'Non-Racialism' : Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland

The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/

Available through a partnership with

Scroll down to read the article. 'Non-racialism' : Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland

S. B. Ngcobo

The newly independent states of Botswana, Before analysing the constitutions of these Lesotho and Swaziland have adopted constitu- states, let me try to indicate why the leaders 1.7 tions, which are said to be race and colour- of the governments of these states have thought blind, and a policy of non-racialism in that it prudent or necessary to adopt non-racialism,2 legislation ignores differences of race and and what the dimensions of this policy are. colour among the people within their states. A negative definition of non-racialism is contained CONCEPTS in a speech by the Vice-President of Botswana, From time to time certain conceptual terms Dr Q. K. J. Masire, delivered to the expatriate or expressions have been adopted to indicate community in Francistown: the relationships between the rulers and the Non-racialism means what it says. It ruled in several African countries. In this con- means that minorities, whatever their nection I am thinking of such concepts or colour, will be protected from oppres- terms as guardianship, wardship, trusteeship sion. But it certainly does not mean that and segregation, which were subsequently minorities can be permitted to preserve followed by white racial supremacy, apartheid, in independent Botswana the pattern of multiracialism and non-racialism. According to social and economic discrimination guardianship and wardship the white rulers which obtained in colonial days and regarded themselves as the guardians of the which still obtains in neighbouring coun- African population, and the terms were occa- tries which have not yet achieved major- sionally used by the minister of what used to ity rule. If we permit racialist attitudes be called the Native Affairs Department in to go unchecked in an avowedly non- South Africa, my home country. Trusteeship racial society the majority of our people became popular from the time of the founding will lose faith in non-racialism, and our of the League of Nations when certain territo- hopes of achieving a permanent climate ries, such as South West Africa, were described of tolerance, harmony and unity will as a sacred trust of civilisation; I remember a be dashed. Such a climate is required member of the South African Native Affairs not only to fulfill our national principles, Commission (now the Bantu Affairs Commis- but also to achieve the stability necessary sion) who proudly described the South African for successful development in the in- policy as being based on trusteeship, which terests of all our people.1 term subsequently found its way into several

53 legislative enactments in South Africa, Segrega- main Baas, if the franchise is to be ex- tion does not need detailed explanation, for tended to the non-Europeans, and if we all know more or less what it means in non-Europeans are given representation practice in Rhodesia. These conceptual terms, and the vote and the non-Europeans are guardianship, wardship, trusteeship, segregation developed on the same basis as the need no further elaboration on my part be- Europeans, how can the European re- cause they are no longer in current usage. But main Baas. Our view is that in every the terms, white supremacy or white racial sphere the European must retain the supremacy, apartheid, multiracialism and non- right to rule the country and to keep it racialism are still very much with us. For white man's country.3 example, the students at Witwatersrand This strong desire among Europeans to rule University are thinking of running their societies Africa also reflects itself, according to Ndaba- on a basis of multiracialism by which they mean ningi Sithole, in the lack of universal African mixed participation by all the students of differ- education. Various European powers adminis- ent racial groups or racial categories. The tering different parts may not have expressed point that 1 want to make about these terms themselves so strongly as Strydom, but they with the'r shorthand means of describing the have felt the same way; hence the different J basis or the essence of the political relationships educational policies in a European-ruled coun- between those who rule the country, mainly try. Sithole then points out, as indeed nearly the Whites, and those who arc ruled, mainly all the other leaders do, that a policy of white the black Africans, is that they have been the supremacy means of course in reverse a policy subject of discussion and debate by African of African subjection; and on that ground the political leaders and movements. Africans both in South Africa and elsewhere For example, in South Africa in 1949 there in Africa have come to reject this policy as was a break-away movement from the African entirely unacceptable. Verwoerd and others, National Congress under the leadership of as you heard from Professor Olivier, substitute Robert Sebukwe called the Pan-Africanist. The for the policy of white racial supremacy that African National Congress was said to adhere of apartheid which means in short a policy to a policy of multiracialism. The Pan- of opportunity for every man within his own Africanist on the other hand wanted a policy race group and in racially reserved areas. In of the Africans going it alone on the grounds order that we may appreciate the significance that the whole weight of apartheid, segregation of apartheid as a policy, let me refer you to or separation was borne by the Africans; and the late R. F. A. Hoernle who described two in the course of that controversy in South Afri- concepts of liberty: the liberty of the individual ca it became possible to define what the policy and the liberty of the group. When we talk of white supremacy and segregation, subsequen- about the liberty of the individual we think tly apartheid, meant to the African leaders. in terms of the individual rights and privileges, Here in Rhodesia there was the debate about but the matter is different when we talk about multiracialism and partnership; further north the liberty of the group, and in referring to there v/as the debate about colonialism and im- South Afr'ca in particular he said the white perialism, and in that way the African leaders group enjoys independence and self-determina- elucidated for themselves, their followers and tion. It, and it alone, determines its status, its the rest of the country, what they objected to rights, its powers and its privileges without and what they stood for, and more importantly reference to any other group in the country. the direction of policy which they would take The non-white groups, as Hoernle described if and when they came into power. It was them at that time enjoy such rights, privileges Prime Minister J. G. Strydom who articulated and status as are given them by the white group. in 1953 the doctrine of Witbaaskop (white They are un-free in the sense that they are not supremacy) in South Africa: allowed to decide for themselves where they shall exercise the rights they are given by the Our policy is that the Europeans must white group, when they may exercise those stand their ground and must remain rights and how they may exercise those rights.4 the Baas [Master] in South Africa. If we They are also un-free in the sense that they reject the Herrenvolk idea and the have no part in the decision-making process, principle that the white man cannot re-

54 and so we should remember these words of while the African was to be brought up Hoernle when we try to understand the limita- gradually and trained for higher political res- tions, from the black man's point of view, of ponsibilities. a policy of apartheid, a policy of opportunity for every man but only within his own race NON-RACIALISM group and in a racially reserved area, both of I suggest then that the first reason why which are being defined by the white group. the African governments of Botswana, Lesotho The next concept that i would like to draw and Swaziland have adopted a policy of non- your attention to is that of multiracialism. A racialism is because they have rejected the publication of the United Nations says: 'This alternative policies based on white supremacy- situation obtains in countries inhabited by apartheid and multiracialism, and as far as peoples of different racial and cultural stock multiracialism is concerned you have heard constituting more or less separate and distinct- from. Professor Olivier that it has now become social and economic and even political sub- a swearword in South Africa. As a matter of units within the same state,'5 Now as the state- fact multiracialism was rejected as far back ment stands it seems to be unobjectionable in as 1912 when General Hertzog broke away the sense that it conforms with what I might from General Botha and Smuts to form the call everyday experience and everyday observa- first Nationalist party in South Africa. General tion: different countries are as a matter of fact Hertzog rejected Bantu partnership in a com- inhabited by peoples of different cultural and mon multiracial South African fatherland, but racial stock, who for the most part live in he accepted the partnership of the Afrikaner separate areas voluntarily and maintain social, and the English-speaking South Africans. An economic and even political separation among important reason for the rejection of multi- themselves. Sithole examines this concept of racialism by whites is that in order to be multiracialism (in chapters 3 and 4 of African carried out on a fair or equitable basis multi- Nationalism) and he says that multiracialism as racialism would have to accord an equal a political policy is better of course than white number of representatives of each of the race supremacy and it is certainly better than apar- groups in the Central Parliament. It was Dr iheid. For it endeavours to provide for participa- Verwoerd with his devastating logic who often tion in the Central Parliament where decisions pointed out that it was no use giving the Afri- of importance are made by the various racial cans four Members of Parliament, or six, or groups on a basis of racial equality, more or eight, because once the principle of parliament- less. But he comes to the conclusion that multi- ary representation on the basis of their number racialism is also unacceptable to the African was conceded, then the Africans would con- leaders and the African community, because it tinually want increased representation. And I means that policies are based on racial lines think that behind the rejection by the white in practice; and he regards multiracialism as electorate of the present race federation policy a policy of by-passing universal adult suffrage, of the United Party in South Afr'ca is this and comes to the conclusion that it is a policy very fear that once you concede the basis of which operates on the basis of group rights, race representation on a federal basis then you group participation and avoids or denies in- must concede equality of representation. On div'dual citizen rights. the other hand the policy of multiracialism is rejected by and large in South Africa (and The African leaders in Rhodesia were much I think the same would be true of Rhodesia) more concerned with what was described by on the basis that it means mixing by individuals Sir Godfrey Huggins as a policy of partnership, of different races on a footing of equality. and unfortunately in trying to define partnership some very unfortunate analogies between The second reason for which, I think, non- the horse and the rider were used; and the racialism has been embraced by the African African leaders fastened on these unfortunate governments of Botswana, Lesotho and Swazi- analogies in order to reject in part the policy land is that the race problem does not exist in of partnership which meant, on the best in- these three countries. A race problem emerges in terpretation, that the white man was to retain situations where the different racial groups are the leadership or to keep Government in what present, not necessarily in equal numbers but was termed civilized and responsible hands, in sufficient numbers to be significant either

55 from the point of view of their culture or portunities, the difficulties of obtaining housing economically or even politically. This is the and school facilities according to ethnic group- situation in South Africa where the different ing in the urban areas and other aspects of racial groups of Coloured and Asians, as well race or ethnic differentiation in the Republic; as Africans, are sizeable and have separate, or and to be added to this knowledge and ex- at least identifiable, cultures and community perience is that which is passed on by much interests, and where significant economic larger numbers of Swazi, Sotho and Tswana power and political and administrative control people permanently domiciled in the Republic are in the hands of the white group, which of South Africa but in constant touch with their although in a minority as far as numbers are kinsmen in Swaziland, Lesotho and Botswana. concerned is nevertheless definitely the ruling Fifthly, non-racialism is based on the group. In Rhodesia the size of these different general conclusion of a much larger number racial groups is not as proportionally great as of Africans than is commonly appreciated by in South Africa. But they are more significant white governments or the white electorate, that than is the case in Botswana, Lesotho and the race policies of South Africa and to some Swaziland, where they are minute; for example extent Rhodes;a bring more hardship and dis- according to the 1966 census of Lesotho the advantages to the Africans than advantages Whites were 0,2 per cent and the Asians were or benefits. 0,009 per cent of the total population. So the Sixthly, there is the demonstration effect of adoption of non-racialism could be said to be non-racialism, as epitomised by Sir Seretse an easy matter. Khama who is a more vocal, articulate and The third reason why this policy has been aggressive enunciator of non-racialism than the adopted is a psychological one, which came to leaders in Swaziland or Lesotho: the forefront with the attainment of independ- Our principal aspiration is to make a ence. In the colonial era when each of these contribution to the victory of democracy, countries was under British rule a certain dignity and self-determination through- amount of race differentiation or race dis- out Southern Africa. This ambition must crimination was practised in regard to jobs, be fulfilled by the only means available salaries, housing and school facilities; but with to us, namely the development of the attainment of independence each of the Botswana as a viable non-racial democ- governments of these three countries has racy whose unity and independence is thought it proper to repudiate the race differ- based on social and economic justice for entiation and race discrimination which was its people regardless of race, colour or practised in their own countries and to assert tribe. By demonstrating within Southern a policy of non-racialism. Psychologically Africa that what unites men is more im- therefore non-racialism is a repudiation of what portant than what divides them we hope Sir Seretse Khama has called a legacy of colo- we can assist in undermining philoso- nialism.6 phies which seek to deny dignity and self- Fourthly, and very importantly in this res- determination on grounds of colour and pect as far as present day politics are concerned, race. We are determined to demonstrate non-racialism is without doubt a rejection of that placing irrational and artificial barriers between human beings is not the racial policies and racial structures of 7 society as found in the Republic of South Afri- only immoral but wasteful. ca; and it should not be forgotten that the Pre- Finally, there is the consideration that if sident of Botswana, the Prime Minister of these countries had not adopted non-racialism, Swaziland, and some Cabinet Ministers and but had applied instead a policy of apartheid several top civil servants in these countries were in reverse they would not be able to attract educated in South Africa and have firsthand development funds from abroad, nor to obtain knowledge and experience of the application the services of technical and professional per- and effects of its race policies. Labourers from sonnel from overseas, national government the three countries continually go to work or agencies and the United Nations and its several live in the Republic for short or long periods. agencies; for overseas governments and the In this manner they have direct experience of United Nations are unwilling to operate on the influx control, labour bureau systems, job op- bas's of policies based on race and colour

56 differentiation or discrimination. APPLICATION IN PRACTICE;, CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS The existence of different racial groups and the need for their mutual accommodation can- The constitutions of Botswana, Lesotho and 7 not just be taken, and is not being taken, for Swaziland, then, are non-racial or colour- granted in these countries. For example, in blind. They all protect the individual's right Swaziland, the Government and the people are to freedom from discrimination on grounds of well aware that there are White and that there race or colour. For example, Section 15 of the are Swazi, each with different modes of living, Swaziland constitution, which corresponds to and social and economic interests. The Gov- similar sections in the constitutions of the other ernment of Swaziland finds it necessary from two, provides that: time to time to exhort its Swazi people to 1. Subject to the provisions of sub- accept the Whites because they are there to sections 4, 5, 6 and 9, no law shall make stay as permanent residents or citizens and any provision that is discriminatory, they are also needed for the development of either of itself or in its effects. the country and the running of its financial, banking and economic services. The people are 2. Subject to the provisions of sub- further exhorted not to resent the Asians be- sections 7, 9 and 10, no person shall be cause they too have a useful role to play in treated in a discriminatory manner by the commercial life of the country. any person acting in the performance of any public function conferred by any In Lesotho on the other hand, the Whites are concentrated mainly in Maseru and are law or otherwise in the performance of readily accepted, but the Asians who were the functions of any public office or any originally concentrated in the north-eastern public authority. districts and are now begining to spread to other 3. In this section the expression 'dis- districts in the country, are regarded with some criminatory' means affording different jealousy and are somewhat discouraged. As treatment to different persons attribut- long as their basic economic interests and their able wholly or mainly to their respective mode of life are not interfered with. Whites descriptions by race, tribe, place of and Asians accept black rulers and their policy origin, political opinion, colour or creed, of non-racialism. Whites and Asians now send whereby persons of one such description their children to the same schools as arc at- arc subjected to disabilities or restric- tended by the African children or else send tions to which persons of another such their children to schools of their choice in the description are not made subject, or are Republic. Most Asians still import their wives accorded privileges or advantages which from outside and most Whites marry white girls are not accorded to persons of another from within or without the borders of tiiesc such description. countries. Such then is the essence of the fundamental A few black and white inter-marriages take human rights which are protected in the con- place each year, and although allowed by law stitutions of Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland. and the Government and probably tolerated by There arc, however, certain exceptions to most people such marriages are, however, not the general pos'tion as above outlined whereby very popular. Furthermore, some of the con- persons may be lawfully discriminated against, sequences of miscegenation, namely coloured such as non-citizens, subjects of customary law, offspring, legitimate or illegitimate but not public officers; but even here the discrimination properly provided for by their white fathers, cannot be based purely or solely on race or are now becoming realised by the black gov- colour. Furthermore citizenship is open to any ernments. The Swazi Government has now adopted measures to discourage clandestine sex person in these countries who fulfills the re- relations between white men and Swazi girls, quirements laid down in the constitution, or and further to require that a Swazi girl who provided by Parliament in the legislation. The wishes to marry a white man should first obtain same applies to voting rights. Thus in each official approval. of the countries under consideration there are Non-racialism is also viewed as the elimina- White, Coloured and Asian voters. tion of petty apartheid or the breaking down of

57 white resistance to the intrusion of Blacks into invited. I suggest to you that such func- their societies or clubs; and all three govern- tions would be more worthwhile and ments are concerned with stamping out dis- more truly reflect the image of Botswana criminatory practices in shops, restaurants, if the guests were more representative hotels, cinemas, bars and clubs. In this connec- of the community in which we live. tion the attitude of the Botswana government In many Francistown shops it is taken to the situation in Francistown is summed up as a matter of course that Africans in the words of the Vice-President: should wait until all white people have I have so far dealt with a field in been served. Indeed, some white shop which the abuses are relatively clear assistants — who may well be keeping and easy to pinpoint. I now turn to the Botswana out of jobs — will, in many social field where discrimination and pre- cases break off their business with a Mo- judice are somewhat harder to define. tswana customer in order to attend to It is nevertheless, an important field a newly arrived white customer. I ask and one in which government has again that all shopkeepers should give strict made its policy quite clear. instructions that customers should be His Excellency the President has served with courtesy on a first-come-first- stated more than once that racial intol- served basis regardless of their colour erance will not be accepted in Botswana. or social position . . . the basic aim of Yet when examining social relationships Government for the planning of the new in Francistown, it is clear that social Francistown is that it should provide adjustment has been delayed far too for non-racial development. Therefore in long. No one will deny his neighbour the adopting a strategy for Francistown de- right to choose h:s own friends and lead velopment Government is guided by its his own private life. These are matters policy aim which will be reflected in de- on which it is neither wise nor practical cisions regarding housing, industry, to legislate. But if an expatriate can find schools, playing-fields and other ameni- no Motswana with whom he is prepared ties. But here again community attitudes to associate, if he goes further and ac- are crucial for the success of our plans. tually devises an institution as a refuge The Vice-President went on to discuss un- against the possibility of meeting a Mo- favourable employment practices, unfavourable tswana then we are forced to ask our- from the point of view of the black population, selves if he might not be happier some- and the policy of the Government: where else. It is likely that expatriates The practice whereby white expatriates with this attitude would be reluctant to who have no qualifications or previous respond positively to requests for co- experience are employed simply to avoid operation in the employment field. employing Botswana, is widespread. He went on to express appreciation of the Botswana workers are widely stigmatised fact that the Francistown Club which had by many white employers as dishonest hitherto remained exclusively white had now or lazy and therefore denied promotion changed its rules, regulations and fees and was on merit or experience. But at the same now prepared to accept Botswana as members: time we find employers making no Some organisations in Francistown effort to screen applicants or to provide periodically give receptions for business training for their African staff. Too few purposes, to which many guests are prospects are held out for the honest and invited. The organisers of these recep- diligent African or Botswana. All over tions go to undue lengths to secure the Francistown one can find cases of pre- attendance of white guests and it is all ference being given to unqualified non- too noticeable that Africans, even though Africans even for the simplest jobs. they be Members of Parliament, Coun- Sometimes as a concession to the non- cillors, senior government officials and white susceptibilities, coloureds in the businessmen are not considered suitable South African or Rhodesian sense, may for such functions, although for the sake be employed as middle-rank supervisors of appearances a token handful may be but never or rarely an African.

58 In order to provide a corrective to these and along the rail-routes possessed by the problems, the Government of Botswana has white-ruled states of Southern Africa. Because enacted legislation governing labour relations of this situation the government and leaders of and made policy statements setting out guide- these countries have to accept co-existence and lines for employers and managers in commercial economic co-operation with South Africa. For and industrial enterprises such as are found in example there is close collaboration and co- Francistown and elsewhere. The Botswana gov- operation in the South African Customs Union, ernment now insists that expatriates should first created in 1910 and revised as recently as only be employed in those jobs which cannot be 1969. Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland are filled by African citizens. This is the stand- also members of the South African Monetary point also of the Lesotho and Swazi governments and it applies to white expatriates and Union. Botswana receives a monetary con- Africans from outside the borders of these sideration for the lease of land covered by the countries, such as black South Africans — railway line between the Republic of South much to their disappointment for they tend Africa and Rhodesia. Lesotho accepts financial to think that a policy of non-racialism in these and technical aid from the South African Gov- countries meant that these countries were open ernment, but Botswana does not. All three societies, which they are not. In order to countries accept private investment from South give effect to its labour policies, non-citizens Africa provided it helps to develop these be they white or black, who seek entry into countries according to their development priori- these countries for work purposes and resid- ties and also helps to diversify their economies. ence, are now first required to obtain residence Despite these close relations, however, these and work permits before entering these coun- three countries maintain no diplomatic or con- tries. On the other hand in the upper levels of employment, in technical and professional sular representation in South Africa, At present fields, Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland still diplomatic contacts amount to no more than rely on expatriates, whereas most of the ad- occasional ministerial meetings and exchanges ministrative posts have become localised. between top civil servants from South Africa, According to the manpower study of April 1971 on the one hand, and those from Botswana in Lesotho, for example, 55 per cent of the or Lesotho or Swaziland, on the other hand, expatriates are British and they enjoy the over particular matters. South Africa and Leso- highest rungs of the salary scale; for example, tho, it has recently been reported, are to 47 per cent of the British expatriates were on establish physical consular representation in what is called the super-scale and 37 per cent their respective countries, but Botswana refuses on the so-called A scale. to do this until South Africa can fully guaran- tee that her representatives will in all respects, RELATIONS WITH SOUTH AFRICA at all times and in all places be treated in the same way as diplomats from other countries.9 The three newly independent states of Bo- tswana, Lesotho and Swaziland are well aware The governments of the three countries of the fact that their non-racial policy is op- repudiate the charge that is sometimes made posed to, and virtually a challenge to, the racial that by their relations with South Africa, they policies of South Africa and to some extent condone the evils of racial discrimination and of Rhodesia. They are also aware of the con- apartheid. On the contrary they have often straints and limitations to their policy and indicated their opposition (Botswana being fore- complete freedom of action arising from their most and Swaziland being least prominent in geographic relationship to South Africa, Rho- this respect) to the theories and practices of desia and Mozambique; and of their weaker apartheid and at the same time expressed a political and administrative organisations, and desire for a change of policy in South Africa of their lack of military strength. They are also by fiscal means and negotiation. But they also very much aware of their long established trade, recognise that the principle of non-interference financial and monetary ties with South Africa, in the internal affairs of South Africa must be labour and employment opportunities for their maintained and that force or violence will not people in South Africa, as well as flows of bring about the desired solution of the problem tourists, exports and imports through the ports of apartheid.10

59 FOREIGN POLICY views against racial and colonial policies in Just as the policy of the three countries, those parts of Africa where they are said still Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland, towards to exist. As with other African governments, South Africa is essentially an extension of their the governments of Botswana, Lesotho and economic interest and non-racial policy, the Swaziland also value membership of the Com- same is also true of their foreign policy. For monwealth as an organisation that cuts across economic reasons the governments of the three lines of race and colour. Another valued con- countries value their connection with the World nection for these three countries is with the Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Organisation for African Unity. According to United Nations Conference on Trade and De- Sir Seretse Khama, who is the most articulate velopment, and the Commonwealth Finance and vocal in explaining these matters, the Ministers Conference. Through these agencies Organisation of African Unity is regarded as a influence can be exerted for obtaining an in- forum for the co-ordination of tactics and creasing flow of aid and investment funds and strategy for the ending of racialism and colo- for changing commodity prices as well as world nialism in Southern Africa, or in what these tariff structures in a manner that is going to African governments call white-ruled minority be favourable towards the economic circum- governments in Southern Africa. stances of developing countries. Membership Finally there is their attachment to what of the United Nations is valued as recognition of is called the Lusaka Manifesto whereby they their newly enhanced status of sovereign indicated to the governments of Rhodesia, independent states. It is also valued for its South Africa and Mocambique that they be- protection of the special interests of small lieve in negotiation towards the establishment states and as a forum for keeping in touch of self-determination, human dignity and better with international opinion while at the same relations between all the people in these coun- time affording opportunities for articulating tries.

REFERENCES ^Community Relations in Botswana, with Special Reference to Francistown, Gaborone, Government Printer, 1971. zSee speech of welcome by the President of Botswana Sir Seretse Khama, to the Vice President of Kenya Dr Daniel Arap Moi, in July 1970 at Gaborone as contained in Dr Moi in Botswana, Gaborone. Government Information Services, 1970. sQuoted in N. Sithole, African Nationalism, Cape Town, Oxford Univ. Press, 1959, p.47. *Race and Reason, Johannesburg, Witwatcrsrand Univ. Press, 1945, p.14; South African Native Policy and the Liberal Spirit, Cape Town, Univ. of Cape Town for Phelps-Stokes Fund, 1939, p.123. sEconomic Commission for Africa, Economic and Social Consequences of Racial Discriminatory Practices 1963, p.4. eDr Moi in Botswana. 'Address to the Foreign Policy Society in Copenhagen, 13.xi.1970. eLesotho and Swaziland have suspended their constitutions by the declaration of a State of Emergency, but these non-racial aspects have not been affected. sSee also Seretse Khama's address to the General Assembly of United Nations, September 1969 tolbid.