Hawke and 1972. He had spent a number of years working on the they did respect each Australian mainland and overseas, as a doctor (General 1 other desperately in Practice) of medicine. Upon his arrival, there was no : minister, and Brown initial indication of the eventual course he took in life. His climb to promine1 Brown's becoming the face of the Australian environ­ voted ''Australian of t mental movement was not a given, nor expected, of involved public acts of' the tall, lean, and bespectacled gentleman who origi­ jail time-which were ' nated from Oberon - which is a small town situated ping the construction < at the foothills of the Blue Mountains in New South river system located in Wales?8 In fact, his original intentions, when moving The Franklin crisis; to Tasmania, were to practice medicine and pursue the als. Some were well-kn Tasmanian (thylacine) tiger. Within a few years, Brown professors Richard Jor acknowledged that the tiger was not to be found, and volatile Norm Sander he also discovered that his medical practice became from California but, i1 increasingly irrelevant in his life. Environmentalism Tasmanian Parliamen· emerged as the focus of his life in the late 1970s.39 just average citizens ' Brown, by his own admission, was a late participant mon courage. They we in the movement to prevent the flooding of Lake Pedder and souls into the effc in 1972. While thousands had walked to (and into) this the Tasmanian state g' beautiful alpine lake, he saw it only once during a plane with this controversial] flight in May 1972.40 This marvel of nature, in 1955, that over 2,500 individ had been declared a national park. However, it became blockade, including 6 threatened, in 1965, due to a new political consensus. It were approximately 1,~ was decided that there was a new and immediate need enforcement agencies s6 to construct a new hydro-dam. The new hydro-dam, from seventeen to sever according to its proponents, would provide cheap energy that this concerted effo1 to future industries developed in Tasmania.41 Envi­ project represented the ronmentalists and nature conservationists alike were in Australian history.46 devastated by this new decision taken by the Tasmanian Yet it was Brown w state government and the Hydro-Electric Commission. due to intense and rna~ Brown, though a peripheral figure in Tasmanian politics of this new, dramatic, ar at this time, began a personal journey that changed his directed towards a new life forever. He became an ardent advocate, a "green'' in Australian society. R warrior, in the preservation of the last vestiges of the of an interview that he< Tasmanian wilderness. ing the Franklin Rive1 After the Lake Pedder debacle in 1972, Brown used imagination, energy, an< his home, located in Liffey, Tasmania (north-central would soon be disappe part of the state), as a center for discussions and strat­ Norm Sanders, am< egizing for future environmental operations in the crat Party, founded in state.42 The medical practice that originally brought "green" environmentali him to Tasmania was put on the shelf His intellectual nian Parliament in 197« interests and emotional passions concerning the island's broadcaster and report ecology drew him deeper into the environmental move­ parliament, as well af ment.43 Ten years later, Australia witnessed the birth of professor at UTAS, c< an environmental icon. appeal amongst his fel In 1982-1983, the Franklin River dam campaign Brown does somethini began the dramatic emergence of Bob Brown into the approach-he is sincen consciousness of Australians and Australian politics. to believe him. He does: Randall Doyle

I course he took in life. His climb to prominence was so dramatic that he was 1e Australian environ­ voted ''Australian of the Year" in 1983. His activities iven, nor expected, of involved public acts of civil disobedience-that included gentleman who origi­ jail time-which were committed with the hope of stop­ a small town situated ping the construction of the Franklin dam on this wild untains in New South river system located in southwest Tasmania.44 entions, when moving The Franklin crisis attracted thousands of individu­ edicine and pursue the als. Some were well-known like University ofTasmania :hin a few years, Brown professors Richard Jones and Kevin Kiernan, and the s not to be found, and volatile Norm Sanders, a former university professor dical practice became from California but, in 1983, a sitting member of the fe. Environmentalism Tasmanian Parliament. However, though, most were in the late 1970s.39 just average citizens who participated with uncom­ t, was a late participant mon courage. They were willing to throw their bodies loading of Lake Pedder and souls into the effort in preventing the HEC and alked to (and into) this the Tasmanian state government from going forward 1ly once during a plane with this controversial project. Professor Crowley wrote vel of nature, in 1955, that over 2,500 individuals participated in the Franklin rk. However, it became blockade, including 67 people from overseas. There r political consensus. It were approximately 1,272 arrests made by various law w and immediate need enforcement agencies in Tasmania, with ages ranging . The new hydro-dam, from seventeen to seventy-nine.45 Crowley also indicates 57 d provide cheap energy that this concerted effort to stop the Franklin River dam in Tasmania.41 Envi­ project represented the largest act of civil disobedience ~rvationists alike were in Australian history.46 aken by the Tasmanian Yet it was Brown who emerged and was presented, -Electric Commission. due to intense and massive media coverage, as the face ·e in Tasmanian politics of this new, dramatic, and energized national movement urney that changed his directed towards a new awareness for the environment ~nt advocate, a "green'' in Australian society. Roger Green wrote, in the preface the last vestiges of the of an interview that he conducted with Brown concern­ ing the Franklin River crisis, "Without Bob Brown's :le in 1972, Brown used imagination, energy, and compassion, the Franklin River .smania (north-central would soon be disappearing under dead still water."47 · discussions and strat­ Norm Sanders, a member of the Australian Demo­ ttal operations in the crat Party, founded in 1977, was the first recognized 1at originally brought "green" environmentalist to be elected to the Tasma­ ~ shelf. His intellectual nian Parliament in 1979. Sanders had been a television concerning the island's broadcaster and reporter in Tasmania before entering e environmental move­ parliament, as well as being an occasional adjunct l witnessed the birth of professor at UTAS, commented on Brown's special appeal amongst his fellow Australians, "On TV, Bob River dam campaign Brown does something I can't do. He has the other JfBob Brown into the approach-he is sincere. He is so sincere you've just got 11d Australian politics. to believe him. He doesn't joke. He wears a funereal suit. You think he is so sincere you've just got to help him. manian Parliament. H< He's good talent but not entertaining talent."48 from Risdon Prison, lo< Professor Jones, though, ever skeptical about the on the S'h ofJanuary, 19 media's role in Australian society, nevertheless he also due to his activities inv< believed that Brown's role in the Franklin River crisis ade. The day after his r was very important to the movement. Jones commented, he was the winner of a' "Peter Thompson being a media-trained person, could based upon the 1982 st: see the value of promoting Bob as an image. Bob the House of Assembl wouldn't have done it without Peter. Bob gained in was due to the resign: charisma, he certainly met people's imaginations around December of1982.52 the country. He has carried himself in the role mag­ The outspoken Sa1 nificently. He is a phenomenon, whether he was made became increasingly di: a phenomenon or not."49 the Franklin dam crisis Brown's ability to come across as modest and that he became comple sincere in interviews and statements was invaluable within Tasmania. San throughout the Franklin River drama. Brown under­ democracy was dysfun stood the importance of presenting a proper image of tration of seeing the F seriousness to the Australian public. The image of tree­ abused by police convi buggers and unkempt individuals did not go over well 23 December 1982.53 C amongst middle-class citizens in Australia. Therefore, that Sanders was later e Brown, in his dark suit, possessor of a solemn voice Senate in 1984) sB and a demeanor that indicated to fellow Australians, Brown later served in and supporters throughout the world, that this was a coalition majority gove serious man who meant business. There was no doubt Tasmania's history. It ' in anyone's mind that he was determined to stop this government since Wori monstrosity from destroying one of nature's last stand­ the other "Green" indep ing testaments of beauty. they were able to achievt Wayne Crawford, a well-known columnist for Ihe during this period: The F Mercury, the largest newspaper in Tasmania, com­ law reform, Aboriginal] mented during an interview that Brown was seen by the area of protected wi many Tasmanians and some outside observers as repre­ Today, Brown is a res; senting an almost God-like persona during the Franklin Australian Federal Sen: campaign.50 1here is the famous photo ofhim,later on, In November 2003, his being manhandled by loggers at Farmhouse Creek in dent George W. Bush,. 1987. Bare-chested, arms pulled wide and a look of fear over issues concerning ti and determination upon his face represented a power­ firestorm throughout } 1 ful message to all Australians. 5 Bob Brown was a man most of the nation's pol willing to die for his cause. Even the most skeptical of as well, were stunned by Australians knew they were witnessing a different kind Brown's actions and cor of man, activist and citizen. It only added to his public He has represented ' persona, reputation and stature amongst environmental­ since 1996. He is recogn ists and his fellow countrymen. lian Greens Party. The A By the time the Franklin River dam crisis was in 1992. In the October resolved by the Australian High Court (4-3 vote), on 1 Greens (received almos July 1983, Brown found himself a member of theTas- Australian Democrats a~ Randall Doyle

ve just got to help him. manian Parliament. How? When? Brown was released Australia. Though the ALP and Lib­ 48 :aining talent." from Risdon Prison, located in the state capital Hobart, eral Parties remain relatively strong, rer skeptical about the on the 5'h ofJanuary, 1983. He was in prison for 16 days the Greens are slowly but steadily !ty, nevertheless he also due to his activities involving the Franklin River block­ gaining more support from Austra­ 1e Franklin River crisis ade. The day after his release, Brown was notified that lian voters due to their progressive nent.Jones commented, he was the winner of a "count-back" of preference votes stands on education, immigration, the a-trained person, could based upon the 1982 state elections. His ascendance to environment and political reforms. 3ob as an image. Bob the House of Assembly in the Tasmanian Parliament Bob Brown stated in an interview 7 t Peter. Bob gained in was due to the resignation of Norm Sanders in late that he is in it for the long haul. 5 The le's imaginations around December ofl982.52 quiet doctor-activist-politician from mself in the role mag­ The outspoken Sanders, an American expatriate, the rural region ofNew South Wales I, whether he was made became increasingly disgruntled and dismayed during has become one of the most powerful the Franklin dam crisis. He grudgingly acknowledged forces in Australian politics as the 21sr 1cross as modest and that he became completely disillusioned by the politics century unfolds. ements was invaluable within Tasmania. Sanders believed that Tasmanian Aftermath: A Different drama. Brown under­ democracy was dysfunctional, and his growing frus­ Australia tting a proper image of tration of seeing the Franklin River protesters being Amanda Lohrey wrote in an essay, tblic.The image of tree­ abused by police convinced him to resign his seat on "Groundswell," the Franklin River als did not go over well 23 December 1982.53 (Note: It should be mentioned blockade of 1982-1983 represented in Australia. Therefore, that Sanders was later elected to the Australian Federal a defining moment in Australian ssor of a solemn voice Senate in 1984) politics. She determined that envi­ I to fellow Australians, Brown later served in the first and only ALP-"Green" ronmental issues had entered the world, that this was a coalition majority government, from 1989 to 1992, in 59 vortex of the nation's politics forever. 58 ss. There was no doubt Tasmania's history. It was the most progressive state Former Prime Minister Hawke stated, letermined to stop this government since World War II. Though Brown, and in 2004, that the environment is now .e of nature's last stand- the other "Green" independents, was the junior partner, amongst the top three issues consid­ they were able to achieve a number oflegislative reforms ered important to Australian voters, own columnist for The during this period: The Freedom oflnformation Act, gay 9 especially with young voters. 5 er in Tasmania, com­ law reform, Aboriginal land rights, and the doubling of The Australian Constitution, and lat Brown was seen by the area of protected wilderness. 54 its implementation and interpreta­ side observers as repre­ Today, Brown is a respected andflared voice within the tion, were altered forever as well. )na during the Franklin Australian Federal Senate and throughout Australia. 55 The powers of the Commonwealth photo of him, later on, In November 2003, his confrontation with U.S. Presi­ were enhanced at the expense of .t Farmhouse Creek in dent George W. Bush, inside the national parliament, state power. In short, the federal wide and a look of fear over issues concerning the war in Iraq caused a political government did indeed have the e represented a power­ firestorm throughout Australia. Afterwards, though, constitutional authority to stop or Bob Brown was a man most of the nation's political observers, and politicians prevent an environmental event or n the most skeptical of as well, were stunned by the level of support shown for project that was recognized as detri­ 1essing a different kind Brown's actions and comments that day. 56 mental, with the understanding that nly added to his public He has represented Tasmania in the federal Senate the environment in question has been nongst environmental- since 1996. He is recognized as the voice of the Austra­ identified for its global uniqueness lian Greens Party. The Australian Greens were founded by a legitimate international agency. River dam crisis was in 1992. In the October 2004 elections, the Australian Hawke commented: Court (4-3 vote), on 1 Greens (received almost 900,000 votes) replaced the ·a member of theTas- Australian Democrats as the 3'd largest political party in We haven't created a new head of power but the down. 62 His legacy is c High Court has interpreted the Constitution in on the Franklin River a very important way which has implications for his namesake when it < the future. It doesn't mean that the Government ted and determined e can go off and conclude some international treaty struggled in Tasmania, for the sake of then having some power to act last remaining wild riv within Australia; it has got to be in pursuit of an Bob Brown, since 1< international convention properly arrived at; but stature. The Greens a1 60 that's been clarified. gers" or as a bunch fre In 1983, legal scholar and Head of the Department Greens are now positi of Law at the University of Tasmania, M. Sornarajah in Australian politics ~ wrote an essay specifically about the Franklin River Brown, though, the r Dam legal quagmire. She wrote about the domestic and international awa: and international ramifications, and whether Australia the cult of celebrity. Br had decided correctly on this complex question of the "environmental voi constitutional authority between the state and federal Australia's emerging p government. She also addressed the issue of whether the federal parliament the government can exercise the proper authority to Though he often stru1 meet its international obligations. Professor Sornarajah being a grassroots acti concluded that the majority decision, 4-3, was correct. rumored departure fro1 The justices displayed a new and broader interpretation His commitment tow: 6o and understanding of the Australian Constitution in a global environment f changing world: unchanged. Brown cc From an international lawyer's viewpoint the the Greens in an intc majority judgments are superior because they show Tasmania offices: a better understanding of trends and developments The Greens need to > within international law. Australia must give vigor­ The future of the G ous leadership particularly in the Asian region, in nations. The world i the human rights and environmental fields. Her tagon (militarism) a claim to such leadership should not be hampered is a historic confro by narrow legalism. Instead every effort must be and people. We (Gr made to allow the Commonwealth scope to provide revolution, not a viol leadership while not making a dramatic or swift after power, we are r 61 alteration of the federal structure. believe that the Par] Hawke's prime ministership ended in 1991, not by the the people. Democr; voters, but from a revolt within the ranks of the ALP. racy is the major foe Paul Keating, Hawke's Treasurer in the 1980s, wrested Recently, Brown has the leadership from him in a close and emotional book, Memo For A Sa caucus vote. Though Hawke's departure was acrimo­ beliefs and philosophJ nious, bitter, and controversial, he is not a forgotten politics and future hof man. A poll was taken by Ihe Australian, one of the He writes that when 1 nation's most prominent newspapers, in 1997, and they his home and propert: asked Australians to evaluate the performances of the the Australian Bush I­ five most recent prime ministers. Hawke won hands his last will and testarr Randall Doyle

td of power but the down. 62 His legacy is only now taking shape. However, protection of a little more forest and the Constitution in on the Franklin River dam issue, Hawke soared like white-goshawk territory under those 1as implications for his namesake when it counted most for those commit­ lofty turrets of Drys Bluff, where one at the Government ted and determined environmentalists who lived and day long ago, while out walking, I international treaty struggled in Tasmania, in 1982-1983, to save one of the decided to go into hock for the land some power to act last remaining wild rivers on earth. and its wildlife."64 , be in pursuit of an Bob Brown, since 1983, has also grown in power and Bob Hawke, Bob Brown, and the )erly arrived at; but stature. The Greens are no longer seen as "tree-hug­ Franklin River will forever be seen by gers" or as a bunch freeloaders on the public dole. The Australians as significant individual .d of the Department Greens are now positioned to become a major player parts of a new national whole. That :mania, M. Sornarajah in Australian politics after the next national elections. whole represents a new perspective for ut the Franklin River Brown, though, the recipient of numerous national Australians in viewing its environment :e about the domestic and international awards has remained unaffected by and its future ecological sustainability. and whether Australia the cult of celebrity. Brown remains in politics because That whole changed politics and the complex question of the "environmental voice" and progressive solutions to social-environmental dialogue within n the state and federal Australia's emerging problems need to be debated in Australia forever. That whole repre­ i the issue of whether the federal parliament in Canberra, the nation's capital. sented a new judicial interpretation of 1e proper authority to Though he often struggles with internal thoughts of the Commonwealth's constitutional s. Professor Sornarajah being a grassroots activist again, Brown's occasionally authority concerning environmental :ision, 4-3, was correct. rumored departure from politics is greatly exaggerated. issues involving state sovereignty and broader interpretation His commitment towards social justice and a quality the right of the federal government to alian Constitution in a global environment for future generations remains intervene on such matters. Finally, it 61 unchanged. Brown commented about the future of recognizes the legitimacy of interna­ rer's viewpoint the the Greens in an interview, in 2003, in his Hobart, tional declarations and organizations )r because they show Tasmania offices: within its own federal judiciary, and is and developments The Greens need to act globally, and not just locally. the willingness to implement and ·alia must give vigor­ The future of the Greens rests in the developing enforce international decisions or the Asian region, in nations. The world is in a race between the Pen­ laws when necessary. nmental fields. Her tagon (militarism) and people power. Also, there In July 1983, Australia chose a Jd not be hampered is a historic confrontation between materialism new path. The new whole, indeed, :very effort must be and people. We (Greens) are after an intellectual represented actions, decisions and alth scope to provide revolution, not a violent revolution. The Greens are outcomes, which can be, and should a dramatic or swift after power, we are not just an alternative. Greens be, interpreted collectively, as a :ure.61 believe that the Parliament represents the will of decisive turning point in Australian ded in 1991, not by the the people. Democracy is the key. Global democ­ history. racy is the major focus of the Greens.63 the ranks of the ALP. Endnotes r in the 1980s, wrested Recently, Brown has produced an autobiographical 1 Amanda Lohrey, "Groundswell: close and emotional book, Memo For A Saner World, which provides his The Rise of the Greens," Quar­ feparture was acrimo- beliefs and philosophy concerning the environment, terly Essay, Issue 8, 2002, 16. he is not a forgotten politics and future hopes for Tasmania and Australia. 2 Cassandra Pybus and Richard Australian, one of the He writes that when his days in this world are done, Flanagan, editors, 7he Rest ifthe 1pers, in 1997, and they his home and property (11 hectares) will be given to World is Watching: Tasmania and 1e performances of the the Australian Bush Heritage Foundation. It will be rs. Hawke won hands his last will and testament, an effort that "ensures the the Greens (Sydney: Pan Macmillan Publishers Australia, 1990); Kevin Kiernan, "I Saw My 33 Ibid. Temple Ransacked," 33. 34 Hawke interview, 4 }t 3 Roger Green, Battlefor the Franklin (Sydney/Melbourne: Fontana Books and the Austra­ 35 Ryan and Bramston, ' lian Conservation Foundation, 1981); Interview with Richard Jones, "7he Fedder Tragedy: 36 Dick jones," 57. Ibid., 170. 37 4 Pete Hay interview, 24 May 2004, Hobart, Tasmania. Hawke interview, 4 }t: tal record is quite evi 5 Green, Battle for the Franklin, 57. 38 Peter Thompson, Bob 6 Margaret Bowman and Michelle Grattan, Reformers: Shaping Australian Society from the 60s 39 to the 80s (Melbourne: Collins Dove, 1989); Bob Brown, Chapter 7, 88-89. Bob Brown interview 40 7 Ibid., 89. Ibid. 41 8 Ibid. Pybus and Flanagan, 42 9 Ibid., 85. Bob Brown, Memo fo1 photo Brown's house 10 Kate Crowley, "Saving the Franklin: A People's Rebellion in a Distant Forest," Island, 43 Winter/Spring 2003, Number 93/94,35. Brown interview, 19 l\ 44 11 Peter Thompson, Power in Tasmania (Hawthorn, Victoria: Australian Conservation Foun- This honor is bestowe dation, 1981), 21. lia's most important 1 in the United States. 12 Ibid. 45 Kate Crowley, Saving 13 Ibid. 46 14 Ibid. Lloyd Robson, A History ofTasmania: Volume II (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 47 62 1991), 567. Roger Green, Battlefi Urest Tasmania, (Mel! 15 Ibid., 571-572. Brown interview). 16 Ibid., 571. 48 Green, Battle for 1he 1 17 Ibid., 574. 49 Green, Battle for 1he 1 18 Lohrey, "Groundswell, "21. 50 Wayne Crawford, intc 19 Robson, A History ofTasmania, 576-577. 51 The photo mention ca 20 Lohrey, 'Groundswell," 22. photo section. 21 Bob Hawke, 7he Hawke Memoirs (Melbourne: William Heinemann Australia, 1994), p.138. 52 Brown, Memo, 21-22. 22 Lindsay Simpson, "The Scarred Soul of a Storyteller", 40* South: Tasmania & Beyond (April 53 Thompson, Bob Brow1 1996- No.2), 14. 54 Brown, Memo, 120-12 23 Hawke, Memoirs, 137. 55 Garry Linnell, "Greer 24 Bob Hawke, interview, 4 June 2004, Sydney, Australia. November 2003, 4, 11 25 Ibid. 56 Ibid. 26 Hawke, Memoirs, 122. 57 Brown interview, 211\ 27 Bob Hawke, interview, Sydney, Australia, 13 January 1998; Hawke, Memoirs, 112. 58 Amanda Lohrey, "Gn 28 Hawke, Memoirs, 98. 59 Hawke interview, 4 }t: 29 Ibid., 98, 116, 120-127. 60 Green, Battle for the 1 30 Ibid., 116, 122. 61 M. Sornarajah, editor, 31 A photo appears in Bob Brown's autobiographical book, Memo for a Saner World, showing Bob Tasmania Publicatio1 Hawke, Hazel Hawke and Bob Brown arm-in-arm at a Franklin River Anti-Dam rally in Case",34. Melbourne in 1983. 62 Mike Steketee, ''All is 32 Susan Ryan and Troy Bramston, editors, 1he Hawke Government: A Critical Retrospective 63 Brown interview, 19 l\ (Australia: Pluto Press, 2003), 171. 64 Brown, Memo, 244. Randall Doyle

'in Kiernan, '1 Saw My 33 Ibid. 34 Hawke interview, 4 June 2004. ooks and the Austra­ 35 Ryan and Bramston, The Hawke Government, 171. "7he Pedder Tragedy: 36 Ibid., 170. 37 Hawke interview, 4 June 2004. (Note: Hawke emphasis and pride concerning his environmen- tal record is quite evident on the tape from the interview.) 38 Peter Thompson, Bob Brown of the Franklin River (Sydney: George Allen & Unwin, 1984), 4. ian Society from the 60s 39 g8-89. Bob Brown interview, 19 May 2003, Hobart, Tasmania. 40 Ibid. 41 Pybus and Flanagan, The Rest of the World is Watching, 20-21. 42 Bob Brown, Memo for a Saner World (Australia: Penguin Books, 2004), 24. Note: There is also a photo Brown's house in Liffey within the book as well. 1t Forest," Island, 43 Brown interview, 19 May 2003. 44 Conservation Foun- 1his honor is bestowed upon an Australian each year by the newspaper, The Australian; Austra­ lia's most important national newspaper. The Australian is the equivalent to The New York Times in the United States. 45 Kate Crowley, Saving the Franklin, 41. 46 Ibid. University Press, 47 Roger Green, Battle for The Franklin: Conversations with the Combatants in the Struggle for South West Tasmania, (Melbourne: Fontana/Australian Conservation Foundation, 1981), 118 (Bob 63 Brown interview). 48 Green, Battle for The Franklin, 158 (Norm Sanders interview) 49 Green, Battle for The Franklin: 67 (Dick Jones interview) 50 Wayne Crawford, interview, 6 June 2003, Hobart, Tasmania. 51 The photo mention can be found in Bob Brown's book, Memo for a Saner World, within the photo section. '\ustralia, 1994), p. 138. 52 Brown, Memo, 21-22. nania & Beyond (April 53 Thompson, Bob Brown of the Franklin River, p. 166. 54 Brown, Memo, 120-121. 55 Garry Linnell, "Green Dreams", and Tony Wright, "The Green House Effect", The Bulletin, 4 November 2003,4, 16-20, respectively. 56 Ibid. 57 Brown interview, 21 May 2004. 1irs, 112. 58 Amanda Lohrey, "Groundswell", 16. 59 Hawke interview, 4 June 2004. 60 Green, Battle for the Franklin, 287 (Hawke interview) 61 M. Sornarajah, editor, The South West Dam Dispute: The Legal and Political Issues (University of r World, showing Bob Tasmania Publication, 1983); M. Sornarajah, "International Law and the South West Dam Anti-Dam rally in Case",34. 62 Mike Steketee, "All is Forgiven: Bob Did a Fine Job", The Australian, 29 November 1997,1. cal Retrospective 63 Brown interview, 19 May 2003. 64 Brown, Memo, 244.