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GERT OosnNDIE

FROM WIG TO NWIG, 1919-1993

The New West Indian Guide has, not without justification, been touted as the scholarly journal on the with the longest record of unin• terrupted publication. Indeed, the NWIG boasts a starting in 1919. This Index is offered in celebration of the journal's 75th anniversary. 1 However, the NWIG is certainly not the earliest established journal deal• ing with the Caribbean. Particularly the larger Caribbean colonies began to have their own publishing houses in the eighteenth and nineteenth centu• ries. Books, brochures, and newspapers were perhaps the most important publications issued in these houses, but periodicals were part and parcel of the endeavor too. Most such journals were short-lived, but some lasted. Some virtually new journals would later capitalize upon the prestige given by a venerable early starter. To cite two Cuban examples, the Revista Bi• mestre Cubana, published from 1910 to 1959, had borrowed its name and tradition from a short-lived nineteenth-century original (1831-1834). Like• wise, the Revista de la Biblioteca Nacional Jose Marti started its new and still continuing series in 1949; the first series had run only from 1909 to 1912. 2 Generally speaking, it wasn't until the post- II period that Caribbean journals developed a genuine interest in the as a whole, or were even founded with the aim of stimulating the development of a com• parative perspective on the region. The great majority of the periodicals published before that time had been characterized - as was the WIG - by a certain parochialism and a near exclusive orientation toward their immedi• ate colonial context; some of these journals moreover strove to keep their readership informed of the political, scientific, economic, and cultural de• velopments in and the . The agenda was to a consid-

New We st Indian Guide/ Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, Index to vols. 56-67 (1982 -1993): 3-14

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Whereas today's most prestigious book publishers on the Caribbean may be located in the United States and the European metropoles, journals exclu• sively focusing on the region are still primarily linked to Caribbean institu• tions. The still-functioning exceptions to this rule include the literary and cultural review Callaloo (U.S), the Journal of Caribbean Studies (U.S.), the NWIG, and newsletters such as Caribbean Focus and Caribbean Insight. Several American, European, and Latin American journals do include con• tributions on the Caribbean, but not exclusively.3 What are the most important and reliable journals in Caribbean studies today, where are they published, and what is their regional and disciplinary profile? It would be ludicrous to attempt to give an encompassing statement here, and even more so to pretend to advance an accepted hierarchy among the journals mentioned as important and reliable, that is, published contin• uously over the past decade or so. A serious analysis of Caribbean journals is still wanting, and this preface has no intention to fill the gap. Pressed to mention some of these journals, and excluding those dealing with one country only, such as the Boletin def Museo del Hombre Domini• cana, Cuban Studies or Conjonction: Revue Franco-Hai'tienne, or those ded• icated to the social sciences in general, e.g., Ciencia y Sociedad, I would certainly include the Anales def Caribe (Cuba, 1981-); Callaloo (U.S., 1976-); Caribbean Quarterly (Jamaica/U.W.I., 1949-); Caribbean Studies (Puerto Rico, 1961-); El Caribe Contemporaneo (, 1980-); Del Caribe (Cuba, 1982-); Homines (Puerto Rico, 1976-); the Journal of Caribbean History (Barbados/U.W.I., 1970-); the Journal of Caribbean Studies (U.S. , 1980-); the NWIG (the Netherlands, 1919-); Revista/Review Interamericana (Puerto Rico, 1971-); and Social and Economic Studies (Jamaica, 1953-). 4 A first, perhaps somewhat oblique observation is that with the exception of the NWIG, these journals are all relatively young. Nor were they the only influential Caribbean journals founded in the post-War era. Others were established, but lasted for short periods only. The radical nationalist jour• nals from the newly independent Commonwealth Caribbean, Moko, the Quarterly, Tapia, and Savacou: A Journal of the Caribbean Art• ists Movement, are cases in point (Evelyn 1974, 1988). Most of the journals singled out here are directly linked to an academic

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institution. The Ana/es del Caribe are published by the Cuban Centro de Estudios del Caribe, affiliated with the Casa de las . Caribbean Studies is a publication of the Universidad de Puerto Rico's Institute of Caribbean Studies, Del Caribe of the Casa del Caribe in Santiago de Cuba, Homines of the Universidad Interamericana de Puerto Rico. Caribbean Quarterly, the Journal of Caribbean History and Social and Economic Stud• ies are published through the University of the . The Journal of Caribbean Studies is published by the Association of Caribbean Studies, but has its base at the editor's American university. The NWIG is embedded in Dutch academic institutions, and Callaloo is published by the Johns Hop• kins University Press. The importance of English as the language of publication of journals on the Caribbean reflects the global scholarly acceptance of English as lingua franca, more than the demographic realities of a region in which less than 20 per cent of the population is actually Anglophone.5 In any case, not all jour• nals are English. Caribbean Studies is bilingual (English/Spanish), as are Homines and the Revista/Review lnteramericana. Contributions to the Anales de! Caribe are mainly in Spanish; however, an increasing number of articles is published in English or French. El Caribe Contemporaneo and Del Caribe are in Spanish. In a recent issue of the NWIG, Charles V. Carnegie (1992) presented a thorough analysis of Social and Economic Studies from the 1950s through the 1980s, indicating the journal's consistent "provincialism of language," i.e. its near absolute focus on the Commonwealth Caribbean. Moreover, he demonstrated an increasing and finally overwhelming emphasis on eco• nomics, , and sociology at the expense of , cul• ture, and history. Even a superficial comparison to other journals suggests several parallels, besides significant contrasts. Regional bias characterizes most Caribbean journals. In the preface to its first issue (1980), the Ana/es de! Caribe claimed to be "among the first publi• cations specializing in the Caribbean and covering a vast thematic and geo• graphic spectrum."6 The need for such a pan-Caribbean journal was obvious indeed, but the practice remained rather different for most journals. Today, the Journal of Caribbean History, like Social and Economic Studies, contin• ues to devote the greater part of its articles to the Anglophone Caribbean. And true to their institutional base, Caribbean Studies, Homines, and Revista/Review Interamericana have traditionally featured Puerto Rico as the most extensively discussed island, even if efforts have been made to widen the regional scope. E.g., Caribbean Studies has devoted a consid• erable number of articles to the Commonwealth Caribbean and, of course, Cuba and the Dominican Republic; only the former French and Dutch colo-

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nies were poorly represented.7 The break with the traditional parochialism is most evident in the Anales de! Caribe, Callaloo, El Caribe Contempora• neo, the Journal of Caribbean Studies, and the NWIG. These journals cover all linguistic and cultural of the Caribbean. The journals aiming for a wider Caribbean focus tend also to incorporate various disciplinary perspectives. Caribbean Studies, the Journal of Carib• bean Studies, Homines, and the Revista/Review Interamericana all publish on a broad array of subjects, from through political science to literature. El Caribe Contempordneo specializes in the social sciences. The Ana/es de! Caribe is explicitly devoted to the arts and history, avoiding poli• tics and economics. Callaloo and Caribbean Quarterly, finally, emphasize Caribbean cultures and particularly literature.8

How may we characterize the NWIG as it developed over the decade sum• marized in this Index? Programmatically, as an English-language journal striving for a pan-Caribbean and interdisciplinary perspective. In practice, the journal's articles' section still underrepresents the Spanish Caribbean and Hai:ti, as well as the disciplinary fields of contemporary economics and political science. The review section, in contrast, has over the past years developed into the world's most complete review of books covering all parts of the region and all disciplines of Caribbean studies. Concerted efforts are being made today by the editors of the NWIG to further develop the jour• nal's interdisciplinary and pan-Caribbean character. However, rather than dwelling on these editorial policies here, it seems fitting to retrace the pedi• gree of the journal to its early colonial origins, and to chart the subsequent metamorphoses. In order to do so, we may best begin by returning for a moment to 1919.

Even though the Dutch are recently devoting more attention lo the . the Dutch West Indies still hardly get any attention at all. Yet our West Indian colonies need and deserve full attention from the Dutch people. The Netherlands are in duty bound to the West Indies as well as to the East Indies, a duty from which we Dutchmen should not withdraw. We must try to bring prosperity to the West Indian colonies and to enrich the population of these colonies morally, spiritually and materially. To this end. we Dutchmen should exert all our energies. Will the Netherlands be able to achieve the goal that should be set for the West Indies? A first condition is that the Dutch learn about the colonies and their circum• stances. How can one help the colonies when one barely knows where they are located and when there is absolutely no knowledge of the population and conditions at all? Last year, during the discussion about the budget for Suriname in our Senate, Mr. Van Kol referred to the Dutch population's all but total indifference to Suriname. Things are not any better where the Cura<;aoan islands are concerned. All the more reason to attempt to inform the Dutch people of conditions in the West Indian colonies and of everything concerning the colonies and their population.

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One often hears that there are no prospects for the West Indian colonies and that it would therefore be in vain to work for the colonies: time and money could better be spent on matters other than Suriname and Cura<;ao. However, this is erroneous and such statements are best disproved by familiarizing the Dutch with the colonies and their population. How can we draw attention to and also arouse interest in the colonies? A discussion about the colonies, their population and their problems can make a contribution in this respect. Would not those who are familiar with the colonies and who have studied the colonial problems be willing to share their knowledge and studies for the common good? We are convinced that we do not appeal in vain to the experts, for they too would like to see prosperity and welfare brought to the colonies under the Supreme Govern• ment of the Dutch. We are assured that the necessary assistance for a West Indian Journal will be given. The editors of this journal do not intend to propagandize any policy for the colonies in particular. The journal is open to advocates of various political convictions and we think it is especially important that differences of opinion are expressed. The more questions raised, explained, and discussed, from various points of view, the greater the possibility that eventually one chooses the right means to work in and for the colonies. Through this journal, we hope to contribute to the commonweal of the colonies: it would mean a satisfaction to us to see this wish fulfilled.''

Surely, this manifesto opening the first issue of the West-Indische Gids has much to offer to those interested in the missionary dimension of coloni• alism. The editors were men, all but one Dutch, and absolutely within the colonial fold. Through their new journal, they hoped to further the cause of the Dutch West Indies, and particularly "to enrich the population of these colonies morally, spiritually, and materially." Even if all this was in the best paternalist traditions of colonialism, their effort must have had a certain pioneer quality to it, at least from their own perspective. They were not intent on reforming, much less abolishing colo• nialism, and indeed it would probably be anachronistic and out-of-context to even suggest they might have entertained such thoughts. Their effort however to get the Dutch West Indies back in the metropolitan spotlights was ambitious enough. After all, in spite of its original expectations and rewards, Dutch colonialism in the Caribbean had failed to produce the pros• perous colonies any metropolis longed for. Since the later nineteenth cen• tury, the Dutch East Indies had become a major factor in the national econ• omy, outshadowing anything the West Indies - Suriname and the six islands of the Netherlands - had ever contributed, or could be expected to contribute in the future. Consequently, the West had been relegated to neglect. As the Suriname author Lou Lichtveld/ Albert Helman wrote at the time, in a famous }'accuse (Helman [1926] 1976:111-12):

A faraway country shrinking to a barren desert. And I dare say, pious and self-con• tended merchants: you are guilty of this. You took possession of this country- I do not

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want to speak of the rightfulness of this act, only God knows. But why don't you love this country any more, now that you can no longer talk about its Benefits? ... Without your love, without the love which is your duty - all colonial property is the voluntary appropriation of a duty! - , there will never be salvation. For long centuries you have been thieves, and this is deemed justified. Well then, at least you should be loving thieves, not scoundrels.

Most certainly, the first editors of the West-Indische Gids would not have dreamt of choosing this indignant tone. 10 The first managing editor, C.A.J. Strucken de Roysancour, was a retired - and repatriated - Director of the Treasury in Suriname. The other members of the first editorial board were men of similar orientation. The lawyer D. Fock had just stepped down as Governor of Suriname to accept the position as Minister of Colonial Affairs; he resigned from the West-Indische Gids board a year later on ac• cepting the position of Governor General of the Dutch East Indies. Dr. J. Boeke held a chair in medical anatomy and histology, and had acted as an advisor to the Dutch government on the Netherlands Antilles. Finally, Dr. H.D. Benjamins, who took over the position of managing director in the second year of the journal's existence, was the acting Inspector of Education in Suriname. The driving force behind the journal from 1920 until his death in 1933, Benjamins was the only Surinamer and the only one actually living in the Caribbean among the first four editors. 11 No Antilleans were repre• sented on the editorial board. Knowledge may be power, and colonial ventures such as scholarly jour• nals may have been informed by an interest in accumulating, interpreting, and distributing the information necessary to the colonial project. An analy• sis of the first fifty years of the West-Indische Gids discloses, however, a focus on historical anecdote, folklore, languages, and the enigmas of exotic natural locales which would have had an extremely indirect bearing on colo• nial policies at best. Economic growth and modernization did indeed reach the Dutch West Indies in the decades following the foundation of the jour• nal. It would be hard, however, to demonstrate any causal connection be• tween the two. Occasionally, minutes of Dutch parliamentary debates and pressclippings on the West Indies as well as information regarding the colo• nial administration were included, thus offering a potential forum for debate on colonial policies. Yet a political debate never materialized in the pages of the West-Indische Gids, not even in the post-War era of decoloniza• tion. Contributions on administration and the colonial question were over• shadowed by the plethora of articles dealing with colonial miscellanea which today form a major source of information to any researcher of Dutch West Indian history, anthropology, or . To wit: the index for vol• umes 26 to 39 (1944-1959), a period in which the Suriname bauxite industry

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became the major sector of the country's economy, has five articles dealing with bauxite; in the same period, the journal published fifteen contributions on Maroon history and culture. Likewise, whereas the oil refineries of Cura• ~ao and Aruba dominated the Antillean economy, the 1944-1959 volumes of the journal contained but one article on oil, against some twenty on water and scores of contributions on flora and fauna. Rather than cold instru• mentalism, it was dilettantism, in the very best sense of that word, which inspired most of the W/G's pages. A cursory review of the volumes of the West-lndische Gids confirms that the journal remained almost completely within the Dutch Caribbean orbit. The occasional broadening of this regional focus mainly served to discuss related themes such as early Dutch history in Brazil. Most authors were Dutchmen, many of them (former) expatriates in the Dutch West Indies. However, a U.S. scholar such as M.J. Herskovits reported on his research in Suriname as early as the late 1920s. In the first twenty-five volumes (1919- 1943), P. Rivet's "L'origine de l'industrie de l'or en Amerique" and James Williams' "The name Guiana" were the only articles by outsiders using their own language and discussing the non-Dutch Americas. With several "for• eign" contributions by, among others, French Caribbean novelist Rene Maran and U.S. anthropologist Sidney W. Mintz, the subsequent fifteen vol• umes (1944-1959) shed some of the journal's exclusively Dutch character. Even so, out of some 280 articles published in these volumes, less than thirty dealt with non-Dutch and concerns. The near three-hundred re• views published disclosed the same imbalance.

In 1959, the West-lndische Gids merged with two other journals, Vox Guya• nae from Suriname and Christoffel from Cura~ao, and was continued as the Nieuwe West-lndische Gids. In the preface to the index for volumes 26-39, this move is situated in the context of the new relations between the Nether• lands and its former Caribbean colonies. Apparently a postcolonial aware• ness dictated the attempt to make the journal more transatlantic. Hence• forth, the journal would be edited in turn by one of three boards, one in the Netherlands, one in Cura~ao, one in Suriname. 12 The preface to the sub• sequent index revealed that this arrangement had not functioned ade• quately; editorial responsibilities were officially returned to the Nether• lands after seven years. Ironically Sticusa, the Dutch organization for cultural exchange so often vilified as colonial and reactionary, was men• tioned in retrospect as the agency responsible for the "progressive" merge in 1959. The prestigious presses of M. Nijhoff, which had published the West• Jndische Gids since volume 2, initially continued publication of the Nieuwe

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West-Indische Gids. This arrangement was, however, cancelled starting with the fiftieth volume, which appeared in 1974. For almost twenty years, the Stichting Nieuwe West-Indische Gids was the official publisher of the jour• nal. 13 The one crucial new development in this period was the decision to transform the Gids into a major English-language journal for the social sciences and humanities, specializing in the entire Caribbean region. In 1982, the first English-language volume of the journal was published under an again updated banner: Nieuwe West-Indische Gids/New West Indian Guide. In 1984, Harry Hoetink assumed the position of managing editor, which he held until 1991. This change of policy was inspired by several factors. First, a decline in the number of both subscribers and pages per volume indicated that the journal could not hope to continue in the (post)colonial setting in which it had prospered for over half a century. Its former captive audience of Dutch West Indies specialists, Dutch expatriates, and Dutch Caribbean elites was disappearing or broadening its horizons. Second, two of the journal's new editors, professors Harry Hoetink and H.U.E. Thaden van Velzen of Utrecht University, themselves represented a new generation of Dutch aca• demics with an explicitly comparative perspective on Caribbean studies. Finally, their close contacts with Johns Hopkins professors Richard and Sally Price and their shared awareness of the need for a genuine pan-Carib• bean journal resulted first in the Price's entrance into the NW!G's editorial board, and subsequently in an institutional affiliation with The Program in Atlantic History, Culture and Society of the Johns Hopkins University. Whereas the link with Johns Hopkins turned out to be less enduring, the Prices remained members of the editorial board since 1982, most of the time as review editors. 14 A comparison of the period after 1982 with the preceding decades illus• trates the new policy. Out of the almost 170 articles mentioned in the index for volumes 40-55, running from 1960-1981, 15 150 dealt with the Dutch Caribbean. The review section, with just over 30 non-Dutch Caribbean re• views out of a total of 115, scored only slightly less parochial. In contrast, the index for volumes 56-67 presented here contains more articles on the Anglophone Caribbean than on the former Dutch Caribbean, and demon• strates a fair share of contributions on the Spanish- and French-speaking Caribbean. As a consistent effort has been made to include all relevant publications in the sections for review articles and book reviews, these sec• tions now cover the region in its entirety. Apart from this broadening of regional focus, the journal narrowed its interest by excluding the natural sciences, but opened its columns to serious and more comparative and theo• retical approaches in the social sciences and humanities. One decade later-

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and taking this liberty as I myself cannot claim any credit for the new edi• torial policy initiated in the early 1980s - I think one can well conclude that the Gids did indeed shed its, however solid, somewhat parochial character, and improved its quality considerably. By the middle of the 1990s, most prominent scholars of the Caribbean have indeed contributed to the journal. In this most recent period, one more organizational change has been en• acted. In 1992, the KITLV/Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology in Leiden took over the publication of the journal. Irony has it that the KITLV, like the (N)WIG, emerged from a colonial setting, even if longer ago (1852), and linked more directly to the intellectual elites of Dutch colo• nialism.16 This transfer had no consequences in terms of the editorial board's policies, but did improve the NW/G's organizational infrastructure 17 and viability. The total number of pages is back to some four-hundred a year, at the same level as in the opening decades of the journal. Once again, the name was changed, this time by a mere confirmation of priorities: chang• ing the order of the bilingual full name to New West Indian Guide/Nieuwe West-lndische Gids, henceforth NWIG for short. 18

Not without awareness of the complexity of the claim, the NWIG presents itself as the scholarly journal on the Caribbean with the longest record of uninterrupted publication. In search of an explanation for its longevity, we may signal some structural factors. Sadly, one of the NW/G's most excep• tional characteristics has been of crucial importance in this respect. Having its base outside the Caribbean, in the metropolis, provided the journal with a relatively comfortable background. Both the journal's pre-War embed• ding within relatively prosperous colonial circles and the later institutional• ization within an again rather solid and comparatively generous academic system are cases in point. The same exceptional location outside of the region also provided its editors with the luxury of promoting an exclusively West Indian focus, choosing not to look beyond the region as many period• icals in the Caribbean were probably expected to do by their local read• ership. Contingencies of a personal nature however seem to have been at least as significant in the history of the journal. It is hard to imagine how the (N)WIG could have survived without the dedication of managing editors H.D. Benjamins (1920-1932), B. De Gaay Fortman (1932-1949), and P. Wa• genaar Hummelinck (1950-1983), who in their long terms in office dedi• cated not only their best skills and energies, but at times even their personal resources to the journal. A similar observation may be made regarding the protagonists of the subsequent "new" start of the English-language NWIG. 19

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Since 1982, the concerted effort to implement the new editorial policy and the absence of a strongly defined ideological, disciplinary, or subregional focus have helped the journal to establish its own niche in the heart of Caribbean studies. If one would want to portray the NWIG as representing the state of the art in Caribbean studies, one might think of two arguments. The sections for review articles and book reviews simply and completely display the latest in Caribbean studies. The articles' section on the other hand has remained somewhat unbalanced in disciplinary fields, and unfo• cused in a particular scholarly tradition. Whereas the former characteristic may partly be due to contingencies, the latter seems to represent the overall lack of focus in the contemporary Caribbean's "world of learning." Having no intention to singlehandedly change the parameters of this broad field, the NW/G remains content in providing an open forum for all strands of scholarly work on the Caribbean.

NOTES

I. The Index was prepared by Rosernarijn Hoefle. Gert Oostindie. and Mary Pronk-May. I thank my fellow editors and Erna Kerkhof for commenting on an earlier version of this intro• duction. Obviously, I remain responsible for remaining errors and misinterpretations. 2. For the Cuban case. see Diccionario 1984, II:875-76. 888-91. 3. The British journal. Slavery and Abolition (now in its 15th volume), docs come close to being "halfway Caribbean" by incorporating a substantial Caribbean section in virtually every issue. For the French Caribbean. the Revue Fran(aise d'Histoire d 'Outre-Mer (France. [ 1913-] 1959-) is the most important periodical for French Caribbean history; the journal has rarely stepped beyond its original foci, i.e., history of the former French colonies. Since 1959. contri• butions on the former French Caribbean colonies amounted to just over one-tenth of all arti• cles published in the Revue. Of more relevance to Caribbean studies are, e.g .. Hemisphere. the Journal oflnrer-American Studies and World Affairs. and Nueva Sociedad. 4. This collection is based mainly on the listings as recorded in the bibliographical companion to the NWJG, Caribbean Abstmcts, nos. 1-4. 5. The Journal of Caribbean History and the Journal of Caribbean Swdies officially accept articles in Spanish and French, but are de facto English. Caribbean Swdies has published an occasional article in French. 6. Ana/es de/ Cari be 1( 1980): 14. The preface was published in Spanish, English and French, even if all contributions were in Spanish. 7. According to its Index for 1959-1989, the Journal of lnrer-American Swdies and World Affairs (U.S. [1959] 1970-) devoted 18 percent of its articles to the Caribbean. Within this section. half of all articles dealt with Cuba, and over 70 percent with the Spanish-speaking Caribbean as a whole.

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8. According to the 1989 Index, the Caribbean sections of the Journal of Inter-American Stud• ies and World Affairs dealt mostly with politics and international relations. 9. Signed The Hague 1919, D. Fack. WIG 1(1919):3-4. 10. They did, however, accept various ofLichtveld's articles on Suriname and Afro-American culture for publication in the journal. For these scholarly articles, Lichtveld used his real name rather than his pseudonym Helman.

11. Benjamins was also co-editor of the monumental Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch West• lndii!, published in 1914-1917. Van der Steen rightly observes that many contribitions to the WIG in these first decades actually read as supplements to the Encyclopaedie (WIG, Index 1964:4 ). Benjamins 's life and works testify both to a passionate engagement with his native country and a consistent effort to bring Suriname fully within the Dutch culture sphere. e.g. by suppressing the use of Sranan Tango (Oostindie & Maduro 1986:81 , 103). 12. The editorial boards in Curac;:ao en Suriname were composed of "locals" as well as "expa• triates." The one in the Netherlands was all-Dutch. 13 . The institutional background varied though. Volumes 50-58 were published by the Stich• ting; volumes 59-64 by Faris Publications for the Stichting and The Program in Atlantic His• tory, Culture and Society of The Johns Hopkins University (Baltimore MD); volume 65 by Faris Publications for the Stichting exclusively. 14. Sally Price served as review editor from 1982 to 1986; since I 992, she and Richard Price have served together in this capacity. From 1986 through 1991, Michel-Rolph Trouillot of Johns Hopkins was book review editor. 15. At various periods, particularly in the 1950s through the l 970s. one volume comprised two years. See NWIG 56(1982):206.

16. The KITLV emerged from a private endeavor as a state-sponsored academic institution specializing in /South East and the former Dutch West Indies/the Caribbean. 17. In the new configuration. the NWIG is published by the KITLV Press with the assistance of Utrecht University. Subscription includes membership in the KITLV and the annually pub• lished reference book, Caribbean Abstracts.

18. The foundation in 1982, and successful continuation to date. of the journal OSO: Tijd• schrift voor Surinaamse Taalkunde, Letterkunde, Cultuur en Geschiedenis testifies to the appar• ent need for a serious but not exclusively scholarly vehicle for Suriname studies. OSO is pub• lished in the Netherlands twice a year. The journal Kristof. published irregularly in Curac;:ao (1974-1985, 1993-). originated from similar motives. Even if more "modern" and self-con• sciously postcolonial, both journals have taken up some of the gaps left by the demise of the old WIG.

19. A complete listing of the editors from 1919 through 1982 may be found in NW/G 56(1982): 205.

REFERENCES

Diccionario de la literatura cubana. [Redactora Ada Rosa Le Riverend.] Havana: Editorial Letras Cubanas.

Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch West-lndie. 1914-1917. The Hague. Leiden: Nijhoff, Brill.

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EVELY N , SHIRLEY (ed.). 1974. West Indian Social Sciences Index: An Index to Mako, New World Quarterly, Savacou, Tapia 1963-1972. St. Augustine: University of the West Indies. --, 1988. Current Caribbean Periodicals and Newspapers: A Guide for the English-Speaking Caribbean. Port-of-Spain: ACURIL.

HELMAN, ALBERT, 1976. Zuid-zuid-west. Amsterdam: Querido. (Orig. 1926]

OosTJNDIE, GERT & EMY MADURO, 1986. In het land van de overheerser. II. Antillianen en Surinamers in Nederland, 1634/1667-1954. Dordrecht, Cinnaminson: Foris.

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Legend to the Index

The organization of this Index is mostly self-explanatory. Articles and re• view articles are listed separately, each in alphabetical order. The section "Books Reviewed" includes both books reviewed individually and those reviewed in a review article. The over one-hundred books reviewed and/or mentioned in Richard and Sally Price's contributions "Callaloo" and "Run• down" are not included in this section. The concluding section provides subject references to the articles, review articles not included.

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