The Babbar Akalis of Hoshiarpur Ms
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New York Science Journal 2012;5(7) http://www.sciencepub.net/newyork Estimation of Area under Winter Vegetables in Punjab Districts: through Remote Sensing & GIS Technology 1 Singh Avtar, 2 Khanduri Kamlesh 1 Technical Associate, JRF,Forest Survey of India(FSI),Dehradun,India 2D.Phil Research Scholar,Dpt. of Geography,HNBGU,JRF(FSI), Uttrakhand,India [email protected] Abstract: The Study area consists of five northern districts (ex.Gurdaspur) of Punjab State, namely, Amritsar, Tarn Taran, Kapurthala, Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur. In this study, Acreage Estimation of Vegetables in northern Punjab is carried out by using Multidate IRS - P6 AWiFS Data sets of seven dates viz., September (30), October (14, 24), November (17), December (25), January (4, 13). The aim of this study is to detect area estimation under winter vegetables in Punjab districts between 2005 - 2008 using satellite images. Vegetable area carried out by decision rule based classification: two models are created, one for acreage estimation of vegetables the other for generation of NDVI of all date satellite data. After classification of the image, classified image is recoded to merge different classes of the single output category in one category. Winter Vegetables have been detected by image processing method in EDRAS imagine9.3, ArcGIS9.3. In study area, as a whole there is positive change (14.9%) in area under vegetable crop. But two districts, namely, Kapurthala and Jalandhar have experienced negative change .But in another three districts Amritsar, Tarn Taran and Hoshiarpur districts have recorded positive change in area under vegetable. [Singh Avtar, Khanduri Kamlesh. Estimation of Area under Winter Vegetables in Punjab Districts: through Remote Sensing & GIS Technology. -
State Profiles of Punjab
State Profile Ground Water Scenario of Punjab Area (Sq.km) 50,362 Rainfall (mm) 780 Total Districts / Blocks 22 Districts Hydrogeology The Punjab State is mainly underlain by Quaternary alluvium of considerable thickness, which abuts against the rocks of Siwalik system towards North-East. The alluvial deposits in general act as a single ground water body except locally as buried channels. Sufficient thickness of saturated permeable granular horizons occurs in the flood plains of rivers which are capable of sustaining heavy duty tubewells. Dynamic Ground Water Resources (2011) Annual Replenishable Ground water Resource 22.53 BCM Net Annual Ground Water Availability 20.32 BCM Annual Ground Water Draft 34.88 BCM Stage of Ground Water Development 172 % Ground Water Development & Management Over Exploited 110 Blocks Critical 4 Blocks Semi- critical 2 Blocks Artificial Recharge to Ground Water (AR) . Area identified for AR: 43340 sq km . Volume of water to be harnessed: 1201 MCM . Volume of water to be harnessed through RTRWH:187 MCM . Feasible AR structures: Recharge shaft – 79839 Check Dams - 85 RTRWH (H) – 300000 RTRWH (G& I) - 75000 Ground Water Quality Problems Contaminants Districts affected (in part) Salinity (EC > 3000µS/cm at 250C) Bhatinda, Ferozepur, Faridkot, Muktsar, Mansa Fluoride (>1.5mg/l) Bathinda, Faridkot, Ferozepur, Mansa, Muktsar and Ropar Arsenic (above 0.05mg/l) Amritsar, Tarantaran, Kapurthala, Ropar, Mansa Iron (>1.0mg/l) Amritsar, Bhatinda, Gurdaspur, Hoshiarpur, Jallandhar, Kapurthala, Ludhiana, Mansa, Nawanshahr, -
UPDATED AS ON] February 24, 2014
[UPDATED AS ON] February 24, 2014 About the District Hoshiarpur district is located in the north-eastern part of the state. It falls in the Jalandhar Revenue Division and is surrounded by Kangra and Una districts of Himachal Pardesh in the north east, Jalandhar and Kapurthala districts (interspersed) in south-west and Gurdaspur district in the north-west. Recent excavations have revealed that Hoshiarpur district was a part of Indus Valley civilization. Legends also say that several places in the district were associated with “Pandavas” in the epic Mahabharata. Today, Hoshiarpur has a prominent position on the agricultural map of the country. The district has several small and medium scale industries which have provided employment opportunities to the local mass. Hoshiarpur is famous for its fruit gardens and wooden toys as well as inlay work of hathi dant (ivory). Archaeology Museum, Sadhu Ashram and Dholbaha are places worth seeing in a radius of 25 Kms. DISTRICT AND SESSIONS COURT HOSHIARPUR Page 1 [UPDATED AS ON] February 24, 2014 Facts & Figures Area 3365sq. Km Area under forests 201 Latitude between 30° -9' and32°-5' North Longitude between 75° -32'and 76° -12' East Population (2001) 14, 78,045 Males 7, 63,753 Females 7, 14,292 PopulationDensity 439 per sq. km SexRatio 935 No. of Sub Divisions 4 No. of Tehsils 4 No. of sub-Tehsils 5 Blocks 10 No. of Villages 1,426 PostalCode 146001 STDCode 01882 Averagerainfall 1125 mm DISTRICT AND SESSIONS COURT HOSHIARPUR Page 2 [UPDATED AS ON] February 24, 2014 How to reach Hoshiarpur can be better approached by road. -
Namdhari Calendar Dates (2017) – According to Bikrami Calendar (2073/74) Bikram Samwat Is the Calendar Established by Indian Emperor Vikramaditya
Namdhari Calendar Dates (2017) – According to Bikrami Calendar (2073/74) Bikram Samwat is the calendar established by Indian Emperor Vikramaditya. It is a solar calendar based on ancient Hindu tradition. The Bikram Sambat calendar is 56.7 years ahead of the solar Gregorian calendar. The dates here are taken from on Khalsa Hira Jantri 2017 and subject to change. www.kukasikhs.com & www.namdhari-world.com Thu 5 January 2017 Parkash Diwas Guru Gobind Singh Ji Fri 13 January 2017 Lohri Sat 14 January 2017 Mela Magi Mukatsar Sat 14 January 2017 Sangrand (Maagh) Tue 17 January 2017 Shaheedi Mela Malerkotla (17&18 Jan) Wed 18 January 2017 Pardesh Gavan – Sri Satguru Ram Singh Ji Wed 1 February 2017 Basant Panchmi & Parkash Diwas Satguru Ram Singh Ji Thu 9 February 2017 Parkash Diwas Guru Har Rai Ji Sun 12 February 2017 Sangrand (Phagun) Fri 24 February 2017 Maha Shivratri Sun 12 March 2017 Holi Sun 12 March 2017 Hola Start (Sri Bhaini Sahib) Sun 12 March 2017 Parkash Diwas Satguru Balak Singh Ji Tue 14 March 2017 Sangrand (Chet) Wed 15 March 2017 Parkash Diwas Satguru Partap Singh Ji Thu 16 March 2017 Hola Finish (Sri Bhaini Sahib) Fri 31 March 2017 Joti Jot Guru Angad Dev Ji Sat 1 April 2017 Joti Jot Guru Har Gobind Ji Tue 4 April 2017 Sri Mata Chand Kaur Ji Diwas Wed 5 April 2017 Ramnavmi Sun 9 April 2017 Joti Jot Guru Har Krishan Ji Thu 13 April 2017 Mela Vaisakhi Thu 13 April 2017 Sangrand (Vaisakh) Sun 16 April 2017 Parkash Diwas Guru Teg Bhadhur Ji Tue 18 April 2017 Parkash Diwas Guru Arjan Dev Ji Thu 27 April 2017 Parkash Diwas Satguru -
Mapping the 'Khalistan' Movement, 1930-1947: an Overview
Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan Volume No. 55, Issue No. 1(January - June, 2018) Samina Iqbal * Rukhsana Yasmeen** Kalsoom Hanif *** Ghulam Shabir **** Mapping the ‘Khalistan’ Movement, 1930-1947: An overview Abstract This study attempts to understand the struggle of the Sikhs of the Punjab, during the colonial period (1930-1947), for their separate home-land- Khalistan, which to date have been an unfinished agenda. They still feel they have missed the train by joining hands with the Congress Party. There is strong feeling sometime it comes out in shape of upsurge of freedom of moments in the East Punjab. Therefore it is important to understand what was common understanding of the Sikh about the freedom struggle and how they reacted to national movements and why they filed to achieve a separate homeland-Khalistan. The problem is that the Sikh demands have so been ignored by the British government of India and His Majesty’s Government in England. These demands were also were not given proper attention by the Government of Punjab, Muslim leadership and Congress. Although the Sikhs had a voice in the politics and economic spheres their numerical distribution in the Punjab meant that they were concerted in any particular areas. Therefore they remained a minority and could only achieve a small voting strength under separate electorates. The other significant factor working against the Sikh community was that the leadership representing was factionalized and disunited, thus leading to a lack of united representation during the freedom struggle and thus their demand for the creation of a Sikh state could not become a force to reckon. -
Sketching the Formative Years of Sohan Singh Bhakna's Life in Punjab
111 Karanbir Singh: Sohan Singh Bhakna Sketching the Formative Years of Sohan Singh Bhakna’s Life in Punjab Karanbir Singh Lyallpur Khalsa College, Jalandhar, Punjab _______________________________________________________________ Formed in the United States of America, the Ghadar Party was the harbinger of novel perspectives in Indian politics. The British Government crushed this movement ruthlessly during the early days of the World War I. There exist only limited literature which focuses on the lives of those Ghadarites who made daring efforts to establish a revolutionary movement. This paper assesses the early life of Sohan Singh Bhakna who was to later become the founder of the Ghadar Party. His long life span of ninety eight years presents a picture of a man who remained consistent in his actions whatever may be the consequences. In this article, an attempt is made to bring out the early, formative years, of the life of this revolutionary before he decided to migrate to America. The paper suggests that, it was not only the American liberal but racialized atmosphere which influenced his actions, leading him to think deeply about the meaning of slavery and freedom, but also his life experiences in Punjab itself, especially his interactions with Baba Kesar, which had a transforming impact on his state of mind. _______________________________________________________________ Introduction Sohan Singh Bhakna - the founder and first President of the Ghadar Party was a low profile altruistic revolutionary. From a Punjabi peasant to an American labourer and from a spirited revolutionary to a radical thinker, Bhakna’s life depicts an apt portrayal of the Ghadar Movement and its heroic legacy. -
The Khalsa and the Non-Khalsa Within the Sikh Community in Malaysia
International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences 2017, Vol. 7, No. 8 ISSN: 2222-6990 The Khalsa and the Non-Khalsa within the Sikh Community in Malaysia Aman Daima Md. Zain1, Jaffary, Awang2, Rahimah Embong 1, Syed Mohd Hafiz Syed Omar1, Safri Ali1 1 Faculty of Islamic Contemporary Studies, Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin (UniSZA) Malaysia 2 Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia DOI: 10.6007/IJARBSS/v7-i8/3222 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.6007/IJARBSS/v7-i8/3222 Abstract In the pluralistic society of Malaysia, the Sikh community are categorised as an ethnic minority. They are considered as a community that share the same religion, culture and language. Despite of these similarities, they have differences in terms of their obedience to the Sikh practices. The differences could be recognized based on their division into two distintive groups namely Khalsa and non-Khalsa. The Khalsa is distinguished by baptism ceremony called as amrit sanskar, a ceremony that makes the Khalsa members bound to the strict codes of five karkas (5K), adherence to four religious prohibitions and other Sikh practices. On the other hand, the non-Khalsa individuals have flexibility to comply with these regulations, although the Sikhism requires them to undergo the amrit sanskar ceremony and become a member of Khalsa. However the existence of these two groups does not prevent them from working and living together in their religious and social spheres. This article aims to reveal the conditions of the Sikh community as a minority living in the pluralistic society in Malaysia. The method used is document analysis and interviews for collecting data needed. -
TARN TARAN DISTRICT Sr.No. Name & Address With
TARN TARAN DISTRICT Sr.No. Name & address with pin code number of school District 1 Govt. Sr. Secondary School (G), Fatehabad. Tarn Taran 2 Govt. Sr. Secondary School, Bhikhi Wind. Tarn Taran 3 Govt. High School (B), Verowal. Tarn Taran 4 Govt. High School (B), Sursingh. Tarn Taran 5 Govt. High School, Pringri. Tarn Taran 6 Govt. Sr. Secondary School, Khadoor Sahib. Tarn Taran 7 Govt. Sr. Secondary School, Ekal Gadda. Tarn Taran 8 Govt. Sr. Secondary School, Jahangir Tarn Taran 9 Govt. High School (B), Nagoke. Tarn Taran 10 Govt. Sr. Secondary School, Fatehabad. Tarn Taran 11 Govt. High School, Kallah. Tarn Taran 12 Govt. Sr. Secondary School (B), Tarn Taran. Tarn Taran 13 Govt. Sr. Secondary School (G), Tarn Taran Tarn Taran 14 Govt. Sr. Secondary, Pandori Ran Singh. Tarn Taran 15 Govt. High School (B), Chahbal Tarn Taran 16 Govt. Sr. Secondary School (G), Chahbal Tarn Taran 17 Govt. Sr. Secondary School, Kirtowal. Tarn Taran 18 Govt. Sr. Secondary School (B), Naushehra Panuan. Tarn Taran 19 Govt. Sr. Secondary School, Tur. Tarn Taran 20 Govt. Sr. Secondary School, Goindwal Sahib Tarn Taran 21 Govt. Sr. Secondary School (B), Chohla Sahib. Tarn Taran 22 Govt. High School (B), Dhotian. Tarn Taran 23 Govt. High School (G), Dhotian. Tarn Taran 24 Govt. High School, Sheron. Tarn Taran 25 Govt. High School, Thathian Mahanta. Tarn Taran 26 Govt. Sr. Secondary School (B), Patti. Tarn Taran 27 Govt. Sr. Secondary School (G), Patti. Tarn Taran 28 Govt. Sr. Secondary School, Dubli. Tarn Taran Centre for Environment Education, Nehru Foundation for Development, Thaltej Tekra, Ahmedabad 380 054 India Phone: (079) 2685 8002 - 05 Fax: (079) 2685 8010, Email: [email protected], Website: www.paryavaranmitra.in 29 Govt. -
Vicissitudes of Gurdwara Politics
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846 Vicissitudes of Gurdwara Politics YOGESH SNEHI Vol. 49, Issue No. 34, 23 Aug, 2014 Yogesh Snehi ([email protected]) is a fellow at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla. The demand of the Haryana Sikh Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee to oversee the functioning of gurdwaras represents the legitimate aspirations of the Sikhs of Haryana and more significantly, inversion against almost absolute hegemony of SAD over the management of Sikh shrines through Sikh Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee. The situation over the formation of Haryana Sikh Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (HSGPC) and the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) dominated Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee’s (SGPC) opposition to it, has entered into a confrontational stage endangering the peace and harmony in the region. Despite the enactment of the Haryana Sikh Gurdwara Act 2014, the SGPC has refused to vacate the gurdwaras in Haryana for HSGPC. While Gurdwara Chhevin Patshahi at Kurukshetra becomes the centre-stage for a long-drawn battle, HSGPC has taken possession of six gurdwaras in the state (Sedhuraman 2014).[1] After clashes between the supporters of SGPC and HSGPC, the Supreme Court has ordered maintenance of status-quo and postponed the next hearing for 25 August 2014. This recent controversy has its roots both in the movement for gurdwara reforms (1920s), which sought to purge Sikhism from the polluting effects of non-Sikh practices, as well as the reorganisation of Punjab province in 1966. It also raises some fundamental issues about the residue of colonialism in the 21st century India. Historicising Gurdwara Reform More than nine decades ago in 1921, Punjab was embroiled in a controversy over misuse of the premises of Gurdwara Janam Asthan at Nankana Sahib (now in Pakistan) for narrow self-interests by the hereditary custodian Udasi Mahant Narain Das who was a Sehajdari Sikh (Yong 1995: 670).[2] Mahants had traditionally inherited the custodianship of most gurdwaras since pre-colonial Punjab[3] and had allegedly started behaving like sole proprietors. -
Militancy and Media: a Case Study of Indian Punjab
Militancy and Media: A case study of Indian Punjab Dissertation submitted to the Central University of Punjab for the award of Master of Philosophy in Centre for South and Central Asian Studies By Dinesh Bassi Dissertation Coordinator: Dr. V.J Varghese Administrative Supervisor: Prof. Paramjit Singh Ramana Centre for South and Central Asian Studies School of Global Relations Central University of Punjab, Bathinda 2012 June DECLARATION I declare that the dissertation entitled MILITANCY AND MEDIA: A CASE STUDY OF INDIAN PUNJAB has been prepared by me under the guidance of Dr. V. J. Varghese, Assistant Professor, Centre for South and Central Asian Studies, and administrative supervision of Prof. Paramjit Singh Ramana, Dean, School of Global Relations, Central University of Punjab. No part of this dissertation has formed the basis for the award of any degree or fellowship previously. (Dinesh Bassi) Centre for South and Central Asian Studies School of Global Relations Central University of Punjab Bathinda-151001 Punjab, India Date: 5th June, 2012 ii CERTIFICATE We certify that Dinesh Bassi has prepared his dissertation entitled MILITANCY AND MEDIA: A CASE STUDY OF INDIAN PUNJAB for the award of M.Phil. Degree under our supervision. He has carried out this work at the Centre for South and Central Asian Studies, School of Global Relations, Central University of Punjab. (Dr. V. J. Varghese) Assistant Professor Centre for South and Central Asian Studies, School of Global Relations, Central University of Punjab, Bathinda-151001. (Prof. Paramjit Singh Ramana) Dean Centre for South and Central Asian Studies, School of Global Relations, Central University of Punjab, Bathinda-151001. -
Changing Caste Relations and Emerging Contestations in Punjab
CHANGING CASTE RELATIONS AND EMERGING CONTESTATIONS IN PUNJAB PARAMJIT S. JUDGE When scholars and political leaders characterised Indian society as unity in diversity, there were simultaneous efforts in imagining India as a civilisational unity also. The consequences of this ‘imagination’ are before us in the form of the emergence of religious nationalism that ultimately culminated into the partition of the country. Why have I started my discussion with the issue of religious nationalism and partition? The reason is simple. Once we assume that a society like India could be characterised in terms of one caste hierarchical system, we are essentially constructing the discourse of dominant Hindu civilisational unity. Unlike class and gender hierarchies which are exist on economic and sexual bases respectively, all castes cannot be aggregated and arranged in hierarchy along one axis. Any attempt at doing so would amount to the construction of India as essentially the Hindu India. Added to this issue is the second dimension of hierarchy, which could be seen by separating Varna from caste. Srinivas (1977) points out that Varna is fixed, whereas caste is dynamic. Numerous castes comprise each Varna, the exception to which is the Brahmin caste whose caste differences remain within the caste and are unknown to others. We hardly know how to distinguish among different castes of Brahmins, because there is complete absence of knowledge about various castes among them. On the other hand, there is detailed information available about all the scheduled castes and backward classes. In other words, knowledge about castes and their place in the stratification system is pre- determined by the enumerating agency. -
Anticolonialism, Nationalism, and State Formation: the Rise of Pakistan
ANTICOLONIALISM, NATIONALISM, AND STATE FORMATION: THE RISE OF PAKISTAN KASIM ALI TIRMIZEY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO, CANADA September 2018 © Kasim Ali Tirmizey, 2018 Abstract There is ongoing popular and scholarly debate about the rise of Pakistan as a nation-state. Much of this literature frames the emergence either in cultural terms as a territorial expression of transhistorical Muslim nationhood, or in a liberal framing as the outcome of the political mobilization of the Muslim community against Hindu domination. This dissertation makes a corrective by examining the constitutive role of radical anticolonialism in the rise of Pakistan, with a focus on the province of Punjab in British India from 1880 to 1947. I argue that the formation of the Pakistani nation-state entailed the condensation of multiple political struggles over rescaling empire. Muslim nationalism reified struggles over land, food, women’s bodies, and access to the colonial state as ethnic struggles between Muslims and Hindus, thus codifying class, caste and religion in essentialist terms. Despite popular energies of agrarian classes against Hindu Bania (moneylender caste) were redirected into radical anticolonialism by the Ghadar Party in the 1910s, the demand for Pakistan subsequently shifted the scale of anti-Bania antagonisms among agrarian classes onto claims for a Muslim national space. The materialization of a Muslim national space (Pakistan) and Hindu national space (India) cannot be understood in the absence of the repression of radical anticolonial movements such as the Ghadar Party, the Kirti Kisan Party, and communist organizing.