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The Social Foraging Niche of the Mbendjele Bayaka

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The Social Foraging Niche of the Mbendjele Bayaka THE SOCIAL FORAGING NICHE OF THE MBENDJELE BAYAKA James M Thompson A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of University College London Department of Anthropology University College London 1 February, 2017 I, James Thompson, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the work 2 Abstract This thesis addresses the question of how a population of modern hunter-gatherers, the Mbendjele BaYaka, utilise social behaviours to exploit high quality but difficult to acquire foods. In contrast to other primates, the human diet contains a high proportion of meat, tubers and honey which have in common not only a very high calorific density but also considerable acquisition costs. The theory that human cognition coevolved with a transition to a diet specialising in these resources is far from novel. However, the underlying proximate mechanisms that allow hunter-gatherers to exploit these foods is poorly understood. It is widely accepted that food sharing by hunter-gatherers acts as a form of reciprocal altruism, reducing the risk inherent to high variability foods such as large game. However, the underlying mechanism which maintain the reciprocity are often ignored, simply assuming humans have the capacity to calculate and act upon inequalities. Similarly, a long-standing theory explaining the extended period of juvenile dependence in humans argues that it provides the opportunity to acquire the skills and knowledge necessary to hunt and gather difficult to acquire foods, yet we still no relatively little about how hunter-gatherer children learn and develop. In this this thesis I address not only the well-worn question of the ultimate explanations for sharing and childhood, but also examine the proximate mechanisms underlying cooperation and social learning. I make use of a range of data on three contemporary Mbendjele camps, which offer varying social structures and levels of market integration, and compare this to previously published data on the Mbendjele as well as data on a contemporary population of fisher-gatherers, the Agta of the Philippines. The Mbendjele in this study live within a logging concession, an area that in recent years has undergone rapid development. This provides an opportunity to study the impact changes in economy have had on foraging and food sharing. In combination with analyses 3 that make use of recent innovations in remote sensing technology and social network analysis to examine how kin and social relations facilitate cooperation, I find evidence that food sharing serves multiple functions in this society, one of which is risk reduction, but also that attitudinal reciprocity rather than calculated reciprocity may be the underlying mechanism. By observing how Mbendjele children spend their time and how this differs with both age and sex I find evidence that learning is a primary motivator of children’s activity. However, I challenge the assumption that direct experiential learning of male specific foraging is the main mode of learning for Mbendjele boys, suggesting that either learning is indirect and reliant on horizontal pathways, or that this type of learning is not the primary cause for the evolution of the extended juvenile period in humans. The key findings of this thesis highlight the important role played, not only by social behaviours, but also social structures in the hunter-gatherer economy. Affiliative relationships stabilise cooperation and facilitate social learning, and a greater understanding of the proximate mechanisms surely offers a pathway to a better understanding of human evolution. 4 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisors Andrea Migliano and Ruth Mace. Working with both of them I have learnt a great deal regarding human behavioural ecology and human evolution. And Andrea’s enthusiasm for hunter-gatherer studies has been integral to both this thesis and the resilience project as a whole. The hunter-gatherer resilience project at UCL and the many people involved in it has proven a great source of inspiration and support. In particular, I want to thank Nik Chaudhary and Deniz Salali, without whom, it is fair to say, this thesis would not be as it is today. They provided invaluable support and companionship in the field. Mark Dyble, Abbie Page and Dan Smith provided data on the Agta used in this thesis, as well as a broader perspective and engaging debate which has shaped its contents. Pascale Gerbault, Aude Rey and Jed Stevenson helped enormously in the design of protocols and data collection. Our field assistants Paul, Dambo, Esimba, Nicolas and Guyfano were instrumental in our work with the Mbendjele. Acting not only as translators, but ambassadors and guides to the Mbendjele. Their skills in furntiture construction and baking beignets brought some modest luxury to the rainforest, though even they couldn’t help with the insects. In introducing us to the Mbendjele, Jerome Lewis deserves special thanks. His insight into these people proved invaluable in both practical matters and in the interpretation of this thesis. It is a testament to how well respected and liked Jerome is by the Mbendjele, that we were warmly welcomed wherever we went. No people deserve more thanks than the Mbendjele of Ibamba, Longa and Masia. Their genuine warmth and curiosity made working with them a pleasure. Bakima Arnaud deserves special thanks, for leading Nik and myself through our ejengi initiation. Finally, a big thanks to my family for their support throughout the PhD and long before. 5 Table of Contents ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................... 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...................................................................................................... 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS .......................................................................................................... 3 LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES ............................................................................................. 5 1. THE SOCIAL FORAGING NICHE ........................................................................................ 9 COOPERATIVE FORAGING .......................................................................................................... 12 Direct cooperative foraging ............................................................................................ 12 Division of labour ............................................................................................................ 13 Provisioning/sharing ....................................................................................................... 15 SOCIAL LEARNING AND CULTURALLY FACILITATED FORAGING ........................................................... 16 PROXIMATE EXPLANATIONS OF COOPERATION .............................................................................. 20 PROXIMATE MECHANISMS OF SOCIAL LEARNING ........................................................................... 22 CONCLUSION AND SUMMARY OF THESIS STRUCTURE ..................................................................... 25 2. STUDY POPUALTION ..................................................................................................... 28 CENTRAL AFRICAN PYGMIES ..................................................................................................... 28 The Aka ........................................................................................................................... 30 STUDY AREA ........................................................................................................................... 31 Climate ............................................................................................................................ 31 Ecology ............................................................................................................................ 32 History ............................................................................................................................. 33 THE MBENDJELE BAYAKA ......................................................................................................... 34 Mobility ........................................................................................................................... 35 Subsistence ..................................................................................................................... 36 Social life and beliefs....................................................................................................... 39 Relationship with non-Pygmies....................................................................................... 43 STUDY CAMPS ........................................................................................................................ 44 Ibamba ............................................................................................................................ 44 Longa .............................................................................................................................. 45 Masia .............................................................................................................................. 46 3. DATA COLLECTION ........................................................................................................ 48 FIRST SEASON ........................................................................................................................
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