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Christ Episcopal Church Amidst Massive Resistance: a Theological Examination of Christian Duty

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Christ Episcopal Church Amidst Massive Resistance: a Theological Examination of Christian Duty Christ Episcopal Church Amidst Massive Resistance: A Theological Examination of Christian Duty Jennifer M. McBride Massive Resistance Through School Closings: A Narrative In 1896, the United States Supreme Court’s Plessy v. Ferguson opinion approved the philosophy of “separate but equal,” allowing the state to maintain distinct public facilities for black and white Americans provided that such facilities were equivalent in regards to funding and quality. However, by 1951, when the average black as compared to the average white school in Virginia was receiving only half of the local and state funding per child, often had too little space in inadequate buildings, while white and black teachers earned grossly disparate salaries, it had become strikingly obvious that separate schools were not at all equal and that white Southerners would never, of their own volition, attend to the black community’s rights. NAACP lawyers began challenging these injustices present in the school system in the 1930’s, and by the 1950’s they were contesting segregation itself. In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court reversed its Plessy ruling and held in the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas case that “separate but equal” is inherently unequal and that segregated public education by race is unconstitutional. However, in its first decision, the court did not instruct the localities on how to implement desegregation, and a year later the Supreme Court remanded procedural decisions to the district courts, specifying that the localities must implement desegregation in the public schools “with all deliberate speed.”1 Deeming the state of Virginia as “the gateway to the South” and drawing from Civil War imagery, U.S. democratic Senator Harry Byrd warned that if the forces of integration invaded Virginia and overthrew segregation, the rest of the South would fall as well. In response to the threat, Byrd organized a resistance in the form of the Southern Manifesto, which was signed by 1 The Ground Beneath Our Feet: Virginia History Since the Civil War (Massive Resistance). Dir. Shawn M. Freude. Prod. George H. Gilliam, 2000. 1 101 congressmen. Furthermore, in 1956 Byrd announced that “racial integration is not going to be accepted in the South” and he rallied statewide “massive resistance.” In 1956 the Virginia General Assembly, with the support of Governor Thomas B. Stanley, enacted massive resistance legislation that stated “the mixing of white and colored children in any elementary or secondary public school constitutes a clear and present danger, affecting and endangering the health and welfare of the children.” The new law instructed that a school would close immediately if integration to any degree took place.2 By the summer of 1958, white Charlottesville citizens were preparing for just that, since Charlottesville, Arlington, and Newport News were under federal court orders to desegregate their schools in the fall.3 In July of 1958, State Senator and member of Charlottesville’s Christ Episcopal Church, Edward O. McCue, began to materialize his strategy to fight the Federal government’s mandate, and he vehemently advocated that the only way “to beat ‘em…is to close the public schools and substitute for them local private schools at no extra cost to anyone.”4 McCue was a local segregationist leader in the Defenders of State Sovereignty and Individual Liberties and in a 1956 interview with The Nation said: Of course we know this whole [integration] thing is being aided and abetted by the Communists and the Jews. The Communists want to mongrelize the race—weaken and conquer; and the Jews, they’re so clannish, they want it so that they will end up being the only pure white race left…We don’t want any trouble down here, but boy, you haven’t seen trouble compared to what they’ll be if integration starts.5 McCue was confident that Virginians would do everything in their power to impede integration, including offering state grants to parents for their children’s education when the public schools 2 The Ground Beneath Our Feet: Virginia History Since the Civil War (Massive Resistance). Dir. Shawn M. Freude. Prod. George H. Gilliam, 2000. 3 “UVa President Speaks Out on Integration Issue: Says Problem Must Be Solved on Local Level.” Charlottesville-Albemarle Tribune 18 July 1958: 1. Judge John Paul handed down the decision for Charlottesville schools on May 12, 1958. 4 “Must Close Schools, McCue Says: Senator Sees No Necessity for New Legislation.” Daily Progress (Charlottesville) 10 July 1958: 2. 5 Wakefield, Dan. “Charlottesville Battle: Symbol of the Divided South.” The Nation 183:11 (1956): 212-213. 2 closed. Since no legislation allowing public school buildings to be used for private schooling would hold up in federal courts, McCue campaigned for the use of church facilities and discovered through a survey that “plenty of space suitable for school is available in church buildings.”6 In fact, there were more than one hundred Sunday school classrooms in Charlottesville unused during the week compared to the one hundred and fifty white public school rooms that massive resistance laws would leave empty.7 And so, parent organizations began applying for charters to establish makeshift private school units. Meanwhile, the all-white8 Charlottesville City School Board, which was responsible for pupil assignments,9 adopted an administrative program presented by City Attorney John S. Battle, Jr., designed to reduce the number of African-American applicants by requiring scholastic achievement tests for students who wanted to transfer, conducting interviews to determine the students’ motives, and redistricting the schools.10 For example, the School Board created a new district for African-American students, which enveloped the homes of at least twenty-six of the thirty-one black applicants seeking admission to Venable Elementary, significantly expanding the black Jefferson Elementary School district lines to include all but a few African-American families and to exclude all white families.11 In addition, the Battle Plan had already imposed a numerical limit by demanding that the students apply for transfer in writing at least sixty days before the opening of a new school session.12 NAACP attorneys Oliver W. Hill, Spottswood Robinson III, and S. W. Tucker, representing twenty-six of the thirty-four black children seeking 6 “Must Close Schools, McCue Says: Senator Sees No Necessity for New Legislation.” Daily Progress (Charlottesville) 10 July 1958: 2. 7 “Church Rooms for School Use Studied.” Daily Progress (Charlottesville) 12 July 1958: 3. 8 In 1963 Raymond Bell became the first African-American appointed to Charlottesville’s School Board. See Saunders, James Robert and Renae Nadine Shackelford. Urban Renewal and the End of Black Culture in Charlottesville, Virginia. McFarland, 1995: 16. 9“City School Board Considers Assignment of 31 Negro Pupils.” Charlottesville-Albemarle Tribune 18 July 1958: 1. 10 “Private School Unit Applies for Charter.” Daily Progress (Charlottesville) 12 July 1958: 3. 11 “20 Plaintiffs Ask Judge Paul to Invalidate City School Assignment Plan.” Charlottesville-Albemarle Tribune 1 August 1958: 1-2. And Bruns, Alan. “Charlottesville Creates a New School District.” Richmond Times Dispatch 17 July 1958. 12 “City School Board Considers Assignment of 31 Negro Pupils.” Charlottesville-Albemarle Tribune 18 July 1958: 1. 3 transfer to white schools, asked the Federal district court to invalidate Charlottesville’s local assignment plan.13 The complainants’ allegations included that “the plaintiffs possess[ed] all qualifications and satisf[ied] all reasonable requirements for admissions to the schools to which they applied, save the requirements of the subsequently adopted enrollment plan.”14 Federal Judge John Paul ordered the African-American students to take the school achievement tests and submit to the interviews, implying that the attorneys erred in assuming that the School Board would assess the test scores and interviews in a discriminatory manner. However, Judge Paul questioned the redistricting, saying that it resembled gerrymandering, and cautioned that he would supplant any future discriminatory procedures.15 A month later, Hill, chief Virginia counsel for the NAACP, found that the School Board rejected thirty black students due either to the newly shifted district lines or to the elimination method designed to be a Catch- 22: a student was denied transfer if either her score on the board-administered classification test was below the median, hence signifying that she was unprepared to transfer, or if the child’s score was above the median, indicating that the pupil was a successful student in the school she was attending, and therefore, that it was in the best interest of the child to remain at that school.16 However, June Shagaloff, social coordinator for the Legal Defense and Educational Fund Inc. of the NAACP said at an African-American citizens’ workshop on desegregation that, in general, black students’ scholastic achievement increases once they are enrolled in white schools due mostly to better resources and facilities. She reported, “Black students within a year have caught up with white students when placed in integrated schools. Therefore, we look forward to seeing 13 “Judge John Paul Sets August 11th As Date He Will Hear School Case.” Charlottesville-Albemarle Tribune 1 Aug. 1958: 1. 14 “20 Plaintiffs Ask Judge Paul to Invalidate City School Assignment Plan.” Charlottesville-Albemarle Tribune 1 August 1958: 1-2. 15 “Judge Paul Denies School Board Request For Invalidation of Motion By NAACP.” Charlottesville- Albemarle Tribune 15 August 1958: 1-2. 16 “School Board Rejects Thirty Negro Pupils: Charlottesville Pupils to Protest to Judge Paul.” Richmond Times Dispatch 7 Sept. 1958:1. 4 ‘white schools’ replaced with ‘public schools’ as it should be.”17 Meanwhile, a group of local black leaders met at First Baptist Church Main Street in late July and organized an emergency Community Committee to address the struggle for school desegregation and to make public “to Charlottesville and to the nation, that the support of the entire Negro community—not just the NAACP—is behind the effort to implement the May 17, 1954 decision of the U.S.
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