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FOREWORD the Need to Prepare a Clear and Comprehensive Document
FOREWORD The need to prepare a clear and comprehensive document on the Punjab problem has been felt by the Sikh community for a very long time. With the release of this White Paper, the S.G.P.C. has fulfilled this long-felt need of the community. It takes cognisance of all aspects of the problem-historical, socio-economic, political and ideological. The approach of the Indian Government has been too partisan and negative to take into account a complete perspective of the multidimensional problem. The government White Paper focusses only on the law and order aspect, deliberately ignoring a careful examination of the issues and processes that have compounded the problem. The state, with its aggressive publicity organs, has often, tried to conceal the basic facts and withhold the genocide of the Sikhs conducted in Punjab in the name of restoring peace. Operation Black Out, conducted in full collaboration with the media, has often led to the circulation of one-sided versions of the problem, adding to the poignancy of the plight of the Sikhs. Record has to be put straight for people and posterity. But it requires volumes to make a full disclosure of the long history of betrayal, discrimination, political trickery, murky intrigues, phoney negotiations and repression which has led to blood and tears, trauma and torture for the Sikhs over the past five decades. Moreover, it is not possible to gather full information, without access to government records. This document has been prepared on the basis of available evidence to awaken the voices of all those who love justice to the understanding of the Sikh point of view. -
Mapping the 'Khalistan' Movement, 1930-1947: an Overview
Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan Volume No. 55, Issue No. 1(January - June, 2018) Samina Iqbal * Rukhsana Yasmeen** Kalsoom Hanif *** Ghulam Shabir **** Mapping the ‘Khalistan’ Movement, 1930-1947: An overview Abstract This study attempts to understand the struggle of the Sikhs of the Punjab, during the colonial period (1930-1947), for their separate home-land- Khalistan, which to date have been an unfinished agenda. They still feel they have missed the train by joining hands with the Congress Party. There is strong feeling sometime it comes out in shape of upsurge of freedom of moments in the East Punjab. Therefore it is important to understand what was common understanding of the Sikh about the freedom struggle and how they reacted to national movements and why they filed to achieve a separate homeland-Khalistan. The problem is that the Sikh demands have so been ignored by the British government of India and His Majesty’s Government in England. These demands were also were not given proper attention by the Government of Punjab, Muslim leadership and Congress. Although the Sikhs had a voice in the politics and economic spheres their numerical distribution in the Punjab meant that they were concerted in any particular areas. Therefore they remained a minority and could only achieve a small voting strength under separate electorates. The other significant factor working against the Sikh community was that the leadership representing was factionalized and disunited, thus leading to a lack of united representation during the freedom struggle and thus their demand for the creation of a Sikh state could not become a force to reckon. -
The Sikh Prayer)
Acknowledgements My sincere thanks to: Professor Emeritus Dr. Darshan Singh and Prof Parkash Kaur (Chandigarh), S. Gurvinder Singh Shampura (member S.G.P.C.), Mrs Panninder Kaur Sandhu (nee Pammy Sidhu), Dr Gurnam Singh (p.U. Patiala), S. Bhag Singh Ankhi (Chief Khalsa Diwan, Amritsar), Dr. Gurbachan Singh Bachan, Jathedar Principal Dalbir Singh Sattowal (Ghuman), S. Dilbir Singh and S. Awtar Singh (Sikh Forum, Kolkata), S. Ravinder Singh Khalsa Mohali, Jathedar Jasbinder Singh Dubai (Bhai Lalo Foundation), S. Hardarshan Singh Mejie (H.S.Mejie), S. Jaswant Singh Mann (Former President AISSF), S. Gurinderpal Singh Dhanaula (Miri-Piri Da! & Amritsar Akali Dal), S. Satnam Singh Paonta Sahib and Sarbjit Singh Ghuman (Dal Khalsa), S. Amllljit Singh Dhawan, Dr Kulwinder Singh Bajwa (p.U. Patiala), Khoji Kafir (Canada), Jathedar Amllljit Singh Chandi (Uttrancbal), Jathedar Kamaljit Singh Kundal (Sikh missionary), Jathedar Pritam Singh Matwani (Sikh missionary), Dr Amllljit Kaur Ibben Kalan, Ms Jagmohan Kaur Bassi Pathanan, Ms Gurdeep Kaur Deepi, Ms. Sarbjit Kaur. S. Surjeet Singh Chhadauri (Belgium), S Kulwinder Singh (Spain), S, Nachhatar Singh Bains (Norway), S Bhupinder Singh (Holland), S. Jageer Singh Hamdard (Birmingham), Mrs Balwinder Kaur Chahal (Sourball), S. Gurinder Singh Sacha, S.Arvinder Singh Khalsa and S. Inder Singh Jammu Mayor (ali from south-east London), S.Tejinder Singh Hounslow, S Ravinder Singh Kundra (BBC), S Jameet Singh, S Jawinder Singh, Satchit Singh, Jasbir Singh Ikkolaha and Mohinder Singh (all from Bristol), Pritam Singh 'Lala' Hounslow (all from England). Dr Awatar Singh Sekhon, S. Joginder Singh (Winnipeg, Canada), S. Balkaran Singh, S. Raghbir Singh Samagh, S. Manjit Singh Mangat, S. -
Vicissitudes of Gurdwara Politics
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846 Vicissitudes of Gurdwara Politics YOGESH SNEHI Vol. 49, Issue No. 34, 23 Aug, 2014 Yogesh Snehi ([email protected]) is a fellow at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla. The demand of the Haryana Sikh Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee to oversee the functioning of gurdwaras represents the legitimate aspirations of the Sikhs of Haryana and more significantly, inversion against almost absolute hegemony of SAD over the management of Sikh shrines through Sikh Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee. The situation over the formation of Haryana Sikh Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (HSGPC) and the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) dominated Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee’s (SGPC) opposition to it, has entered into a confrontational stage endangering the peace and harmony in the region. Despite the enactment of the Haryana Sikh Gurdwara Act 2014, the SGPC has refused to vacate the gurdwaras in Haryana for HSGPC. While Gurdwara Chhevin Patshahi at Kurukshetra becomes the centre-stage for a long-drawn battle, HSGPC has taken possession of six gurdwaras in the state (Sedhuraman 2014).[1] After clashes between the supporters of SGPC and HSGPC, the Supreme Court has ordered maintenance of status-quo and postponed the next hearing for 25 August 2014. This recent controversy has its roots both in the movement for gurdwara reforms (1920s), which sought to purge Sikhism from the polluting effects of non-Sikh practices, as well as the reorganisation of Punjab province in 1966. It also raises some fundamental issues about the residue of colonialism in the 21st century India. Historicising Gurdwara Reform More than nine decades ago in 1921, Punjab was embroiled in a controversy over misuse of the premises of Gurdwara Janam Asthan at Nankana Sahib (now in Pakistan) for narrow self-interests by the hereditary custodian Udasi Mahant Narain Das who was a Sehajdari Sikh (Yong 1995: 670).[2] Mahants had traditionally inherited the custodianship of most gurdwaras since pre-colonial Punjab[3] and had allegedly started behaving like sole proprietors. -
Anticolonialism, Nationalism, and State Formation: the Rise of Pakistan
ANTICOLONIALISM, NATIONALISM, AND STATE FORMATION: THE RISE OF PAKISTAN KASIM ALI TIRMIZEY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO, CANADA September 2018 © Kasim Ali Tirmizey, 2018 Abstract There is ongoing popular and scholarly debate about the rise of Pakistan as a nation-state. Much of this literature frames the emergence either in cultural terms as a territorial expression of transhistorical Muslim nationhood, or in a liberal framing as the outcome of the political mobilization of the Muslim community against Hindu domination. This dissertation makes a corrective by examining the constitutive role of radical anticolonialism in the rise of Pakistan, with a focus on the province of Punjab in British India from 1880 to 1947. I argue that the formation of the Pakistani nation-state entailed the condensation of multiple political struggles over rescaling empire. Muslim nationalism reified struggles over land, food, women’s bodies, and access to the colonial state as ethnic struggles between Muslims and Hindus, thus codifying class, caste and religion in essentialist terms. Despite popular energies of agrarian classes against Hindu Bania (moneylender caste) were redirected into radical anticolonialism by the Ghadar Party in the 1910s, the demand for Pakistan subsequently shifted the scale of anti-Bania antagonisms among agrarian classes onto claims for a Muslim national space. The materialization of a Muslim national space (Pakistan) and Hindu national space (India) cannot be understood in the absence of the repression of radical anticolonial movements such as the Ghadar Party, the Kirti Kisan Party, and communist organizing. -
A Minority Became a Majority in the Punjab Impact Factor: 8
International Journal of Applied Research 2021; 7(5): 94-99 ISSN Print: 2394-7500 ISSN Online: 2394-5869 A minority became a majority in the Punjab Impact Factor: 8. 4 IJAR 2021; 7(5): 94-99 www.allresearchjournal.com Received: 17-03-2021 Dr. Sukhjit Kaur Accepted: 19-04-2021 Abstract Dr. Sukhjit Kaur This study will focus on the Punjabi Suba Movement in Punjab 1966. The Punjabi Suba came into Assistant Professor, being after various sacrifices and struggles. The Indian Government appointed ‘Shah Commission’ to Department of History, Guru demarcate the boundaries of Punjab and Haryana. The reorganization bill was passed on the basis of Nanak College, Budhlada, recommendations of this committee only. Punjab was divided into two states; Punjabi Suba and Punjab, India Haryana under Punjab Reorganization Act, 1966. Certain areas of undivided Punjab were given to Himachal Pradesh. However, Haryana was raised as a rival to the state of Punjabi language (which was to be made for Punjab). Common links had been made for Punjab and Haryana. Haryana was the area of Hindi-speakers. It could have been easily amalgamated with neighboring Hindi states of Rajasthan and U.P. But, the state of Punjab, which was demanding the areas of Punjabi –speakers, was crippled and made lame as well. Such seeds were sown for its future of economic growth that would not let it move forward. Haryana welcomed the Act of reorganization. As a result, the common forums were removed for Haryana and Punjab and Sant Fateh Singh and the Akali Dal welcomed this decision. Methodology: The study of this plan of action is mainly based on the available main material content. -
Chakravyuh Was an Impregnable Army Formation Resorted to by the Kaurva Commander-In- Chief, Daronachariya, Common Teacher of Both Pandavas and Kauravas
Chakravyuh was an impregnable army formation resorted to by the Kaurva Commander-in- Chief, Daronachariya, common teacher of both Pandavas and Kauravas. Abhimanyu (16), the younger son of Arjun and the nephew of the Kauravas, was isolated and killed by seven opposing knights by trapping him in this particularly contrived military manoeuvre. It was a formation which none other than Arjun and his son could penetrate and only Arjun knew how to destroy it. Arjun was lured far away from the scene by deception. At the time of killing, young Abhimanyu was unarmed. It was against the earlier settled laws of war and customs of chivalry prevalent in the age, to kill an unarmed warrior. The highest ranking knights owing allegiance to forces of evil, ganged up to fight and to kill him though only one of them could have legitimately engaged him, and that only when he was armed. All Indian political parties have erected a Chakravyuh around the Sikhs who have common ancestors with other Indians. They are doing this to the Sikhs behind the facade (Chakravyuh) of secular, democratic state with written constitution. The object is also the same - to gain exclusive, unlimited political power over all other nations inhabiting the sub-continent. TO THE ORDER OF THE KHALSA THE IMAGE OF THE IMMORTAL THE ARCHETYPE OF MORTALS Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENT xv INTRODUCTION xvii SECTION I ANALYSIS AND COMMENTARY 1. AMARNAMAH: AN IMPORTANT DOCUMENT OF SIKH HISTORY 1 2. EARLY WARNING BELLS 18 3. OH! FOR WANT OF A LEADER! 40 4. OMINOUSLY CONVERGING PLANETS 42 5. SHEDDING THE SHEEPSKIN 44 6. -
315 T/Ie Punjab Appropriation [ RAJYA SABHA ] (No
315 T/ie Punjab Appropriation [ RAJYA SABHA ] (No. 2) Bill, 1984 316 Punjab Apropriation (No. 2) Bill, 1984 has been placed before this House lor consideration indicates the state of affairs that is obtaining today in Punjab. Sir, you are aware that under article 356 of the Constitu!io;i, administration of the State of Punjab wns taken over by Ihe President of India, and as a consequence of that pro- clamation and Act made by the President of India, Parliament is benig asked to pass the Punjab Appropriation Bill. As we have seen, since 6th October, 1983, when the President's Rule was imposed in Punjab, the state of affairs which has developed in Punjab has become a national problem. The other day, my esteemed colleague Mr. Darbara Singh had rightly stated that the problem of Punjab was not a problem of Punjab alone; it was a national problem. Sir, in Punjab, when, the Slate administra- tion was taken over by the President of India, it was stated that in order to help overcome the impasse the State was under- going, the imposition of President's Rule was essential. So the State Government was dismissed, though the State Legislative Assembly was not dissolved. Naturally, it was taken for granted, when the State Government was dismissed that the State Government was not capable of handling the situation obtaining at that time. But. after that, we saw a new set of Govern- ors with a new set of advisers, the police directors, etc. All these people were com- missioned for handling the Punjab situa- tion. -
Khalistan: a History of the Sikhs' Struggle from Communal Award To
Khalistan: A History of the Sikhs’ Struggle from Communal Award to Partition of India 1947 This Dissertation is Being Submitted To The University Of The Punjab In Partial Fulfillment Of The Requirements For The Degree Of Doctor Of Philosophy In History Ph. D Thesis Submitted By Samina Iqbal Roll No. 1 Supervisor Prof. Dr. Muhammad Iqbal Chawla Department of History and Pakistan Studies University of the Punjab, March, 2020 Khalistan: A History of the Sikhs’ Struggle from Communal Award to Partition of India 1947 Declaration I, hereby, declare that this Ph. D thesis titled “Khalistan: A History of the Sikhs’ Struggle from Communal Award to Partition of India 1947” is the result of my personal research and is not being submitted concurrently to any other University for any degree or whatsoever. Samina Iqbal Ph. D. Scholar Dedication To my husband, my mother, beloved kids and all the people in my life who touch my heart and encouraged me. Certificate by Supervisor Certificate by Research Supervisor This is to certify that Samina Iqbal has completed her Dissertation entitled “Khalistan: A History of the Sikhs’ Struggle from Communal Award to Partition of India 1947” under my supervision. It fulfills the requirements necessary for submission of the dissertation for the Doctor of Philosophy in History. Supervisor Chairman, Department of History & Pakistan Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore Submitted Through Prof. Dr. Muhammad Iqbal Chawla Prof. Dr. Muhammad Iqbal Chawla Dean, Faculty of Arts & Humanities, University of the Punjab, Lahore. Acknowledgement Allah is most merciful and forgiving. I can never thank Allah enough for the countless bounties. -
The Sikh Gurdwara Reform Movement and Legislative Culture of the Punjab: an Appraisal
Journal of the Punjab University Historical Society Volume No. 31, Issue No. 1, January - June 2018 Khurshid Ahmad Rana * Farzana Arshad** The Sikh Gurdwara Reform Movement and Legislative Culture of the Punjab: An appraisal. 1920-25 Abstract The record of the proceedings of the Punjab Legislature clearly shows that its members preferred to defend their communal interest’s visa-a-vis of common cause against the British Raj. Given that the members representing their communities openly took communal line in their demands, thereby this state of affair sharpened the communal split in the society. Since the legislators were the policy makers in the province, therefore, their views and actions influenced the bulk of the society. Thus, this factor turned out to be a major factor in determining the future relations of the two-nations, namely Muslims and the non-Muslims, which unfortunately deteriorated to that level which brought about not only the partition of India but also the partition of the province on the communal basis. This study explores the nature and working of the Punjab Legislature during 1920s with reference to the Sikh Gurdwara Reform. This study attempts to dig out primary and secondary sources which mainly targets Punjab Legislature and legislators, what was their respond to the Sikh Gurdwara Reform Movement? The underling hypothesis of the paper is that the major communities of the province i.e. Hindus, Sikhs and the Muslims, were divided owing to their communal interests in the Punjab Legislature. Instead of strengthening unity and harmony, this institution served as one of the major arenas for Hindu-Muslim and Sikh conflicts which greatly influenced Muslim political thinking in the province as well as the centre. -
Gaining Authority and Legitimacy: Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and the Golden Temple C. 1920–2000 by Gurveen Kaur K
Gaining Authority and Legitimacy: Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and the Golden Temple c. 1920–2000 by Gurveen Kaur Khurana A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Anthropology and History) in The University of Michigan 2019 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Farina Mir, Co-Chair Professor Mrinalini Sinha, Co-Chair Associate Professor William Glover Professor Paul C. Johnson Professor Webb Keane Gurveen Kaur Khurana [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0002-5452-9968 © Gurveen Kaur Khurana 2019 DEDICATION To Samarth, Ozzie and Papa ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation is only a part of the journey that began more than ten years ago, and there are many that have made it possible for me to get here. I would like to take this opportunity to thank them for their support along the way. My greatest debt is to my dissertation advisors Mrinalini Sinha and Farina Mir. Mrinalini has supported me through out and has always been a source of intellectual support and more. She has allowed me the freedom to grow and gain from her vast knowledge, while being patient with me finding my way. There are no words that can express my gratitude to her for all that she has done. Farina Mir’s rigor sets high standards for us all and will guide my way over the years. The rest of my committee, Webb Keane, William Glover and Paul Johnson have all been wonderful with their time and support through this dissertation writing. My deepest thanks also to Dilip Menon, Shahid Amin, Sunil Kumar and Neeladri Bhattacharya for the early intellectual training in historical thinking and methodology. -
The History of the Formation of the British-Sikh Regiments
Singh: A wedding party 57 A wedding party, something old, something new: The history of the formation of the British-Sikh regiments Kamalroop Singh1 Although previously opposed to each other, the wedding party of the British and the Sikhs met after the dramatic fall of the Sikh Empire and death of the legendary Maharaja, Ranjit Singh. The stalwart Sikhs made the conquest of the Punjab very difficult and it was the final Indian jewel in the crown of Queen Victoria. After the fall, the British recognised that the Sikhs were experienced warriors and that they would protect the British-India border from the Afghans, so they began recruiting Sikhs in their army in large numbers. In this paper I will explore how the formidable British-Sikh regiments were formed, and how they later went on to participate in the theatres of World War I, and highlight their notable achievements. Sikh warrior or chattrī ideals, celebrate both martial arts and battle warfare, and praises martyrdom and heroism. This is seen in the Sikh scriptural and bardic tradition known as ḍhaḍhī (Nijhawan 2006). A true wedding party is one that weds death and looks at fear with disdain. This tradition of ‘playing the game of love’ has been noted by a number of scholars (Fenech 2000). As the title suggests, the purpose of this article is to illustrate how British-Sikh regi- ments were formed. A unique example of this is how the martial Sikhs, or the Akalis, were utilised by the British according to the martial races theory. The interaction of Sikhs with Europeans transformed their outlook and practices.2 This article begins with a brief history of the Gurus, followed by an overview of the relationship of the British and Sikhs before World War I.