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© 2008 Saladin M. Ambar ALL RIGHTS RESERVED © 2008 Saladin M. Ambar ALL RIGHTS RESERVED THE HIDDEN PRINCE: GOVERNORS, EXECUTIVE POWER AND THE RISE OF THE MODERN PRESIDENCY by SALADIN MALIK AMBAR A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Political Science Written under the direction of Dr. Daniel J. Tichenor and approved by ______________________________________ Dr. Daniel J. Tichenor ______________________________________ Dr. Peter Dennis Bathory ______________________________________ Dr. Jane Y. Junn ______________________________________ Dr. Sidney M. Milkis, University of Virginia New Brunswick, NJ May, 2008 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Hidden Prince: Governors, Executive Power and the Rise of the Modern Presidency by SALADIN M. AMBAR Dissertation Director: Daniel J. Tichenor Before 1876, no American president had been elected directly from a statehouse. By 1932 five had, and a would-be sixth, Theodore Roosevelt, came to the office through a line of succession made possible by his successful tenure as Albany’s executive. While the modern presidency is increasingly recognized as owing its origins to the administrations of Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, an essential common denominator of the two has largely been ignored. The examples of Roosevelt and Wilson –and their progeny –as state executives, have been disconnected from the larger story of how moderns reconceived the office of President. Moreover, the American governorship’s contributions as an institution that helped redefine newly emerging Progressive Era notions of executive power, has been understudied, and in the main, undervalued. When considering the presidency’s shift toward legislative and party leadership, and the changed communicative avenues traversed by modern presidents, it is of great value to first see these phenomena altered by executives at the state level. From Grover ii Cleveland to Franklin Roosevelt, a progressive line of governors and governor-presidents helped construct an executive-centered governing philosophy that has uniquely stamped what we have come to know as the modern presidency. This dissertation explores how that construction took place, and what the nature of its implications are for both the field of presidential studies and American democracy. In drawing comparisons across time through case studies of the era’s governorships (1876-1932), this dissertation examines how four crucial variables of the modern presidency –legislative and party leadership, press and media initiative, and executive philosophy – were shepherded into executive practice largely through Progressive Era governors and governor-presidents whose constitutional vision and practices defied traditional conceptions of the office. iii Dedication FOR MY MOTHER, JOYCE CATHERINE THACKER who with love, read to me, and believed great things possible, and for my wife, Carmen – whose enduring love and support only grows; and for Gabrielle, Luke, and Daniel – born to our great joy in the midst of this project, who I am amazed by daily iv Acknowledgements This dissertation is the product of many people and countless conversations that have shaped my thinking and scholarship over the years. In some ways, it grew out of a conversation twenty years ago, when as a fairly typical New Yorker, I was bemused and unimpressed on a visit to my girlfriend’s (and now, wife’s) home in Little Rock, Arkansas, to hear tall tales about the gifts of their barely known governor. The following year I spent a summer in Princeton, New Jersey, at the University’s summer public policy program for students of color. There, I met Michael Hanchard, who first sparked my interest in one day pursuing a doctorate. I’ve been in pursuit of the idea of executive power and the prospects of making a contribution in academia ever since. Those good folks in Arkansas – Manuel and Gwendolyn Twillie – are now my in- laws, and have been indispensible in providing me time, lodging (!), and overall support and encouragement over the years Their duties have included staying with our children, directing me to the Clinton Gubernatorial Papers Project and Bob Razer in Little Rock, and availing me of wonderful breakfasts and conversation. All graduate students should be so blessed. Along the way, I’ve been introduced to marvelous researchers and thinkers in the field of American Politics and Political Thought, not the least of which was the late Wilson Carey McWilliams, whose insights need no recounting here. Suffice it to say, I was enriched to be among his last students at Rutgers University. The members of the department of Political Science at Rutgers have been extraordinarily helpful – none more so than Daniel J. Tichenor, my dissertation adviser, mentor, and friend. His guidance and v suggestions have been indispensible to the completion of this project and overwhelmingly responsible for whatever good qualities lie herein. Dennis Bathory was among the first at Rutgers to welcome me to the department while extending his generosity and keen sense of American political thought. It is a hard thing to write about Tocqueville, even as sparingly as I have, knowing Dennis’ insights are looming – and yet the joy is in hoping your views meet the muster of his probity. Likewise, have I been richly rewarded by the work and depth of analysis provided by Jane Junn, who has been as serious-minded a scholar as one can ever hope to find; her perspectives on the democratic implications of The Hidden Prince have been a lodestar for me throughout. Enumerable others at Rutgers have been instrumental in challenging me to grow as a scholar in the very best sense. These include, but in no ways are limited to, Beth Leech, Milton Heumann, Richard Lau, Gordon Schochet, Lisa Miller, and Ruth Mandel. This dissertation was generously supported by a fellowship at the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia. I wish to thank the Miller Center and Sidney M. Milkis in particular, for both serving as the outside reader on my committee, but also as my mentor as a Miller Fellow. His thoughtfulness, support, and generosity, have been an instrumental part of this journey. Of course, my colleagues in the Graduate School at New Brunswick have been invaluable in their support and consideration of my work. I wish to signal out Benjamin Peters for his particular encouragement, and powerful friendship. Likewise, Brian Stipleman, Jay Milikan, Chris West, and James Mastrangelo have been considerably vi helpful readers of various portions of the dissertation throughout. I am most appreciative of their time and kindness. I would be remiss if I didn’t thank my colleagues in the Social Studies department at Princeton High School – an exceptional group of professionals who have taught me much, and encouraged me in every way. I must also most importantly, give thanks to my students over these past ten years. They have been remarkable reminders to me about the higher purpose underlying education – namely that in the exchange of ideas a stronger citizen body is merited. They have been absolutely wonderful, even as they awaited papers that were not always exactly returned the next day. Finally, I’d like to acknowledge four special people who at various times stood in as surrogate elder-statesmen in my life. Michael Lamb, who introduced me to Robert Caro, a world of history books, and so much more; David Lamb, who like an elder brother, pushed me to seek wisdom; David Twillie, whose example grew my faith; and John Raymond Thacker – who loved me like a father from the very beginning. Coupled with my mother’s undying belief in me, I never felt less than whole when perhaps I had reason to. And somewhere, I know Ida Thacker is smiling. I am most grateful to my wife Carmen, who for twenty years now, has simply been my very best friend. vii Table of Contents Abstract, ii Acknowledgements, v 1. The Hidden Prince: Unveiling the Executive Narrative In the Birth of the Modern Presidency, 1 2. Building a Progressive Line of Governors: Emerging Second Republic Executives, 1876-1916, 27 3. Rise of the Hudson Progressives: Theodore Roosevelt and The New American Executive, 1881-1911, 66 4. An “Unconstitutional Governor”: Woodrow Wilson and the People’s Executive, 1885-1913, 99 5. FDR’s Albany Executive: Government Without Politics, Governance Without Opposition, 128 6. Executive Power and American Democracy: “Undoing the Framers’ Work,” 159 Notes, 182 Bibliography, 198 Curriculum Vita, 208 viii 1 1 The Hidden Prince: Unveiling the Executive Narrative In the Birth of the Modern Presidency “What answer shall we give to those who would persuade us that things so unlike resemble each other? –Alexander Hamilton, Federalist 69, 17881 “Each time that we find ourselves faced with a mechanism of government endowed with great authority we must seek the reason not in the particular situation of those governing, but in the nature of the societies that they govern.” –Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, 18932 Introduction The modern presidency was built by executives. To grasp this is to see the executive as a category linked to both presidential background as well as a philosophical predisposition of governance. Governors – long superficially regarded entities throughout much of the nineteenth century – were disproportionately responsible for conceptualizing and in numerous instances administering, the basic components of modern presidential
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