The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies

JOURNAL

Volume 2 2002

● James Reilly - University of Toronto ● Sidney Griffith - Catholic University of America ● Paul-Hubert Poirier - Université Laval ● Robert Kitchen - Knox Metropolitan United Church ● Amir Harrak - University of Toronto ● Marica Cassis - University of Toronto

Toronto - Ontario - Canada Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies/ de la Société Canadienne des Etudes Syriaques

The Journal of the CSSS is published annually, and contains the transcripts of the public lectures presented at the Society and possibly other articles and book reviews.

Editor: Amir Harrak Assistant Editor: Adam Lehto Publisher: Antoine Hirsch

The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies La Société Canadienne des Etudes Syriaques

Society Officers 2001-2002

President: Amir Harrak Vice-President and Secretary-Treasurer: Khalid Dinno

Members of the Board of Directors:

Khalid Dinno, Grant Frame, Robert Hanna, Amir Harrak, Antoine Hirsch, Adam Lehto, Albert Tarzi

The aim of the CSSS is to promote the study of the Syriac culture which is rooted in the same soil from which the ancient Mesopotamian and biblical literatures sprung. The CSSS is purely academic, and its activities include a series of public lectures, one yearly sympo- sium, and the publication of its Journal. The Journal is distributed free of charge to the members of the CSSS who have paid their dues, but it can be ordered by other individuals and institutions for the following fees: $25.00 for individuals and $50.00 for institutions. Payment must be made in US dollars for orders from outside Canada. See the address of the CSSS on the back cover. © The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2002

ISSN 1499-6367

Origins of Syriac Christianity

Papers presented at a Symposium on the “Origins of Syriac Christianity” November 24, 2001 Sponsored by

The Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada And The Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies

Table of Contents

From the Editor 1

James Reilly, 3 Forward

Sidney H. Griffith, 5 Christianity in Edessa and the Syriac-Speaking World: Mani, Bar Daysan, and Ephraem; the Struggle for Allegiance on the Aramean Frontier

Paul-Hubert Poirier, 21 Faith and Persuasion in the Book of the Laws of Countries: A Note on Bardaisanian Epistemology

Robert A. Kitchen, 30 Becoming Perfect: The Maturing of Asceticism in the Syriac Book of Steps

Amir Harrak, 46 Trade Routes and the Christianization of the Near East

Marica Cassis, 62 Kokhe, Cradle of the Church of the East: An Archaeological and Comparative Study

Group of Scholars, 79 Syriac in International Research

Members of the CSSS for 2001-2002 84

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FROM THE EDITOR

The present volume contains papers pre- West met witnessed allegiance struggles led sented at the Symposium organized on No- by such 3rd century personalities as Barday- vember 24, 2001 by the Department of Near san and Mani and the 4th century Ephrem. and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University The first two were marked by their Aramean of Toronto, and the Canadian Society for culture whereas the latter espoused Roman Syriac Studies. The symposium explored the imperial orthodoxy, and hence the struggle “Origins of Syriac Christianity,” a difficult was translated into one between orthodoxy subject because of the total lack of literary and heresy. sources dated to the time when Christianity No one can deal with early Syriac Chris- first expanded into the Near East. The qual- tianity without discussing the second- ity of the papers, as well as the organization century Syriac author Bardaysan of Edessa. and strong participation of both the general Prof. Paul-Hubert Poirier of Laval Univer- public and the academy, contributed to the sity, who has published extensively on early success of this symposium. It is now my Christianity and Gnosticism, discussed the pleasure to present to readers at large the philosophical background of a statement papers presented by the five speakers whose made by one of Bardaysan’s disciples claim- research provided an important window into ing that without faith no one can attain firm the origins and development of Syriac conviction. Prof. Poirier was able to find the Christianity. echo of this claim in Coptic Gnosticism and The conference was officially opened by ultimately in Greek philosophy. It even re- Prof. James Reilly, Chair of the Department calls Augustine’s maxim crede ut intellegas of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, “believe and understand.” who rightly qualified Syriac Christianity as One of the most important sources of a bridge between two major eras, the An- early Syriac Christianity is a treatise called cient Near East and the “Islamic” (medieval The Book of Steps (4th century), which Dr. and modern) Middle East. R.A. Kitchen, of Regina, Saskatchewan, has After reviewing early Syriac Christian translated into English and which is now in sources, Prof. Sidney Griffith, of the Catho- press. Thus, he is well-qualified to discuss lic University of America, stressed the role one aspect of this work: the asceticism that of Edessa as a frontier city between Roman so clearly characterizes the early Syriac Syria and Aramean Mesopotamia, then un- church. Excesses in this domain are well der Persian rule. The city where East and known, but admirably, the Book of Steps

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 1 From the Editor ______reflects the human experience of a commu- hearing a 4th century poem attributed to nity trying to reach evangelical perfection Ephrem the Syrian, whose name cannot be (ܐܬܘܓ). Rather than celebrating those ignored in any discussion on the origins of who have achieved perfection, the Book of Syriac Christianity. The poem was “On the Steps accommodates those who are less- love of learning,” the wording of which re- than-perfect within the community and at- calls ancient wisdom literature, namely that tributes a dignified ministry to them. Here is of Ahiqar. Part of the poem was sung by the an early document that provides an impres- excellent choir of the Assyrian Church of sion of asceticism “in the flesh,” appreciat- the East, Toronto Parish, led by Farida. ing its inadequacies as well as its accom- Many thanks to Farida and everyone in the plishments. choir, as well as to His Grace Mar Em- The lecture by the present writer dealt manuel, who facilitated the task of the Choir with two Syriac classical sources relevant to singing in the auditorium of the University. the general theme of the symposium. While Participants also recall the presentation the Teaching of Addai and the Acts of Mār made by Dr. George Kiraz on the important Mārī suggest that Christianity entered Upper project entitled eBeth Arké, or “The Syriac Syria and Mesopotamia triumphally thanks Digital Library.” Its aim is to make available to powerful signs and wonders performed by on the Internet an eLibrary collection of out- the two missionaries, the paper highlighted a of-print books, journal articles, pictures, and few references made by them to merchants music recordings. Led by Beth Mardutho in and trade, suggesting the following: Since partnership with major university libraries, several religions, sects, and philosophies eBeth Arké is the first collection of pub- were disseminated in foreign lands by mer- lished material on Syriac studies in elec- chants and trade routes, the missionaries of tronic form using the latest in eBook Mesopotamia and Upper Syria could well technology. have done the same. At the end of the Journal, the reader will The last presentation was archaeological, find a report on the 5th International Con- focusing on the traces of the earliest Syriac gress of Syriac Studies, which took place in churches in the ruins of Babylonia. Kokhe, Kottayam, S. India, last September, as well the birthplace of the Church of the East, of- as details about a new research project in fers limited archaeological remains, but Syriac Christianity that just started at Leiden what was unearthed several decades ago is University, the Netherlands. The project will now better understood thanks to other Syriac investigate the development of an independ- remains recently uncovered in Sassanian ent identity among the West Syriac people Babylonia and the Arabian Gulf. Through on the basis of the latter's historiographical, comparison of building material, plans and exegetical, and iconographical creations. motifs, Marica Cassis, a Ph.D. candidate in The organization of the symposium and Syriac Studies at the University of Toronto, the publication of its papers were made pos- emphasized what made the remains at sible thanks to the financial support of the Kokhe unique. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Participants at the symposium also re- Council of Canada. member the pleasure and the fascination of A. H.

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FORWARD

JAMES REILLY UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

he papers published here origi- and modern) Middle East. Can meaningful nated in a symposium at the Uni- links and associations be drawn between versity of Toronto in November these two eras which, on the face of it, share 2001 on the origins of Syriac little more than a common geographic Christianity.T This subject is of interest for a space? The answer to this rhetorical ques- number of different reasons. First, it illumi- tion is yes, but the question must be asked nates a key transition in history from the because of a bias common both to Islami- ancient world to one in which the Middle cists and Islamists, namely, that the advent East and Europe would be dominated by one of Islam as the governing and eventually or another monotheistic faith. Second, it majority faith in the region marked a major captures formative moments in the develop- departure from earlier patterns. The study of ment of a Syriac identity that molded liter- Islam became the key, so it was believed, to ary output and communal life in late antiq- understanding the history of the Middle uity and beyond. Third, it underscores the East. historical importance of Christianity in the Obviously one cannot begin to grasp the region of its birth, and points to the unbro- historical Middle East without acknowledg- ken presence of Middle Eastern Christian ing Islam any more than one can grasp his- communities for whom the Syriac language torical Europe without giving due weight to is one element of their modern identities. the development of Christianity. But just as Finally, in today’s globalized world marked a dispassionate approach to the Christianiza- by massive population movements (whether tion of Europe will acknowledge the incor- voluntary or involuntary), a study of the ori- poration of earlier cultural patterns into what gins of Syriac Christianity casts light on the became Christendom, so too will a dispas- heritage and history of communities that sionate approach to Islam and Islamization now form part of the North American social take into account the existence and influence and cultural fabric. of pre-Islamic cultures and belief systems From a scholarly point of view, the pa- that were variously refuted by or incorpo- pers gathered here offer a bridge between rated into the new Islamic synthesis. Study- two eras that too often are considered or ing the origins of Syriac Christianity poten- treated in isolation from one another: the tially will allow us better to understand the ancient Near East and the Islamic (medieval historical development of Islam and the phe-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 3 Forward ______nomenon of Islamization. Indeed, the wel- which belief systems are propagated, take fare of Syriac Christianity and the spread of root and flourish; and about the formation of Islam were not mutually exclusive phenom- the modern world and its dominant relig- ena. Though it is outside the scope of the ions. I thank my colleague Professor Amir papers published here, the Syriac church Harrak for the initiative that led to the con- enjoyed one of its greatest periods of fluo- vening of the original conference and the rescence in the early centuries of Arab rule. publication of these papers. It is a fitting In sum, a seemingly narrow and special- project to come out of a department like ized topic like the origins of Syriac Christi- ours, which seeks to understand the Near anity in fact touches on wide-ranging and and Middle East in the broad sweep of the still-pertinent questions about the manner in region’s millennia of history.

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FAITH AND PERSUASION IN THE BOOK OF THE LAWS OF COUNTRIES: A NOTE ON BARDAISANIAN EPISTEMOLOGY

PAUL-HUBERT POIRIER UNIVERSITÉ LAVAL (QUÉBEC)

his paper has grown out of my to persuade me, but say, ‘Believe teaching of the Syriac language really, and you will be able to know over the last few years at Laval every thing’; but I am not able to be- University, which gave me the lieve unless I should be persuaded. opportunityT to read and translate with my (5, 540, 15-22) students the Book of the Laws of Countries The ‘word’ (ܐ) which had been the ̈ 1 (ܐܬܘܪ̈ܬܐܕ ܐܕ ܐܒ, hereafter BLC). I object of discussion between Avida and Bar- have been interested in this work since I daisan’s disciples was the assertion by began my Syriac studies more than twenty- Avida that, ‘if God is One, as you say He is, five years ago in Paris, but until now I have and He has created mankind intending you never had the occasion to seriously examine to do what you are charged to, why did He it. This examination was prompted by the not create mankind in such a way that they fact that the first and last translation of the could not sin but always did what is BLC into French was published over a cen- right’ (1). Bardaisan’s disciples had unsuc- 2 tury ago, in 1899! This paper is therefore cessfully tried to refute Avida and had, in my first foray, a rather modest and limited desperation, argued that he must simply one into the field of Bardaisanian studies. have faith. In the excerpt I have cited, I am particularly interested in the statement 1.The Purpose of this Paper which ends Avida’s answer to Bardaisan’s disciples: ‘I am not able to believe unless I The purpose of this paper is to examine the should be convinced’, in Syriac: ܐ ܐܐ section of the BLC in which one of the inter- ܬܐ ܢܐ ܐܐ ܐܐ locutors of the dialogue, a certain Avida, (540, 21-22). This statement, apparently says to Bardaisan: commonplace, is the exact opposite of Bar- daisan’s disciples’ injunction to Avida, that I even greatly desire to hear and to be is, ‘Believe really, and you will be able to persuaded, because it is not from any know every thing’. other I have heard this word; but I Avida’s declaration, to the effect that he have spoken it of my own mind to my would not believe without being first per- brothers here, and they are not willing suaded, has a close, if not literal, parallel in

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 21 Faith and Persuasion in the Book of the Laws of Countries ______two Nag Hammadi tractates preserved in logue takes place in the home of Coptic, but of which the originals were defi- Šemašgram, a ‘brother’ of the disciples. Ac- nitely Greek. In the first one, entitled The cording to the unanimous view of the critics, Interpretation of Knowledge (NHC XI, 1, the BLC was written in Syriac, probably at hereafter Interp. Know.),3 it is stated that the beginning of the 3rd century. However, ‘each one is persuaded [by the things] he at least part of it was translated into Greek believes:’ p]oueei poueei gar Rpei[ce very soon afterwards, as evidenced by the X_n ne]tfRpisteue arau (1, 30-31). The excerpts preserved by Eusebius of Caesarea, second writing, the Treatise on the Resur- the Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions, rection (NH I, 4, hereafter Treat. Res.),4 Pseudo-Caesarius and Porphyry’s De Absti- also provides an interesting parallel to both nentia. The title given at the end of the work the BLC and the Interp. Know., when it as- in the one and only manuscript witness to serts, regarding the resurrection, that ‘if the Syriac text, the British Library Add. there is one who does not believe, he cannot 14568, ‘The Book of the Laws of Coun- be persuaded, for it is the domain of faith, tries’, applies, strictly speaking, only to the my son, and not that of persuasion, (to assert ethnographic section of the BLC, devoted to that) the dead will arise:’ ei¥pe oun the novmima barbarika v (26-40). The title oueei Nde emFpisteue en m_ntef pro;V =Antwni:non Mmeu Mp_rpeice. ptopos gar Ntpistis transmitted by Eusebius, peri; eiJmarmevnhV diavlogoV “Dialogue on pe pa¥hre auw pap_rpeice en pe Fate to Antoninus” (Eccl. Hist. IV, xxx, 2), petmaout natwwn (46, 3-7). is more appropriate given the form and the I was struck by the similarities between content of the work as a whole. the BLC and the Nag Hammadi tractates in The BLC is indeed structured around two their treatment of faith and persuasion. I also main themes, which always go hand in hand wondered whether, behind Avida’s lapidary in the philosophical reflection of Late Antiq- statement, there might be a philosophical, or uity, namely free-will and astral fatalism.6 rhetorical, background which would be wor- The dialogue opens with a prologue (1), in thy of consideration, the examination of which Avida voices the question that I men- which could contribute to a better under- tioned above, the question which is at the standing of the origins of the BLC. But be- heart of the debate: ‘If God is One, as you fore getting to the heart of the matter, let us say He is, and He has created mankind in- briefly discuss the BLC and some questions tending you to do what you are charged to, its study brings up.5 why did He not create mankind in such a

way that they could not sin but always did 2. The Book of the Laws of Countries what is right?’ Avida’s question is followed by a brief exchange (2-6) between him and The BLC is a dialogue in which the partici- Bardaisan, which serves as an opening for pants are Bardaisan, his disciples (two of the core of the dialogue. The first section of which, Philip and Bar-Yamā, are named) the BLC proper (7-17) deals with free-will, and a certain Avida, who is a new-comer to in responding to a second question by the circle of the disciples and who will be Avida: ‘Why did not God create us in such the main interlocutor of Bardaisan. The dia- fashion as not to sin and become guilty?’ It

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 22 Faith and Persuasion in the Book of the Laws of Countries ______ends with a short development on the nature injuries, diseases and bodily defects are of man. mere accidents (sumbebhkovta) or God-sent The next section of the dialogue (18-22) punishments. consists of a philosophical refutation of Fate In his response, Bardaisan does not ap- prompted by an affirmation of Bardaisan’s pear to favour one thesis over the others, not disciples, according to which ‘there are oth- even the third, but he asserts that ‘these ers who say, that people are led by the de- three sects (aiJrevseiV) seem to be partly right cree of Fate, sometimes ill, sometimes well.’ and partly wrong.’ Their truth lies in the fact This section is introduced and structured by that ‘people see how things happen to them sumbaivnein a remarkable doxography, which lists three by chance,’ (ܢܨ = ) but they aiJrevseiV 7 opinions or on Fate: are mistaken, because they fail to under-

1st thesis: Of the Chaldaeans, and stand the Wisdom of God, ‘which has estab- others, who value the knowledge of lished the worlds and created man, has or- their art: ‘Everything in which they dained the Governors, and has given to all fail and everything good they do, things the power which is suitable for each everything that befalls them of riches one of them’(19). Bardaisan’s own view of and poverty, disease, health and Fate is based upon the conviction that every- physical injury, comes to them thing, including ‘God and the Angels, the through the guidance of those stars Powers, the Governors and the Elements, which are called the Seven, and they men and animals,’ has its own proper power are led by them.’ (ܐܬ, ܐ) granted to it by God. 2nd thesis: ‘Others maintain that this Bardaisan’s theory of Fate distinguishes art is an imposture of the Chaldaeans, three levels of reality: Nature (ܐ = or even that Fate does not exist at all fuvsiV eiJmarmevnh but that it is an empty name (= o[noma ), Fate (ܐ = ) and Free- ejleuqeriva khnovn), and that all things, great and will (ܐܬܘܪܐ = ), each with its small, lie in the hands of man, and own sphere of influence as regards mankind: that physical injuries and defects hap- ‘It is evident that we are governed by Nature pen and come to him by chance.’ equally, by Fate differently, and by our 3rd thesis: ‘Others again say that man Free-will each one as he wishes.’ As to what does everything he does according to is called Fate, it is nothing else than ‘the his own will by virtue of the liberty fixed course determined by God for the given him, but that defects, injuries dunastaiv ejxousivai Powers (ܐ̈ = or ) and grievous things that befall him are ̈ stoicei:a a punishment sent him by God.’ (18) and the Elements (ܐܐ = ).’ Bardaisan describes Fate’s action in these The first thesis, that of the astrologers, words: called here Chaldaeans, asserts a universal astral Fatalism, whereas the second and According to this course and order the third, whose proponents remain anonymous spirits (or intellects) undergo changes according to Levi della Vida,8 they are re- while descending to the soul, and the souls while descending to the bodies. spectively the later Aristotelians and the That which causes these changes is mainstream Christians, profess the existence called Fate and native horoscope of of human free-will, while recognizing that that mixture which is being sifted and

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purified to the help of that which, by (ܐ) or Destiny (ܐ),’ (23) but that the grace and goodness of God, was ‘we have liberty to dispose over ourselves, and will be helped till the consumma- so that we are not slaves of physical nature,9 tion of all. (20) nor moved by the control of the Pow- The belief in the absolute power of Fate ers’ (24). and the ensuing denial of Providence are Bardaisan’s demonstration of this is therefore the result of a deficient under- made by means of the novmima barbarika,v standing of the order of Universe and igno- which will serve to establish the vacuity of rance of the domains proper to Nature, Fate the Chaldaean science.10 This section (25- and Free-will: 40) is the longest and the best-known of the Because of the division and the differ- BLC, and it established once and for all the ence existing between the Powers, reputation of Bardaisan in Antiquity, as it there are people who think that the appears from the borrowings by Eusebius, world is governed without a fixed the Pseudo-Clementines, Pseudo-Caesarius order, because they do not realise that and Porphyry. this difference and division, inno- The BLC lacks a real conclusion—we are cence and guilt, arise from the order not told whether or not Avida let himself be set by God in according them Free- will, so that these active beings also persuaded by the second part of Bardaisan’s argument. After a short discussion of the may either justify themselves or be- klivmata come guilty through their free dispos- astrological theory of the (41-47a), ing over themselves. As we have seen the dialogue ends (47b) with an eschatologi- that fate can disorder Nature, so we cal fresco, which evokes the image of a New can also see how man’s Free-will World, a ‘new mixture’, which, ‘by virtue of forces back and disorders Fate. Not in instruction’, will bring the present aeon to everything, though, as Fate does force its end. Then, ‘at the establishment of this back Nature in everything either. It is new world, all evil motions will cease, and fitting, then, that these three things, Nature, Fate and Free-will keep each all rebellions will end, the foolish will be their own mode of being, until the persuaded, and deficiencies will be filled up, course is completed and measure and and there will be peace and safety, by the number have been fulfilled. For thus gift of him who is the Lord of all na- has it been resolved by Him, who tures’ (47). ordained what was to be the way of Strictly speaking, the BLC is not to be life and the manner of perfection of ascribed to Bardaisan, no more than Plato’s all creatures, and the condition of all dialogues can be seen as works or ipsissima substances and natures. (22) verba of Socrates. Nevertheless, the BLC In a passage which serves as a brief tran- has always been considered as an important, sition (23-24), Avida declares himself satis- if not direct, witness to Bardaisan’s thought. fied with Bardaisan’s demonstration to the Here is not the place to pass in review the effect that man does not sin by nature and history of research on the relationship be- that all men are not governed equally. He tween Bardaisan and the BLC. It has been then asks Bardaisan to show that ‘those who done recently by Alberto Camplani, in two sin do not do so under the influence of Fate remarkable articles, published respectively

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 24 Faith and Persuasion in the Book of the Laws of Countries ______in 1997 and 1998.11 Let me just remind that, ܡ ܘ : ܗ ܥ ܐ since Drijvers’ monograph on Bardaisan of Edessa (Assen 1966), the BLC has been but I am not able to believe unless I considered either as a rather faithful render- am persuaded.’ ing of Bardaisan’s views (Drijver’s position) ܐܐ ܐܐ ܐ ܐܐ or as a christianized and catholicising revi- .(5) ܬܐ ܢܐ sion of the Aramaean philosopher’s teaching For Bardaisan’s disciples, the firm invi- (Levi Della Vida,12 Jansma13). It is not my tation to ‘believe really (or ‘strongly’)’ re- intention to enter into this debate, but it ap- fers manifestly to an attitude of religious pears to me that the BLC in itself has re- faith, as we have it with the movnon ceived too little attention, and that much of pivsteuson of Luke 8: 50, where the Cureto- its content is still awaiting explanation. nian has a wording similar to the BLC, 3. The Epistemological Argument in the ܗ ܕܒ. But Avida’s reply is Book of the Laws of Countries (5-7) situated on a completely different level. Faith is no longer placed in the foreground, After this long preamble, we arrive at our but rather is set in second place. It is also main point. We have already quoted the pas- subordinated to and conditioned by persua- sage of the BLC which deals with the oppo- sion. Such a view is a bit surprising, since sition between faith and persuasion. What I persuasion and faith normally fall within would like to examine now is the meaning two different intellectual provinces, persua- of the verbs (to persuade), (to ܐ ܬܐ sion being the result of rhetorical, or dialec- be persuaded) and ܗ (to believe), and of tical, argumentation, and faith being ‘the the noun ܐܬܗ (faith). At first glance, assurance of things hoped for, the convic- the renderings of these terms pose no prob- tion of things not seen’, according to the lems. But, when one considers their use in famous definition of Hebrews 11:1. the BLC, especially in chapters 5-7, the We have therefore two opposite se- situation is not that simple. quences: faith leading to persuasion and A good example of this difficulty is pro- knowledge versus persuasion being the basis vided by the verb ܗ (to believe). This and condition of faith. The first sequence is verb occurs for the first time in chap. 5, in what one would expect in a Judaeo- the discussion between Avida and Bardai- Christian context. As for the second, despite san’s disciples of the conditions of the ac- the use of the verb ‘believe’, ܗ, a shift in cess to certitude. Here is the text: meaning can be observed, from the Chris- Avida said: ‘I even greatly desire to tian significance of faith and belief, to a phi- hear and to be convinced, because it is losophical, or rhetorical, import. Here we not from any other I have heard this must remind ourselves that the Greek terms word; but I have spoken it of my own pivstiV and pisteuvein, besides their usual mind to my brothers here, and they are not willing to convince me, but meaning of ‘faith’ and ‘to believe’, may also say, refer respectively to proof, persuasion or “Believe really, and you will be able confirmation, and to the fact of being per- to know every thing.” suaded, that is, giving one’s assent to a per-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 25 Faith and Persuasion in the Book of the Laws of Countries ______suasive argumentation.14 Therefore, Avida’s is not without parallel. There is an illuminat- reply, “I am not able to believe unless I be ing, though late, example of it in the com- persuaded,” could be paraphrased as “I can- mentary of Simplicius (circa 500 A.D.) on not give my assent to something unless I be the De Caelo of Aristotle. Referring to the given a persuasive proof.” passage where Aristotle says that belief Consequently, I would suggest that the comes from reasoning (269 b 13-14 : ejx BLC is built upon a misunderstanding, or a aJpavntwn a[n tiV touvtwn sullogizovmenoV double entendre, of the verb ܗ “to pisteuvseien), Simplicius justifies the use of believe,” as Avida and his opponents made the verb pisteuvein by Aristotle in the fol- use of this term in two different ways.15 As lowing terms: for Bardaisan, even if, in 6-7, he seems to Faith may be understood in two dif- prove his disciples right, when he says that ferent ways. On the one hand, there is “there are many, because faith is not in faith which arises without demonstra- them, who cannot arrive at a firm convic- tion (cwri;V ajpodeivxewV), in an irra- ajlovgwV tion,” he nevertheless engages in a full- tional manner ( )—such is the tine;V fledged philosophical demonstration faith that certain persons ( ) con- ajpovdeixiV ceive even about the most absurd ( ), so much what Avida has been kai; ejpi; toi:V ajtopwtavtoiV expecting that he declares himself things (… ). “persuaded” ( ) by what Bardaisan The other kind of faith arises from ܬܐ demonstration and from reasoning: has “shown” () (23). Bardaisan’s this faith is altogether sure, irrefutable brilliant exposition of the previous chapters and akin to the truth of beings pivstiV was thus the proof, the , which Avida (ajsfalhvV ejsti kai; ajnevlegktoV kai; had in vain requested from his disciples. th/: tw:n o[ntwn ajlhqeiva/ sumpefu- kui:a Now, the question I would like to ad- ). 16 dress, is why the BLC resorts to a double (In De Caelo, p. 55, 3-6 Heiberg) meaning of the terms ܗ and ܐܬܗ, Philippe Hoffmann, in an article on the e[rwV ajlhvqeia pivstiV identical to what is well attested for their Chaldean triad , , has Greek equivalents pivstiV and pisteuvein? convincingly shown that Simplicius is to be My suggestion is that the use of these terms situated in a long tradition of anti-Christian in the BLC reveals a clear, although discreet, polemists, from Lucian, Marcus Aurelius polemical intention. The way Bardaisan and Celsus onward, and of Neoplatonist phi- deals with Avida’s questions is to propose a losophers as well, who denounce the irra- philosophical—even a scientific or ethno- tional faith of the Christians. In Simplicius’ logical—answer to what remains for him, text, and also I believe in the passage of the and probably for many of his fellow Chris- BLC which we are dealing with, the verb pisteuvein tians, a philosophical problem, namely the , or ܗ, is used in a double coexistence of Fate and Free-will, to which, sense, intellectual and religious, and it refers in any case, no authoritative, unproved solu- at the same time to the philosophical convic- tion can be given, a problem for which the tion which arises from a demonstrative de- solution is also a kind a preamble, a praepa- duction and to the religious faith. ratio, to Faith in the Christian God. To return to Bardaisan, the demonstra- Such a polemical use of the term pivstiV tion offered by the philosopher in the BLC,

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 26 Faith and Persuasion in the Book of the Laws of Countries ______with all its intellectual rigorousness, may be spite of a difference in the sequence of the seen as a protest against an anti- elements, peivqesqai → pisteuvein in the philosophical bias of certain Christians, a BLC, and pisteuvein → peivqesqai in the bias best exemplified by Tertullian, when he Interp. Know. and the Treat. Res., we re- writes in a famous passage of his De main on either side in the domain of persua- Praescriptione Haereticorum: sion and proof, which suggests a philosophi-

cal, or rhetorical, instead of a theological, What indeed has Athens to do with pisteuvein Jerusalem? What concord is there interpretation of . between the Academy and the This dialectic of faith and persuasion Church? What between heretics and receives an unexpected - and reversed - echo Christians? Our instruction comes in Augustine’s famous dictum “Crede ut from ‘the porch of Solomon,’ who intellegas”, “Believe that you may under- had himself taught that ‘the Lord stand”, which is based on the Greek Septua- should be sought in simplicity of gint’s false rendering of Isaiah 7:9, “If you heart.’ Away with all attempts to pro- do not believe, you shall not under- duce a mottled Christianity of Stoic, stand” (eja;n mh; pisteuvshte, oujde; mh; Platonic, and dialectic composition! sunh:te We want no curious disputation after ), where the Hebrew Masoretic Text possessing Christ Jesus, no inquisition (and the Latin Vulgate) has ‘If you do not after enjoying the Gospel! With our stand firm in faith, you shall not stand at faith, we desire no further belief. For all.’ The Augustinian aphorism, though not this is our faith, that there is nothing identical to those of the BLC and the Coptic which we ought to believe besides. tractates, is nevertheless interesting in its (VII, 9-13) combination of faith and intelligence. It also Cum credimus, nihil desideramus ultra suggests that there might be a common tra- credere: it is difficult to imagine a motto dition lying behind all three. farther from Bardaisan’s thought and man- The BLC is extant in a single Syriac ner than this! manuscript, the composition of which is pre- dominantly philosophical, and makes use of 4. From Bardaisan a highly technical vocabulary, either phi- to Nag Hammadi papyri and Augustine losophical or astrological, which would re- quire a comprehensive commentary, still to As we have seen, the Interp. Know. and the be written, a commentary which would do Treat. Res. offer close parallels to the BLC peivqesqai justice to its variegated background. This in their use of the terms ~ paper is nothing but a modest start in this pisteuvein ajpistei:n ouk peivqesqai / ~ . In direction.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 27 TitreFaith and Persuasion in the Book of the Laws of Countries ______NOTES

“[…] there is a clear distinction between 1. First edition of the Syriac in Cureton 1855, ܐ with an English translation; new edition in Nau and as we also see in Aphraates. The 1907 and Nau 1931. Nau’s edition of 1931 was word is always used in a general sense, reprinted without changes by Drijvers 1965. We while the use of ܐ is always specific, even use here the edition of Nau 1907. where such is not immediately obvious.” novmima barbarikav 2. Nau 1899. 10. On the , see Amand 3. Ed. and trans. Turner, Pagels 1990. 1945:55-60. 4. Ed. and trans. Peel 1985:150; cf. Ménard 11. Camplani 1997, Camplani 1998. 1983:49 and Layton 1979:67-69. 12. See his articles reprinted in Levi Della 5. For a good survey of the modern research Vida 1989. on the BLC, see Drijvers 1966:60-76 and 13. Jansma 1969. Camplani 1998. 14. See Hay 1989 and Hoffmann 2000. 6. On those questions, see Amand 1945 and 15. Cf. Drijvers 1966:77: “Awida, however, Dihle 1982. will not believe unless he is first convinced. 7. On this passage, see Dihle 1979. Something of the contrast between ‘credo ut 8. Levi Della Vida 1920: 419. intellegam’ and ‘intellego ut credam’ already 9. Here is the only occurrence of the word becomes visible here.” fuvsiV ƑƀƏŴƘ= in the BLC; cf. Drijvers 1966:81: 16. On this text, see Hoffmann 2000: 471-72.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 28 Faith and Persuasion in the Book of the Laws of Countries ______LITERATURE

Amand, D., Fatalisme et liberté dans l'Antiq- Mansion Center, Series I, 26), Leuven/Paris: uité grecque. Recherches sur la survivance de University Press/Les Belles Lettres, 2000, p. l'argumentation antifataliste de Carnéade chez 459-489. les philosophes grecs et les théologiens chrétiens Jansma, T., Natuur, lot en vrijheid. Barde- des quatre premiers siècles (Université de Lou- sanes, de filosoof der Arameeërs en zijn images vain, Recueil de travaux d'histoire et de philolo- (Cahiers bij het Nederlands Theologisch gie, 3e série, 19e fascicule), Louvain: Biblio- Tijdschrift, 6), Wageningen: H. Veenman & thèque de l'Université, 1945. Zonen, 1969. Camplani, A., “Note Bardesanitiche,” Mis- Layton, B., The Gnostic Treatise on Resur- cellanea Marciana 12 (1997) p. 11-43. rection from Nag Hammadi: Edited with Trans- Camplani, A., “Rivisitando Bardesane. Note lation and Commentary (Harvard Dissertations sulle fonti siriache del bardesanismo e sulla sua in Religion, 12), Missoula: Scholars Press, 1979. collocazione storico-religiosa,” Cristianesimo Levi Della Vida, G., “Bardesane e il dialogo nella storia 19 (1998) p. 519-596. delle legi dei paesi,” Rivista trimestriale di studi Cureton, W., Spicilegium Syriacum: Con- filosofici e religiosi 1 (1920) p. 399-430. taining Remains of Bardesane, Meliton, Levi Della Vida, G., Pitagora, Bardesane e Ambrose and Mar Bar Serapion, London: Riv- altri studi siriaci, a cura di Riccardo Contini ingtons, 1855. (Studi orientali, 8) Rome: Bardi Editore, 1989. Dihle, A., “Zur Schicksalslehre des Barde- Ménard, J.-É. Le Traité sur la Résurrection sanes,” in Ritter, A.M., ed., Kerygma und Logos. (NH I, 4): Texte établi et présenté (Bibliothèque Beiträge zu den geistesgeschichtlichen Beziehun- copte de Nag Hammadi, section «Textes», 12), gen zwischen Antike und Christentum. Fest- Québec: Les Presses de l'Université Laval, 1983. schrift für Carl Andresen, Göttingen: Vanden- Nau, F., Bardesane l'Astrologue: Le livre des hoeck & Ruprecht, 1979, p. 123-135. lois des pays. Traduction française avec une Dihle, A., The Theory of Will in Classical introduction et de nombreuses notes, Paris: Antiquity, Berkeley/Los Angeles/London: Uni- Ernest Leroux, 1899. versity of California Press, 1982. Nau, F., “Bardesanes, Liber legum re- Drijvers, H.J.W., The Book of the Laws of gionum,” in Graffin, R., ed., Patrologia Syriaca, Countries. Dialogue on Fate of Bardaisan of 1, 2) Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1907, p. 490-658. Edessa, Assen: Van Gorcum & Comp./Dr. H.J. Nau, F., Bardesane. Le Livre des lois des Prakke & H.M.G. Prakke, 1965. pays. Texte syriaque publié avec un avertisse- Drijvers, H.J.W., Bardaisan of Edessa ment et une analyse, Paris: Librairie orientaliste (Studia Semitica Neerlandica, 6), Assen: Van Paul Geuthner, 1931. Gorcum & Comp. N.V., 1966. Peel, M.L., “The Treatise on the Resurrec- Hay, D.M., “Pistis as Ground for Faith in tion. I, 4:43.25-50.18,” in Attridge, H. W., ed., Hellenized Judaism and Paul,” Journal of Bibli- Nag Hammadi I (The Jung Codex): Introduc- cal Literature 108 (1989) p. 461-476. tions, Texts, Translations, Indices (Nag Ham- Hoffmann, P., “La triade chaldaïque e[rwV, madi Studies, 22), Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1985, p. ajlhvqeia, pivstiV: de Proclus à Simplicius,” in 123-157. Segonds, A.-P., Steel, C., edd., Proclus et la Turner, J.D., Pagels, E.H., “NHC XI, 1: The théologie platonicienne. Actes du Colloque inter- Interpretation of Knowledge, 1, 1-22, 34,” in national de Louvain (13-16 mai 1998) en l'hon- Hedrick, C. W., éd., Nag Hammadi XI, XII, XIII neur de H. D. Saffrey et L. G. Westerink (Nag Hammadi Studies, 28), Leiden: E. J. Brill, (Ancient and Medieval Philosophy, DeWulf- 1990, p. 21-88.

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BECOMING PERFECT: THE MATURING OF ASCETICISM IN THE LIBER GRADUUM

ROBERT A. KITCHEN KNOX-METROPOLITAN UNITED CHURCH - REGINA, SASKATCHEWAN

n 1926 Michel Kmosko published the work chronologically or geographically. critical edition of a Syriac book which Current opinion opts for a date in the mid- had acquired the nickname of ktābā to-late-fourth century, while the only loca- 3 dmasqātā.1 William Wright had ear- tion noted is the Lesser Zab River. Situated I 2 between Mosul and Kirkuk in present-day lier dubbed this work The Book of Steps, and Kmosko finished the task of naming by Iraq, the Lesser Zab is part of the region endowing it with the scholarly dignity of a classically known as the Adiabene. Latin title, Liber Graduum, by which the The 15 extant manuscripts offer no title. book generally has been known since then. The LG is drawn from mēmrē 19 and 20 Known, but the Book of Steps has seldom which speak of the difficult steps (masqātā) been understood. on the steep road to the city of our Lord,4 a The intent here is to reveal a few more metaphor not used elsewhere in the collec- aspects of this complex work. The Liber tion. While the LG revolves around the lev- Graduum (hereafter referred to as LG) de- els of Perfection (gmīrūtā)5 and Upright- scribes the development of an asceticism ness (kēnūtā),6 the author does not set out a without hagiography. Normally, Syriac as- progressive series of steps towards heaven, ceticism glorifies the higher levels of ascetic as in John Climacus. achievement. The LG pulls no punches in The LG, however, appears to be the work criticising the Perfect ones, its higher level, of a single author, and as such should be as well as building up the reputation and perceived as the collected works of this in- accomplishments of the lower level, the Up- tentionally anonymous author who did not right. It is through these observations that wish to make known his name.7 While cer- one is able to see a response to alleged Mes- tain themes thread throughout the mēmrē, salianism, a long-time challenge to the or- the author has not composed a systematic thodoxy of this work. theological treatise, but has utilized a variety The Liber Graduum in Brief of literary forms for different occasions and purposes. The LG is a collection of 30 mēmrē, com- Piecing together numerous comments posed by an anonymous author who pro- and observations by the author, usually in vides remarkably few details to locate the between the lines of theological discourse

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 30 Becoming Perfect ______and Biblical exposition, is a sitz im leben of 26 (757-765), 27 (768-784), 28 (785- conflict, internal and external, evolving over 805), 30 (860-932): The validation a number of years.8 and encouragement of the ministry of the Upright. The author, in all likelihood the spiritual leader of a pre-monastic Christian commu- The Upright and the Perfect nity in the midst of or on the periphery of an unnamed town or village, has witnessed the Most readers and scholars have preferred to rise and decline of his Christian ascetical focus on the rules for the Perfect and Up- ideal. His writings attempt to respond to and right as the content for the LG. The defini- remedy this changing situation. tion of the Perfect and Upright is a central The LG is not a static theoretical treatise motif, but the Book contains much more on the ascetical life, but a dynamic chroni- than these definitions of an ascetic institu- cling of the experiment to develop and nur- tion. If one takes the order of the mēmrē as ture a mature asceticism incarnate in a com- roughly chronological, the author appears to pany of committed individuals—a fourth- be concerned at the last to encourage the century version of Geneva in the 16th cen- development of the Upright, the lower level. tury. In this way a different direction is perceived. Being a collection of writings, the LG Instead of preserving an elite institution, the includes a variety of literary forms. Follow- author urges a spirit-filled asceticism that ing the order of mēmrē in Kmosko’s critical permeates all of society. edition, several groupings are discernable: Within the collection the author changes

1-8 (columns 12-200): Rules for the perspective on the relationship between the 9 Upright and the Perfect in his community. Perfect (gmīrē) and the Upright The Upright ones were those who had ac- (kēnē).10 cepted the commitment to perform the ac- 9 (201-248), 23 (692-712): Extended Biblical expositions on Old Testament tive forms of ministry in the world: feeding conundrums. the hungry, clothing the naked, assisting the 10 (249-269), 25 (733-756), 29 (808- poor and healing the sick. A significant 857): Sermons—discourses directed number of the Upright were married, prac- personally to the faith community. ticed secular occupations and had income. 11 (272-284), 13 (305-321), 16-22 Indeed, they were expected by their calling (388-689), 24 (713-732): Advanced to use their income and positions for the Perfection, or how to continue to benefit and support of ministry to others, grow as a Perfect one and avoid stag- indicative of the role of village patrons in nation. 12 12 (285-304), 15 (336-385): Essays Late Antique society. responding to controversies on the The Perfect were generally defined apo- role of the contemporary church and phatically—whatever the Upright did, they on sexuality and marriage. did not do or did so without the limits im- 14 (324-333): Evagrian-style couplets posed upon the Upright. The Perfect did not summarizing the relationship between engage in active forms of ministry—and the two levels of the Perfect and the were forbidden to work—being wandering 11 Upright. charismatics who begged, taught, mediated

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 31 Becoming Perfect ______conflicts, and aspired to a life of prayer distinctly different from that of the LG. He without ceasing. delivers his discourses on the spiritual life to In the low-numbered mēmrē, the rules of his charges in a monastery15 where the Perfection and Uprightness impose a crisis boundary issue between Uprightness and of decision upon the fledgling Christian: one Perfection of celibacy is no longer an issue. must choose initially one path or the other. Uprightness is no longer a decision, but a Progression to the higher level is extremely beginning, functioning as a de facto noviti- difficult, the boundary line between the lev- ate. Eventually, one is able to progress up els being the renunciation of the world along into the ranks of the Perfect. with celibacy, that is, the renunciation of There is no recognizable citation of the married and family life. LG in Philoxenus’ mēmrē. Yet the principal However, in the high-numbered mēmrē, manuscript used by Kmosko for the LG, the the author observes that some Upright are 12th-century Codex Bibliothèque Nationale not far from Perfection and that with a little de Paris Syrus 201, is also the primary text more work they might well achieve the for Philoxenus’ Ascetical Homilies. Some higher status. It appears that the concrete- scribe or teacher who ordered the manu- ness of the duties of the Upright enabled script recognized the connection. them to progress steadily in their spiritual There are only three relatively complete journey, in contrast to the Perfect who manuscripts: Bibliothèque Nationale Syrus always were not doing something, perhaps 201 (Kmosko’s Ms α), St. Mark’s Jerusalem believing that their journey was complete. Syrus 180 (7th-8th century) (Ms R),16 and This attitude is the locus of the text’s British Library Add. 14613 (Ms β) which struggle. contains 18 mēmrē plus the Preface. Two more manuscripts contain five and four The LG in Later Literature mēmrē respectively: BL Add. 17178 (Ms One of the enigmas regarding the LG is γ), and BL Add. 14621 (Ms E). Eight of the what happened to it in Syriac church litera- remaining manuscripts contain only one ture. The Book is virtually never quoted or mēmrā each. referenced in later literature. British Library The St. Mark’s Ms R was made available Add. 17193 (ff. 3a-3b) refers to the work in to Kmosko only after he had completed his a brief exegetical passage, while claiming critical edition, though he was able to make that the work was written by a Eusebius the reference to it on numerous occasions. The 13 Solitary. That could well be true, but we order of its mēmrē is identical with Ms α, have no other corroboration, and no idea but there is the interesting twist regarding who such a Eusebius the Solitary might be. memrā 30. The writer of the Preface (memrā The only Syriac author who has encoun- 1) in Ms α is full of praise for the genius of tered the book or its institutional traditions the author and decides to give the reader a is the early-sixth-century henophysite sneak preview by including the last section bishop Philoxenus of Mabbug. In his 13 of memrā 30 at the conclusion of the Pref- Ascetical Homilies he utilizes the institution ace. This section is not repeated at the end of the Perfect and Upright in a familiar of memrā 30 in Ms α. However, in Ms R 14 way. Nevertheless, Philoxenus’ situation is this climactic section is right where it is said

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 32 Becoming Perfect ______to belong, at the end of memrā 30. Ms R the LG. Vincent Desprez suggested that the also contains a marginal note by the itinerant missionary work of the Perfect scribe (?) which attempts to identify the au- ones prefigured the Messalian communi- thor of the LG a certain Abba Philo.17 ties.22 The Perfect were not Messalians, Again, this is too little evidence—and con- Desprez emphasized, but through their aus- tradictory at that—to reach any reasonably terity, refusal to work, humility, poverty and certain conclusion. prayer, they presented an unwitting model. Certainly this is not an improbable hypothe- Messalian Days Are Here Again sis, but the suggestion is outside our present The Messalian question is still alive. Many ability to evaluate. scholars have been interested in the LG, not Brian Colless has returned to the possi- so much for its spiritual subject matter, but bility that the LG is a, if not the, Messalian for its alleged connection with the Messalian book.23 Noting that a number of early Chris- movement and controversy of the 4th and tian texts were purged of perceived heretical 5th centuries. When the presumption of her- material—if the rest of the text was consid- esy settled hard upon the LG as a result of ered spiritually beneficial—Colless suggests Kmosko’s analysis and verdict, study of the that this may have been the case with the work was effectively inhibited for nearly 30 LG. Extant copies of the LG, therefore, may years. Some scholars believed that the LG contain alterations, omissions, and interpola- was the lost Asceticon of the Messalian tions. movement, reputedly displayed by Bishop There were four primary errors of Mes- Valerian and condemned at Ephesus in salianism agreed upon by its opponents: (1) 431.18 (The Pseudo-Macarian Homilies was the indwelling of the soul by a demon from the prime candidate for the identity of the the time of one’s birth; (2) the inefficacy of Asceticon, being read in excerpted form at the sacraments to purify the soul of this de- Ephesus.)19 The Messalian movement pur- monic power; (3) the exclusive efficacy of portedly promoted attitudes which were prayer to achieve this purification; (4) the anti-institutional and anti-sacramental, and resultant impassability (apatheia), and the perceived ceaseless prayer as the only effec- coming of the Holy Spirit. Colless proceeds tive religious action.20 There is considerable to illustrate these concepts in the LG in con- doubt now whether there ever was such an vincing manner, although showing occa- Asceticon. The anonymity of the LG allows sional caution to allow that some so-called aspersions to be easily cast upon it, without Messalian characteristics and beliefs appear being able to fight back with specific names in other orthodox authors. and places. Colless suggests that the LG might have Arthur Vööbus initiated the redemption been read or written by Adelphios of of the LG in 1954, arguing that it was not a Edessa, the original Messalian banished by Messalian book.21 Gradually, other scholars Flavian of Antioch.24 He observes that the began to cast off the Messalian label and see LG was considered worthy enough to be other virtues in the work. copied and handed down in the Syrian mon- The last decade has seen a kind of neo- asteries, though never quoted or referred to Messalianism emerging in several studies of by name. There are echoes of the LG in later

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Syriac mystics, as Colless lifts up brief no- mēmrē 15 and 30, also provides indication tices from Martyrius Sahdona on the visible, of the internal intention of the Book. The hidden, and heavenly church of mēmrā 12; historical issue may be whether there were and also from Isaac of Nineveh who de- Messalians circulating in the flesh at this clared that there is a form of work and ser- time or even if the author had any awareness vice which is concealed from the novices of their ideas. Nevertheless, we shall see and laity. several instances in which the author That there is something messalian about appears to be attacking messalianist prac- the LG appears probable. Nevertheless, tices he has perceived developing in his there is no solid evidence, internally or ex- community. ternally, to link the work to Adelphios or any other known author. A seemingly small Rules for Upright and Perfect matter has a critical importance in the inter- pretation of the text: did the author primarily Mēmrē 1-8 function to elucidate the funda- direct his message and mēmrē inwardly to mental basics or rules of an ascetically- his community or outwardly to the world? oriented society. The author distinguishes Most scholars have opted for the latter, pro- the mandates of the major and minor com- ceeding logically from the fact that the vari- mandments of Scripture and develops the ous manuscripts have come down to us, profile of the characteristics and duties of with the implication that they were circu- the lower level, the Upright (kēnā), along lated broadly for universal consumption. with those of the higher level, the Perfect Coupled with the smell of Messalianism, (gmīrā). Mēmrā 9, On Uprightness and the this outward intention compelled Robert Love of the Upright and the Prophets (201- Murray to complain that the Liber Graduum 248), is an extended Biblical exposition protests too much to be a completely ortho- countering objections to the place of the Old dox book.25 Murray understood the author’s Testament prophets in this scheme. Obvi- explanation of the visible, hidden, and heav- ously, being perceived as God-filled persons enly churches to be an apologetic epistle to par excellence, these prophets are still re- the wider church. vered in the popular mind. However, Elijah, I wish to focus on several of the mēmrē Elisha, David and many others killed oppo- in which the author addresses internal issues nents of their God. This was at the behest of and attitudes among the community mem- God, but it still makes them personally fall bers that point to the primary audience for well below the standards of Uprightness. the LG being the particular community of The author assures the readers that, never- the author whom he was attempting at vari- theless, the prophets will enter heaven and ous points to encourage, revive, and reform. Perfection after the Apostles (232:4-233:3; Three mēmrē are sermons (10, 25, 29) cf. Hebrews 11:39-40), somewhat tidying up which depart from the usual didactic pattern the loose ends of this ascetical institution. of the author to deal with the kinds of con- The author implies throughout the mēmrē flict the author was observing. The unique that while the Old Testament is Scripture, it concern of the author for the lower level of is superseded by the New Testament Christians, the Upright, particularly in (212:14-21).

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Mēmrā 10: Body and Soul mutually succeed or else one fails. The body fasts from food, pleasures, and pride of Within the corpus of the edited text, mēmrā clothing, while the soul fasts from spiteful 10 is the first discordant note. Mēmrā 10 words, controversies and jealousies, curses (249-269) bears no title at its head, but the and anger (253:11-18). There is no dualism concluding sentence identifies the mēmrē as allowed here by the author. Just like Jacob On Fasting and the Humility of Body and bowing humbly before Esau, one’s lowli- Soul. The literary approach is more per- ness must be evident before both God and sonal, without the propositional style found people (256:10-13). The author has now in the first nine mēmrē, the Upright and the addressed the root of the crisis: one cannot Perfect being mentioned only twice. The declare that one has taken the higher spiri- audience is addressed as “my broth- tual road and is fasting spiritually without ers” (249:4; 261:5), and it is obvious they fasting physically in the body. are being scolded, cajoled, and encouraged Even those who remain deeply involved in short succession. The author is attacking a in the commerce of this world are com- spiritualizing or quietistic approach to as- manded to fast from the bonds of iniquity, ceticism that has developed among some from deceit, injustice, slander, fraud and members of the community. Physical fast- adultery and luxury. Their calling is to treat ing, for instance, is disdained by disciples people as well as they wish to be treated. who believe they have become superior to God could have created a world in which all 26 anything physical or bodily (268:3-269:2). are rich and healthy and life-long residents The author begins by declaring that Sa- (local natives), but as we see, God’s world tan afflicts us more intensely when we are contains rich and poor, healthy and sick, doing good things. One must constantly be strangers and locals. The test is to see how alert to the spirit in which one engages in those better off treat the less fortunate doing good, for Satan will ingenuously ma- (260:9-18). The parable of Lazarus and the nipulate and corrupt one’s motives and pat- rich man (Luke 16:19-31) provides the terns of behaviour (249:4-18). In this way script if there is a lack of compassion on the the author summarizes the current spiritual part of the wealthy and privileged (260:18- crisis. 261:4). A person going on a trip makes sure that The author knows that most people know adequate provisions are in hand; in the same the commandments, but rationalizations are manner, one must be certain to have proper the first tactic of Satan, and the author has provisions when one departs from this world heard them all. When we want to eat lust- to the next (252:11-17). You can take some- fully, “It is not what enters a belly which is thing with you: your good deeds, and the harmful, but what comes out” (261:10-14; benefits of your fasting and prayer. Matthew 15:11). When we don’t want to These attributes are recognizable in the pray, “In our heart let us praise the body and also in the soul. God sees the low- Lord” (261:14-15). When we don’t want to liness in your heart, while other people can be diligent and work hard for the church, see it in your body. The body and soul do “Our heart is a church” (261:15-17). If we not compete against one another; either they want to put on luxurious clothing, Inwardly

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 35 Becoming Perfect ______we mourn, for God does not care for visible Mēmrā 25: Discerning Voices things (261:17-19). If we do not want to be bothered comforting the naked or poor, In Mēmrā 25, On the Voice of God and the our soul we are justified and shall hear our Voice of Satan (733-753), is another sermon own illnesses (first) (261:19-22). in which the author approaches the same The author is not fooled, for he declares problem of relaxed discipline, yet from a that evil teaches us all these things and different angle. The author observes that the makes us believe that we work in the heart, Perfect one, being childlike and not really while in fact we work neither in the heart mature, is susceptible to the scheming of the nor in the body. No one accomplishes right- Evil One since he does not know how to eousness with his heart who does not also discern the voice of God from the voice of accomplish righteousness with his body Satan. (263:23-264:3). The Evil One is crafty, changing his This spiritualizing of physical asceticism snares every day, so that the Perfect one qualifies as the alleged faults of the Mes- cannot easily figure him out by means of a salian movement: an unhinged discipline routine. Indeed, “because he does not under- which convinces its practitioners that they stand the truth in any way, the Evil One are spiritually advanced beyond the need to makes [him] stray and binds him onto the fulfill the law within the physical world. earth, yet that person is convinced that, in Literal fasting, prayer, simple clothing, and fact, he is bound in heaven” (733:1-15). helping the needy do not matter anymore, if The results of the Evil One’s activities, they can accomplish all these disciplines in however, are discernible to the author. Un- their hearts. The author of the LG recognizes der the pretext of providing comfort for the the bankruptcy of this attitude, calls it by afflicted, Satan convinces the Perfect one name, and summons in particular the Perfect that acquiring a little wealth through occu- to repentance. pations allowable in Uprightness and build- The author has come to realize the practi- ing a little dwelling adequate for hospitality cal consequences of such a misinterpretation to strangers is a virtuous initiative (741:21- and mispractice of the ideal of Perfection. It 26). takes quite a while for ascetics to callous Cultivating a little garden to grow vege- their bodies and spirits to the demands of tables for the sick and healthy certainly can- physical asceticism. In the same way, little not be a bad idea, even though labouring is by little one can undo all the progress made usually not a prerogative of the Perfect in the pursuit of Perfection through an im- (741:26-744:2). Gradually, Satan has made balanced spiritualizing (265:23-268:2). One the Perfect one abandon his Perfect road and becomes fat and petulant like the Israelites, return unwittingly to Uprightness. The Evil the author complains, and after a while may One has beguiled the Perfect one back down even forget that one is a Covenanter (bar to earth, just as he did to Adam (744:19-21). qiāmā)27 and forget to serve God, just as the Then before long, the Evil One will pull Israelites forgot God who had saved them him down as well from Uprightness. Satan (265:15-22). send messengers to him telling him that peo-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 36 Becoming Perfect ______ple are plundering your house;” others are among the Perfect some exceptions had picking through your garden;” still others arisen. are stealing and killing his flock of sheep. Where did you get the idea that no one All this starts with the Evil One advising a should speak with a worthless or deceptive heavenly one to own property and build a [person], because it may be [the case] that house upon it (748:1-19). he will become a Perfect or an Upright one? It is in this sermon that the author begins The author refers to the incident of Jesus to laud the Upright ones whom he perceives speaking to Ananais regarding the notorious to be more serious and often more mature in Saul (Acts 9:11-15). Ananais recoils at the their asceticism. Nevertheless, it all begins thought of dealing with such an evil man, with the witness and example of Jesus, for but Jesus tells him that Saul is his chosen the ascetical, celibate life is deemed the instrument, a fact which he may not yet un- original shape of existence. “[Jesus] demon- derstand (745:13-23). strated clearly through his person Perfection The Perfect appear unable to compre- and the holiness28 of the first creation of hend the mature nature of their calling and Adam” (736:15-17). are easily manipulated to live a distorted Perfection is still the goal of fallen hu- version of the way of Perfection. The author manity. The author muses that if all people perceives that they have lost their bearings had reached Perfection, God would have on the nature of truth, hearing the voice of rained food and clothing upon them without Satan rather than the voice of God. As such, them having to work for it (737:18-23). these failings of the Perfect do not appear to Moreover, if all people had earnestly desired be messalianistic—in some instances, a holiness/celibacy, God would have created well-meaning intent to use their financial children for them just as God had made a resources and property for the good of the daughter (Eve) for Adam without marriage needy. Yet, without a clear understanding of or lust (737:26-740:2). how the rigours of Perfection intersect daily But after God saw that Adam loved living, they appear susceptible to a variety earthly things, God allowed him to be mar- of libertarian and insidious misinterpreta- ried and to become an Upright one in this tions of the Christian way of life. Certainly, world, and therefore to be saved and not one cannot make Messalians out of them at utterly perish (736:23-26). Whoever works this point, but the litany of their misunder- the earth in Uprightness will inherit eternal standings of Perfection does till fertile soil life, but will not become a Perfect one for the excesses of Messalianism. (740:4-7). Our Lord commanded the Up- right to feed and clothe the Perfect, and they Mēmrā 29: Not By Rote will then be able to live the life of the new world as a reward (737:13-18). Mēmrā 29, On the Discipline of the Body The author remonstrates against a pattern (808-857), is the third sermon in which the of behaviour, perhaps recently begun, which author laments the spiritless faith of many of works to undermine the basic mission of the his disciples who go about their duties by Perfect. God commanded these heavenly rote29 and not with passion. ones to treat every person well. Evidently, The problem is seen first of all in the

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 37 Becoming Perfect ______way they muddle through worship and form of prayer. The more you sleep, the prayer: more you dream—how better to pray un- ceasingly? Look, my son, consider how much power is hidden in the praises of our The author continues to challenge the Lord, yet we repeat them by rote luxurious life-style the Perfect have adopted, without passion. Because of this the denigrating the memory and reputation of words of God do not effect in us good the ascetical saints who have gone before deeds, for we do not give them a place them. “We teach others, but do not teach in our soul to lay down roots in us. ourselves” (820:13-14). They eat meat and For that matter, even pagans, if they drink wine improperly, dress in lavish want, [can] learn the words of our clothes, possess wealth and are lords of the Lord by rote at the same time they are domain, and keep a suspicious eye on worshipping in the house of their idols and doing the will of the devils strangers (820:14-821:3). (816:17-817:1). Apparently, this way of life has led to an inhospitable, ungenerous spirit, creating a Echoing Paul (1 Corinthians 9:27), the gulf between the Perfect and the less fortu- author declares that he will subdue his body nate. “When is a person so poor that he can- and his soul in order to honour everyone as not afford a cup of water and morsel of a servant (809:1-3), the primary example bread, nor afford the washing of feet nor the being Jesus who called his betrayer Judas bandaging of [the wounds] of the sick nor Iscariot “my friend” (809:25-812:3; Mat- hosting strangers [for the night], [if] he has a thew 26:50). The author then digresses—or house? No one is too poor to [be able to is this the main intent of the sermon?—to give] compliments and a loving greeting, launch into a diatribe against the behaviour unless he wishes to become an evil of some ‘un-Perfect’ disciples: one” (845:23-848:5). The author decries the Because you do not restrict your bod- spiteful words and gossip mongering in ies from food, nor make supplication which many of these disciples have felt free to our Lord that he set you free, there to engage (848:11-849:13). are many sickly and ill people among The author never mentions Messalians you and many who sleep and many and may well have had no idea of their exis- who are drunken, greedy, and unre- tence in his frame of reference. He does not strained, because they do not examine like the shift he has seen develop among his themselves and subdue their bodies30 (812:24-813:6;1Corinthians 11:30). charges of undisciplined and luxurious liv- ing, boredom with aspects of the spiritual That the Perfect have lost their way life, and a prideful elitism separating them- clearly disappoints the author. The evidence selves from their inferiors. The author does not permit facile labeling, yet could roundly condemns as illegitimate this be- this not be a situation in which the Perfect haviour, which has fallen from Perfection to have deteriorated from their discipline into a state below even that of Uprightness. 31 Messalianesque practices? The charge of All through the LG, the author has pro- sleeping is a prime indicator of so-called vided a worthy place and status for the Up- Messalians who claimed that dreaming is a right, albeit condescendingly at times. Now

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 38 Becoming Perfect ______he seems no longer unsure about the level of Therefore, the Lord reviled these false the commitment of the Upright who have people who fraudulently fasted and proved themselves by their compassion and lowered themselves falsely, and said, piety. They will reap the rewards of salva- ‘I will not accept a deceitful lowliness tion, and if only they would go the next and a false fast. It would be better for a person to eat and drink and wear step—the author urges—they would earn white [clothes] than to do evil things the greatest reward, that of Perfection: while fasting and wearing sackcloth and causing everyone to wail through Therefore, as there are different the evil things he does’ (844:11-17). [kinds of] fasts with respect to these foods, so also those people who are incapable of these fasts of which I Marriage and Money have spoken and are married, when they loosen the bonds of iniquity and The two pillars of traditional asceticism— cut off the chains of deceit, and set the celibacy and giving away one’s posses- oppressed free (Isaiah 58:6), they will sions—are never reputed by the author of genuinely fast, as it is written, ‘this the LG, but are muted for the sake of the fast is preferred by God in which a developing Upright who live in the world. person avoids evil things and eats Mēmrā 15, On Adam’s Marital Desire food rather than fasting from food and doing evil things.’ If a person avoids (336-385), is an extended discourse on the evil things, gives alms, redeems the origins and consequences of the human sex- afflicted, and gives relief to the needy, ual drive, especially as it deals with the is- he will steadily progress in his fast sues of the requisite of celibacy for perfec- [even] when he eats and drinks well tion. The author uses the mēmrā to prove and when he dresses nicely and pos- that sexual lust is not innate in human be- sesses wealth. He is an Upright one ings, but derives from the temptations of [even] while being married (825:19- Satan. 828:7). After [Adam] had sinned and was Reminding his disciples that food and censured, a law was established for ornate clothing are not unclean of them- him, inferior to that first [law]. By this selves, but what matters is how one eats and same law [God] permitted him to wears these things, the author infers that marry. Because he had desired to be- asceticism is not absolutely necessary. Cer- come physical and not spiritual, that tainly, too much food leads to gluttony and is, earthly and not heavenly, it was fancy clothes ease one towards a debauched then that carnal desire came to exist in him, for Adam desired intercourse as life (833:1-836:13). However, as long as the a result of the teaching the Evil One Upright worship God wholeheartedly, and who had plotted to make him fall treat well and kindly everyone they meet, from the sanctity of the angels and they have attained a worthy calling. Having imitate wild beasts (336:3-13 ). witnessed the decline of the Perfect ones, the author would much rather settle for a Adam and Eve, the author explains further, faithful Upright one, as he implies by means did not really desire intercourse, but did so of an apocryphal saying attributed to Jesus. in the hope they could become great like

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God. They did not have lust prior to the in- mandments of Faith and the Love of the trusions of the Evil One, as demonstrated by Solitaries” (860-932), begins by distinguish- their unashamed nakedness similar to that of ing between the disciples of faith and love infants (340:7-344:1). and their commandments—these groups However, in compassion, God provi- being the intermediaries between the Up- sionally and grudgingly blesses marriage: right and the Perfect. This is a new dichot- omy only hinted at previously: the disciples [If] your freedom listened to the Evil One and you desired [intercourse] like of faith being virtually synonymous with the Adam, your Creator will angrily give Upright, while the behaviour of the disciples it to you as he had to Adam. [God] is of love is barely distinguishable from the angry because we renounce the celi- Perfect. bacy of the angels and imitate the What is even more new and striking is beasts. But [God] will have compas- the report of conflict and violence that be- sion upon you as he had upon Adam sets the disciples of faith and love. The dis- and you will observe Uprightness and ciples of faith are sometimes attacked and be alive/saved while you [are in- even martyred by idolaters and pagans volved] in intercourse (352:3-10). “because [the disciples of faith] resolutely This is not the happiest tone of voice for the confront them for their evil doctrine, tearing Upright, but the author’s emphasis is upon down their altars and enduring wherever God’s compassion which is the example for they are persecuted in order not to become human relationships. The author softens his vain idolaters in the land of the Lord our perspective even more in defining the proper God” (869:21-25). The disciples/martyrs of love, on the actions of the Upright: Those who bind and loose in the other hand, are persecuted and killed by the world and buy and sell, owning pos- members of the household of faith35 sessions justly and treating the needy (872:15-17). The apparent conflict arises well while not treating anyone badly, because the latter are confident they know are the Upright who are inferior to the the whole truth, so when a disciple of love Perfect. For the Uprightness of people mentions an idea normally not shared with does not treat poorly anyone who the lower levels, they are outraged, not un- treats it badly, but it does away with derstanding that they do not know the whole its goods and flees from evil, just as truth (872:19-873:4). Obviously, civil soci- Isaac had left behind his father’s wa- ter wells when they quarreled with ety has broken down even within Christian him. He named [the wells] ‘Satan’32 and ecclesiastical circles. and ‘Contentious’33 because they had Such behaviour is not to be counte- quarreled and contended with him,34 nanced at all, for the author declares, “faith and he migrated from there; and just does not command its disciples to kill the as Abraham and Isaac had given up evil ones, but to flee from their presence and their wives and neither condemned to expel [the evil ones] from their midst. nor quarreled, yet God administered Therefore, those who kill do not become the their judgment (357: 6-17). disciples of faith, but are disciples of Sa- The final mēmrā (30), “On the Com- tan” (873:9-13).

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Returning with the conviction of experi- ing him made him a disciple with ence to an earlier theme that different levels these commandments which are infe- of spiritual development and aptitude re- rior to Perfection. quire different commandments and commis- [Jesus] did not say to him, ‘Unless sions, the author discusses at length the need you leave your wife and your house to discern which people can manage a strin- and your children and empty yourself gent way of life and for which ones a more from everything you own, you will not be saved.’ Look, the response of open and flexible way is appropriate Zacchaeus makes it clear that our (893:10-901:11). His concern now shifts to Lord admonished him in such a way advocacy for the status and well-being of that he need not empty himself, be- the Upright, the lower level. One can be cause he knew that he could not reach married, own property and possessions, and the power of that great portion. Zac- have income and still attain a significant chaeus said, ‘Everyone whom I have measure of salvation. cheated I will repay four-fold, and 36 Abraham is cited as the model of a half of my wealth only (balhūd — wealthy person who used his wealth for peo- eisegesis!) I will give to the ple who were in need, treating equally well poor’ (Luke 19:8). See, while he did not say to our Lord, ‘I will abandon both the good and the evil (925:3-928:14). everything I have,’ our Lord did say Recalling Jesus’ references to Abraham, the the following to him, ‘Today salva- author asserts that because of this tion has come into this house’ (Luke [Abraham] became great and was glorified 19:9). Zacchaeus shall be called a son and called the ruler of the feast (Matthew of Abraham, he who when he prom- 8:11), so that all the Upright and the right- ised to repay their lords what he had eous might be comforted in the bosom of extorted had said, ‘half of my wealth righteousness (Luke 16:23). Lazarus, the only I will give’ (Luke 19:8). But archetypal poor man of the Gospels, is held whoever gives to the poor half of his in the bosom of Abraham, who knew how to wealth while not defrauding anyone, look, is he not greater than Zacchaeus use his wealth, in contrast to the rich man, who was called righteous? When he who did not. gave two portions of his wealth, look It is Zacchaeus, though, that the author does not he grow greater still? Who- offers as the exemplar of the Upright one’s ever gives all he possesses to the poor duty towards his wealth: and strangers, look, is [that person] not better and greater? (924:13- Understand from this that people are 925:16). saved if they do as they were com- manded: [following] that precept It is in this generous attitude towards the which is lower than that perfect and vindication of the Upright that the LG ends superior precept, [even] while they its journey. are married and possessing wealth. [This is clear] by that demonstration In Search of Mature Asceticism when our Lord entered the house of Zacchaeus, a sinner and an extortioner What kind of book is the LG, what was its and doer of evil things, and admonish- purpose, and how well did it accomplish that

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 41 Becoming Perfect ______purpose? This diverse collection of 30 community. mēmrē, written by a single anonymous au- If these less-than-Perfect ones are indeed thor, with few historical or geographical nascent Messalians, then here is an intrigu- clues, is not an easy work to classify. Writ- ing scenario. The LG does contain some ten in a pre-monastic era, one is not able to ideas which belong to the roots of Mes- bring the understanding of early monastic salianism, though it is doubtful that the au- institutions into the analysis of the LG. Re- thor consciously planted them as such. constructing the chronological order of Messalianism was not a formal “-ism,” but a mēmrē would be a helpful, but very uncer- movement which was the result of good the- tain task, so for the time being I believe that ology losing its compass. there are more important tasks. The author perceives his lapsed Perfect If all one wants is a description of the ones as betrayers of the Christian ascetical characteristics and duties of the Upright and ideal, and in numerous sections, the LG as- the Perfect, the author provides well. Usu- sumes an anti-messalian agenda. So here is a ally, he is systematic in defining the con- book which provides both an unwitting trasts between the two levels, although source for the Messalian trajectory, while at sometimes he notes something significant as the same time rejecting vehemently the le- a tangent. But he is consistent, both in the gitimacy of any such distorted practices. broad and nuanced strokes. Nevertheless, Along the way, the author came to appre- this is only a part of the picture, and not ciate the more humble Upright, moneyed even the most useful part for the history of and married. Their structured life-style and the development of asceticism. discipline gradually moved them closer to Viewed as the collected works of this the heights of Perfection, if only they could author and pastor, the LG provides rules, become poor and spouseless. To see a essays, exegeses, and sermons chronicling fourth-century ascetical writer lauding a the vicissitudes of his community of faith. group of Christians who have not totally Things do not always go well, so much so embraced the full ascetical ideal is remark- that the author develops the “rules” of Per- able, if not unique. For that reason, the LG fection and Uprightness in order to remind, grapples with the same problems as do most reform, and reinforce the standards both lev- contemporary churches: how does one pro- els had learned from the beginning of their gress towards mature and authentic disciple- pilgrimages. ship in the midst of a sinful world? Giving strong voice to his disappoint- The author does have one answer or ap- ment and despair at how the Perfect have proach. Asceticism with a goal of Perfection fallen from the standards of their way of is a matter of maturation, of training and life, either by spiritual ineptitude, seduction, development in the faith, not simply pos- naiveté, or delusion, the author is not happy sessing an innate aptitude for spiritual mat- with their debauched behaviour or their ra- ters. No level functions without error, and tionalizations. He names their problems for that is why the LG was written. Champions all to hear in a tone of voice which implies are made, not born. that the author is not writing a universal Our final problem regarding the mēmrē epistle, but a diatribe targeted at his own of the LG is that we cannot tell whether or

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 42 Becoming Perfect ______not it has ended as a literary work. Are we Messalians and live and pray unhappily ever missing further mēmrē or did the author die after? Of course, we do not know and we before the story was completed? Did the must be careful not to claim what we do not Perfect all run off and become full-fledged know. Anonymity exacts its price.

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1. M. Kmosko, editor, Liber Graduum (LG) Philoxenus was writing specifically to the monks (Patrologia Syriaca 3; Paris, 1926); Syriac title: of the monastery of Senūn, to whom he had also ̈ . written one of his most important defenses of the ͕ΕΏͿ͸ܕ ͔͗ΕͲ henophysite faith. Cf. A. de Halleux, Philoxène 2. W. Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manu- scripts in the British Museum Part II (London: de Mabboug: Sa Vie, ses Écrits, sa Théologie 1871) 949. (Universitas Catholica Louvaniensis Dissertatio- nes ad graduum magistir, Series III, 8; Louvain, 3. Kmosko, LG 896:2 (references to the text are column:line). 1963) 45. 16. Cf. Mar Filoksinos Yohanna Dolabany, 4. LG mēmrā 19, 445-525 (ܐ̈ ); mēmrā Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in St. Mark’s 20, 528-581. Monastery (Dairo DMor Marqos; Damascus, 5. . ͕ܬܘΑͯ͹͚ 1984) 377-380 for a list of mēmrē titles. 6. . ͕ܬͣͻ͓Ͳ 17. Kmosko, Praefatio, ccxcv:ܢͣͶͯ· ͔͗ܐ. 7. 1:3-4: ܒΕͳͻܕ ͔͗ܨ ͔͵ ͔ͻܗ ͔ͼ͗ͣͨܕ ͷͩ͸ 18. Cf. “The Definition of the Holy and Ecu-

͢͹Β . menical Synod of Ephesus Against the Impious 8. Cf. R.A. Kitchen, “Conflict on the Stair- Messalians Who are also ’Alled Euchetae and way to Heaven: The Anonymity of Perfection in Enthusiasts,” in The Seven Ecumenical Councils the Syriac Liber Graduum,” Orientalia Christi- of the Universal Church, H.R. Percival, ed., ana Analecta 256 (1998) 211-220. (Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 14; Grand 9. ͖Οͯ͹͚. Rapids: Eerdmans, 1971) 240. 19. Columba Stewart, Working the Earth of 10. ̈ . ͔ͻ͓Ͳ the Heart (Oxford, 1991) 13. Stewart notes that 11. Cf. J. Muyldermans, ed., Evagriana from the historical perspective, the Messalian Syriaca (Bibliothèque du Muséon 30; Louvain, movement can only be described as a contro- 1952. British Library Add. 14578 contains this versy, 5-8. ͼͯ͵΍͸̈ (msـــــ͔ :mēmrā embedded (f. 102aff) in a manuscript 20. Thus their Syriac name devoted to the works of Evagrius. alliānē) “pray-ers.” 12. Peter Brown, “The Rise and Function of 21. First in an article: A. Vööbus, “Liber the Holy Man in Late Antiquity,” Journal of Graduum: Some Aspects of its significance for Roman Studies 62 (1971) 80-101; also in Society the History of Early Syrian asceticism,” Papers and the Holy in Late Antiquity (University of of the Estonian Theological Society in Exile 7; California Press: Berkeley & Los Angeles, 1982) Stockholm, 1954 108-128. Subsequently, in the 103-152. A more concise summary of the rural first and third volumes of his History of Asceti- patron is found in: “Town, Village and Holy cism in the Syrian Orient I (CSCO 184/Subsidia Man,” Assimilation et résistance à la culture 14; Louvain, 1958) 178-184, 190-197; III gréco-romaine dans le monde ancien, ed. D.M. (CSCO 500/Subsidia 81; Louvain, 1988) 1-18. Pippidi (Bucharest, 1976) 213-220; also Society 22. V. Desprez, “L’ascétisme mésopotamien and the Holy 153-165. au IVe siècle: III. Le ‘Livre des Degrés’, La Let- 13. Wright, Catalogue Part II, 949. Text and tre de Ligugé 262 (1992) 16-29. Latin translation, Kmosko, Praefatio, LG, xi-xiii. 23. The following is summarized from ex- 14. E.A.W. Budge, ed., Discourses of Philox- cerpts from Brian Colless’ paper at the VIII enus, Bishop of Mabbogh, 2 vols. (London, Symposium Syriacum in Sydney, Australia, Au- 1894). gust 2000: “The Book of Degrees and Adelphios 15. The late André de Halleux suggested that of Edessa.”

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24. Cf. C. Stewart, Working the Earth of the 30. ܢͣͳͮΟ͛· ܢܘΕͻܐ ͽͯͼͮܕ ͔͵ܕ ͺ͵ ͷͩ͸ܘ Heart, 39-41. ܢΑ͹͵ ܢܘΕͻܐ ͽͯΈΓͲΕ͸ ͔͵ܘ ͕ΕͶͲ͓͸̈ ͽ͸ 25. There is something ‘sectarian’, something ͔΄Ο͸ ܢͣͳ͗ ͽ͓ͮͯ͛;̈ ͔ͻܗ ͷͩ͸ :ܢͣͳͮ΍Έͻܕ isolated and defensive, about the Liber Graduum ͽͮܘܪܕ ͕͓ͯ͛;ܘ̈ ͽͯͳ͸ܕܕ ͕͓ͯ͛;ܘ̈ :͕ͮ͢ΟͲܘ with its elaborate account of the Church ‘in the ܢܘ͢ΓΈͻ ͽͯͼͮܕ ͔͵ܕ ͷͩ͸ :ͽͯͶ͵ܕͤ͸ܘ ͽͯͼ΅ͮΕ͸ܘ heart’ and its relationship to the public Church, ܀ܢܘͮ͢Ο͛· ͽͯΓ͘ͳ͸ܘ to which the author perhaps protests too much 31. cf. C. Stewart, Working the Earth of the fidelity. Robert Murray, Symbols of Church Heart, “Themes 7 and 8: Avoidance of Work and Kingdom (Cambridge, 1975), 35. Also cf. and Desire for Sleep,” 62-63. 34-36, 263-269. 32. ͔ͼͩ; Sātānā . 26. ͔͗ܐ Εͯ͗ Ͱͼ͗̈ . 33. ͔ΏͿ΄ ‛ Esāqā . 27. ͔͹ͯΎ Α͗. 34. Genesis 26:19-22. ̈ 28. qaddīšūtā (͕ܬͣΓͮ͠Ύ). 35. ͕ܬͣͼ͹ͮܗܕ ͕Εͯ͗ Ͱͼ͗ Bnay baytā dhay- 29. ͖ͯ͠΅͗ܕ ʹͮܐ mānūtā. 36. ܕͣͦͶ͗

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TRADE ROUTES AND THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF THE NEAR EAST

AMIR HARRAK UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

Introduction familiar Teaching of Addai ( ܝܕܐܕ ܐܬ ܐ)2 and the lesser-known Acts of Mār here are two main Syriac sources Mārī (ܐ ܝܪܐ ܝܕ ܐܬ).3 that deal with the introduction of According to the Teaching of Addai Christianity into the Near East, (probably 5th century), the person who was particularly Upper Syria and at the origins of Christianity in Mesopota- Mesopotamia.T If we believe them, the roots mia was none other than Jesus himself. The of Christianity in those lands extend into the Teaching claims that before his crucifixion time of Jesus himself. Once the new religion Jesus corresponded with Abgar, his contem- was firmly established in Edessa, near the porary who ruled over a small kingdom upper Euphrates, it moved eastward to Nisi- called Osrhoene (ܐܘܐ), the capital of bis, near the Tigris, until it planted itself in which was Edessa. It is claimed that the let- Babylonia at the hands of two disciples of ters were kept in the royal chancellery of Thomas the Apostle. The two sources are Edessa. Abgar took the initiative, inviting late in time, and countless details seem to Jesus to come to him to cure him from an conflict with what must have happened dur- undisclosed disease. Here is the wording of ing the first Christian century in that part of the famous letter:4 the ancient world. Nonetheless, rather than 5 dismiss these sources as academically use- Abgar Ukkāmā to Jesus the good less, as some scholars did at the beginning Physician who has appeared in the 1 district of Jerusalem. of the 20th century, we shall use them to Greetings, my Lord!6 reconstruct a possible scenario: Christianity I have heard concerning you and your entered Mesopotamia through Edessa at the healing, for you do not heal with time of the Apostles through traceable trade drugs and herbs but by your word you routes and by merchants, as also hinted at by give sight to the blind, cause the lame the Syriac sources. to walk, cleanse the lepers, and cause the deaf to hear; by your word the Syriac Sources and the spirits are expelled, the lunatics and Christianization of the Near East the sufferers are delivered. You even raise the dead! The two Syriac sources relating the expan- Once I heard that you are performing sion of Christianity in the Near East are the these great wonders, I thought you

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were either God who must have come of him. Once Abgar the king had been down from Heaven to perform these healed along with a number of his officials, things, or the Son of God for you have he realized that Jesus had fulfilled his prom- performed these things! ise toward him. In a short time, Edessa was For this reason, I write to beg you to won to Christ, becoming the first Christian come to me, so that I may pay you homage and that you may heal me kingdom ever. The correspondence between from the pain that I have, for I believe Jesus and Abgar was also discussed by Eu- in you. sebius (c. 260-c. 340), bishop of Caesarea of I also heard that the Jews murmur Palestine, in his Ecclesiastical History, against you and persecute you, seek- which deals with the history of Christianity ing to crucify you to destroy you. from the Apostles to his own time. He I rule over a small but beautiful city, quoted the two letters exchanged by Jesus enough for both to live in peace. and Abgar, taken from the archives at Jesus could not answer his request but Edessa, which was at that time a capital promised that after his Ascension he would city.9 Eusebius claimed that he extracted the send one of his disciples to heal him. More- letters from the royal archives and translated over, Jesus blessed his city so that it would them from Syriac into Greek. On the basis never be conquered again. This is what he of a Syriac text appended to the letters, Eu- 7 sebius commented on the outcome of the said to Abgar’s messenger: Go and tell your lord who sent you to contacts between Jesus and Abgar. Here the me: information is roughly the same as that Blessed are you for though you did found in the Teaching of Addai, though Ad- not see me you believed in me, for it dai becomes Thaddaeus. Thus the detail is written concerning me that those about the correspondence between Abgar who see me will not believe in me, and Jesus was known at the beginning of the and those who do not see me will be- 8 4th century or even at the end of the 3rd lieve in me. century. As for what you write to me to come to you, that for which I was sent here At a much later date, perhaps the begin- is now fulfilled and I am about to as- ning of the 7th century, the Christians of cend to my Father who sent me. As Babylonia wrote the story of the Christiani- soon as I have ascended to Him, I will zation of their own land. What they wrote send to you one of my disciples to was an expansion of the Teaching of Addai, treat and heal the illness that you in that this holy man sent his own disciple have. He will return all who are with Mārī (a Jew from Palestine)10 to Christianize you to eternal life. And your city will Mesopotamia. The connection between the be blessed, and no enemy will over- two sources is made as follows: power it ever again. So far were (the stories) about the True to Jesus’ promise, Addai was sent conversion of Mesopotamia. Let us to Edessa through the Apostle Thomas. Ad- now return to show how the fear of dai resided in the house of Tobias, a local God had moved from there to our own Jewish resident, and began to perform mira- territories. Because this story is not cles, and before long the royal palace heard told clearly, I am putting into writing

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the old tradition that is transmitted in Greeks (Seleucid),12 which corresponds to the books, as follows. Before the AD 83, in the heyday of apostolic mission- blessed Addai died, he selected one of ary activities. his disciples named Mārī, who was living in the love of God and was Objections to the Syriac Sources adorned with virtuous manners. He placed his right hand on Mārī, as con- Much has been written refuting the authen- ferred to him by our Lord Jesus ticity of the two Syriac sources during the Christ, and sent him to the eastern past two centuries. Some scholars went as region, to the land of Babylonia, or- far as denying the historical existence of dering him to go and preach there the 13 word of our Lord (...) Addai and Mārī. Others denied Edessa’s role as the cradle of Syriac Christianity, Mārī, his Acts tells us, moved from claiming that this kingdom was converted Edessa eastward, toward a major city to the by another kingdom located to its east, Edia- east, Nisibis. From here he travelled pro- bene (), the capital of which was the gressively through Ediabene (modern north- ancient city of Erbil (modern Arbīl).14 Some ern Iraq), and southward through Babylonia scholars thought that the aim of our Syriac where he founded the first church in Kokhe sources was to stress the apostolic origins of near Seleucia-Ctesiphon (south of present- Syriac Christianity, a propagandistic attempt day Baghdad).11 After securing Babylonia also made by several other churches in the for the Christian faith, Mār Mārī moved to Near East as well as in Europe.15 As for the Persia proper, beginning with Beth-Hozaye date of Christianity in Edessa, some scholars (Ahwaz) and Elam to the southwest of pre- thought that it became powerful by the 3rd sent-day Iran. The whole of Mesopotamia century,16 leaving the impression that the was converted to Christianity, beginning new faith was implanted there late in the with the rulers, through countless Miracles 2nd century. performed by Mārī, a thaumaturge rather It is true that we cannot accept our Syriac than a missionary. The churches founded by sources at face value. In 494, Pope Gelasius him in Mesopotamia and Persia were all considered the letters supposedly exchanged furnished with priests, deacons, teachers, by Jesus and Abgar to be apocryphal. Syriac schools, hospitals, and monasteries, even funerary inscriptions from Edessa dated though monasticism as an institution did not from the 1st to the early 3rd centuries seem yet exist. In fact the Christian centres sup- to be entirely pagan, both in content and in posedly founded by Mār Mārī fit better with the depictions that accompany them.17 The the time of the writer of the Acts or earlier names attested there, such as Amat-Sin Ser- rather than the apostolic age even at its end. vant of (the Moon-god) Sin, `Abd-Shamash Despite these shortcomings all Christian Servant of the (Sun-god) Shamash, and native sources concur that Christianity en- `Abd-Lat Servant of Allat, highlight the tered Mesopotamia during the apostolic age. worship of local pagan deities. The New The Christian Arabic Kitāb al-Majdal Testament, including the Book of Acts, does “Book of the Tower” (12th century), goes as not refer to the events in question either. As far as giving the exact date of the death of for the Acts of Mār Mārī, its author used the Mār Mārī: July 19th, the year 393 of the Teaching of Addai as a mold in which he

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 48 Trade Routes and the Christianization of the Near East ______cast his account. Both documents shared the thians (Iranian tribes) came to power around belief that the Christianization of Mesopota- 250 BC, ending the Seleucid control over mia occurred quickly and through miracles Mesopotamia. The Euphrates separated both and wonders. They followed a pattern also superpowers, though this natural borderline detected in Syriac hagiography, in that was not always secure. This explains why Christianity almost everywhere began first some cities located along or near the Great with the royalty and the pagan priesthood River, a buffer zone between the two super- and then passed on to the rest of the popula- powers, remained mostly semi-independent. tion in a comprehensive manner. In short, This was, for example, the case of Edessa, our sources belong to an ancient literary Ediabene, Hatra and Palmyra, which at the genre, which we may call golden-age litera- beginning of our era enjoyed remarkable ture, where origins are explained in an ideal- wealth in addition to local political power istic manner, and this is obviously due to the despite their being mere city-states. paucity or the non-existence of primary Even though Edessa and the rest of sources.18 Mesopotamia belonged, at the dawn of Nevertheless, the Acts of Mār Mārī and Christianity, to the Parthian political orbit the Teaching of Addai may contain reliable (unlike Antioch and Jerusalem that were historical cores. In the first place, the cul- under Roman hegemony), one should not tural and linguistic unity of the Near East, in exaggerate the political division and cultural addition to the relative proximity of major diversity of the Near East.19 Beginning in cities within it, must have greatly facilitated the first millennium BC a series of unifying the expansion of the Christian faith in Meso- powers appeared for the first time in history, potamia at an early, even apostolic, stage. with the aim of keeping the Near East and Secondly, Christianity was introduced, not the rest of the accessible world under one miraculously or victoriously as conveyed by and the same hegemony in spite of regional the Syriac sources, but most probably with aspirations for independence. The Assyrians the help of Merchants and traders through were the first to apply such a policy under traceable and easily recognizable trade the powerful Sargonid Dynasty (721-610 routes. BC), which created the first true empire. This very extensive, centralized, and well- Cultural, Linguistic and Geographical administered empire was Assyrianized in Unity of the Near East defense of the unifying policy.20 Roads con- necting the various regions of the dominion When Christianity spread out from Palestine were expanded, maintained, and used for to the rest of the world, the Near East was trade and military purposes, becoming divided into two major political entities, Royal Roads. Relocation of various peoples with Rome dominating Syria and the Medi- within the empire and the location of Assyr- terranean, and Parthia ruling over Mesopota- ians across the entire dominion were part of mia and Persia. Rome conquered Syria and their administrative policy. The Assyrians Palestine in 64 BC, thereby ending the Hel- succeeded in politically unifying the Near lenic hegemony over them since Alexan- East, setting an example for all political der’s conquest in 332 BC, whereas the Par- powers which followed.

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Thus the Babylonians (also called Chal- Nicator, who dominated the Near East after deans) walked in the footsteps of the Assyr- the death of Alexander of Macedon in 323, ians as far as the Near East was concerned, took drastic measures to Hellenize this re- after the fall of the latter in 609 BC. The gion,23 a move toward the unifying policy, revolt of Jerusalem in 587 BC, which threat- his dominion remained largely Semitic in ened the unifying policy of the Babylonians, tongue and culture. Jerusalem, Berytus was not tolerated and the capital of Judah (Beirut), Tyre, Edessa, and Babylon were was destroyed and its nobility deported to furnished with gymnasia, theatres, temples, Babylon. The exile of the Jews in Babylonia and such other landmarks of Greek civiliza- at the hand of Nebuchadnezzar is another tion, but they remained faithful to their an- instance of mixing the various populations cient traditions. In Mesopotamia, the New of the Near East together. We will see that Year festivities (akīu) were held annually as the presence of Jews throughout Mesopota- was done thousands of years before, religion mia and Upper Syria helped the cause of the and cultic rituals in the local temples contin- Christian mission in those lands. The next ued to be practiced, and libraries such as the people to adopt this unifying policy were the one in Uruk never desisted from producing Achaemenids, who solidified the unity of literature written in Cuneiform until the be- their vast empire after they had adopted ginning of our era. It seems Hellenism was Aramaic as the language of their diplomacy Babylonized rather than the other way and communication worldwide. After Cyrus around.24 Thus, culturally the Near East re- captured Babylon in 539, the entire Near mained deeply Semitic, and outside the ma- East began to speak Aramaic from Persia to jor Hellenistic cities, such as Antioch, Se- the Mediterranean and from Anatolia to leucia on the Tigris, and Apameia,25 people Egypt. The impressive archives uncovered continued to speak and write Aramaic until in Egypt that date to this period highlight the advent of the Arabs in the early 7th cen- the importance of Aramaic as the language tury AD. of diplomacy, trade, law, correspondence Short distances between major cities and and belles-lettres.21 From that time, Aramaic communities in the Near East also contrib- never lost its unifying power and that ex- uted to Near Eastern unity, and thereby to plains why it was the only language of com- the early Christianization of Upper Syria munication shared by Jews, Arabs, Assyr- and Mesopotamia. Edessa, claimed to be the ians, Babylonians, Arameans and other peo- cradle of Syriac Christianity in Syriac ples during the first century AD. It was also sources, was not far from the famous Me- the language of all the caravan cities, such tropolis of Antioch, where a Christian com- as Palmyra, Hatra, Edessa, and Petra, as munity had existed since the earliest days of their numerous Aramaic inscriptions show. Christianity. Here Paul the Apostle was con- While Aramaic represents the linguistic verted to Christ and the followers of Jesus unity of the Near East, the peoples of this were first called Christians (Acts 11:26). part of the ancient world shared enough cus- About 270 kilometres separated these two toms, cults and beliefs that they can also be cities, which correspond to a twelve-day considered culturally united despite local march of caravans on the backs of donkeys. characteristics.22 Even though Seleucus I Some 730 kilometres separated Edessa from

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Jerusalem, heart of the Christian religion. must have entered Upper Syria from Edessa All these Christian centres were located in like manner. along trade routes linking northern Mesopo- By the beginning of the first century of tamia with Palestine, and the distances be- our era, the Near East witnessed intensive tween them were minimal if we consider the trade activity, invigorated perhaps by the rest of the ancient trade route that extended collapse of the Seleucid political power and from Palestine to India26 and from Babylo- the emergence of Rome and Parthia that nia to deep inside Asia Minor.27 These brought relative peace in the region. Grow- routes were used very frequently, whether ing demand for goods and luxuries kept by pilgrims as in the case of Jews in the Di- trade routes busy. Merchandise and goods aspora, or by merchants whose profession were transported on the backs of donkeys on was to travel. the Silk Road that linked China with the Thus, the Near East, from Palestine to Mediterranean and on the backs of camels Babylonia and from Upper Syria to Jerusa- on the Incense Route that linked Arabia and lem, was a compact region, monolingual, the Mediterranean. A net of trade centres and mostly unified culturally. This being the located along the trade routes covered the case, the missionaries who undertook the regions involved in trade. While en route, Christianization of Upper Syria and Meso- caravans settled in their caravansaries and potamia had simply to take normal trade local citizens took care of their welfare and routes to disseminate their religious beliefs. maintenance. Administrators worked for the security of travellers thanks to their connec- Near Eastern Trade Routes tions with tribal and nomadic peoples situ- and Caravan Cities ated along the trade routes, especially those traversing steppes and deserts. Attested in The belief attested in Syriac sources that Old Syriac, the Aramaic titles shallītā d- Christianity is rooted in Edessa and nowhere `arab (governor of the Arabs) and malkā d- else is very old, though it may not date to `arab (king of the Arabs; often borne by the the earliest Christian centuries. Given the kings of Hatra) possibly refer to the connec- fact that the Near East was politically di- tions of the bearers with the afore- vided, one would assume that the road from mentioned nomads. In return, the interna- Roman Syria to Parthian Mesopotamia was tional traders paid in kind and in hard cur- not easy for individuals whose only purpose rency fees for their transit and for all the of travel was to preach a new religion. services rendered to them. The caravan cit- Unlike the case of the Apostles who had the ies along the Euphrates and in the Syrian freedom to move from Palestine and through Desert gave evidence of their growing Roman Syria, Anatolia and beyond, the wealth and power in inscriptions, art and travel from Roman land to Parthia must buildings. The monumental temples and have been through trade and only via trade palaces, stone sepulchers, funerary mosaics, routes. Historically, trade routes were the and a great number of stone statues all point usual, if not the only way religions, philoso- to the brilliant era lived by these cities phies, and other intellectual trends travelled, thanks namely to trade. disseminating in foreign lands. Christianity Consulting any map of the Near East in

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 51 Trade Routes and the Christianization of the Near East ______the first centuries of our era, one notices a Upper Mesopotamia, was founded around number of strategic cities playing the role of the mid-first Christian century, during which gates to regions, districts, and seas, without time the rulers bore the Aramaic title maria which these would be difficult to access. “lord.” In 116 the fortified city resisted the Most remarkable are those located along the onslaught of Trajan in such a way that the Euphrates, which we shall now survey to Romans had to lift the siege and leave in highlight the unique position of Edessa. The failure.30 Many inscriptions written in Ara- Nabatean kingdom of Petra (now in Jordan) maic survived from this magnificent site, was a major trade centre during at least the where the architecture bore Hellenistic and first centuries before and after Christ. After Oriental influences. Like Petra and Palmyra, the creation of the Roman province of Syria Hatra was also politically independent from in 64 BC, Petra remained independent, and both Rome and Parthia at least during the during the reign of al-Hārith (Aretas) IV (9 time of the lords. The city was located on BC-40 AD), it proved to be a quite remark- trade routes, and this is indicated by both able state, as the Aramaic inscriptions of and written and archaeological sources. Though the money cast by this king show. The mag- the local Aramaic inscriptions do not pertain nificent rock-cut tombs and temples in Petra to trade, the mere existence of Hatra, with that survived to this day are dated to his its monumental architecture, magnificent reign. The eclectic architectural style of the statues, defense system, brilliant history, and monuments, combining Mesopotamian, Syr- great wealth, can hardly be explained in the ian, Egyptian and Hellenistic features testi- absence of trade. fies to its cultural contacts with the rest of Arbela, the capital of the small kingdom the Near East. According to Strabo, mer- of Ediabene, was also a caravan centre of chandise was shipped from Petra to every- great significance because of its location in where in the ancient world, from Rhino- the heartland of Assyria. Our information colura, south of Gaza.28 There is no doubt about Ediabene is literary rather than ar- that the international trade, mainly of aro- chaeological. During the 5th century BC matics, was behind the political and eco- Arbela was mentioned in an Aramaic itiner- nomic fortunes of Petra. As in Palmyra, ary of a state caravan belonging to the taxes were collected at both the arrival and Achaemenid Satrap Arshama.31 The caravan the departure of the caravans in addition to departed from Susa, in southeast Persia, fees levied on their loads. The so-called Pal- passed through Babylonia and Assyria, myrene Tariff, an early 2nd century AD in- where the travellers and their horses stopped scription in Aramaic and Greek, recorded all at ’RBL and other Assyrian stations before the taxes and finances dealing with trade reaching Damascus (DMŠQ). Our informa- and other commercial activities, thereby tion on Ediabene during the first Christian shedding light on the wealth of Palmyra as a century comes mainly from the 1st century caravan city, as well as on the commodities AD Jewish historian and general Josephus, that flowed in it.29 What was practiced in who wrote elaborately about Izates, the king Palmyra was presumably also the norm in of Ediabene and a convert to Judaism.32 other contemporaneous caravan cities. Thanks to the support of the Parthian king Hatra, another caravan city located in Artaban II, Izates expanded his small do-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 52 Trade Routes and the Christianization of the Near East ______minion up to and including Nisibis at the Camels, crucial beasts of burden of the de- expense of Armenia.33 These events took sert, are depicted in many reliefs alongside place around 34 AD, but not much is known figures of Palmyrene citizens. These were about Ediabene during the second half of the known to the Romans as merely Merchants, 1st century. One can assume with confi- in Palmyrene taggaraya and taggare (the dence that it remained a traditional passage- latter as in Syriac): Being merchants, they way to the rest of Assyria and Syria, and bring the products of India and Arabia from that it continued to witness the influence of Persia, and dispose of them in the Roman a strong Jewish community.34 territory, wrote Appian.36 Palmyra, located in the Syrian Desert Edessa can easily be considered the most halfway between the Euphrates and the important caravan city in comparison with Mediterranean, had been a caravan station all those mentioned above, as well as with since Old Assyrian and Old Babylonian others such as Dura-Europos on the Euphra- times when its name appeared as Tadmur tes. Throughout at least two millennia be- and Tadmar. By the early Christian era it fore Christianity, this city-citadel enjoyed a connected with several caravan cities strategic position, both politically and com- through a network of trade routes: Dura- mercially, that no other site, even nearby Europos to the southeast and on the west Harran, could boast. The commercial role of bank of the Euphrates, Emesa to the west, Edessa is extremely ancient, dating to the Antioch to the northwest, and Petra in Na- beginning of the 2nd millennium BC if not bataea southward. Though the Romans cre- earlier. The name of the place at that time ated the province of Syria in 64 BC, Pal- differed from the Hellenistic Edessa, and myra enjoyed political independence for a from its Syriac counterpart ’Urhoy / ’Urhay while. Following its annexation to Syria by (ܝܗܪܘܐ). Based on evidence from the 10th Emperor Tiberius (4-37 AD), it rose rapidly century Syriac encyclopedia normally re- to become a Roman city in c. 129 AD and a ferred to as the Lexicon of Bar Bahlul, Roman colony in 212 AD. Throughout its the ancient name of Edessa was Adme history Palmyra played the role of middle- (ܐܕܐ).37 This name in turn, with various man between Rome and Parthia.35 Pliny the forms close to its Syriac spelling, is attested Elder (1st century AD) wrote that it had a in Old Assyrian and Old Babylonian itiner- destiny of its own between these two mighty aries (2000-1700 BC), beside other city empires, and even though Palmyra may not names, including Harran (spelled harrānu, have been independent by the time of his lit. road). The itineraries followed a trade writing, its position as indicated by him is route which linked the ancient city of Ashur very suggestive. Palmyrene inscriptions in Assyria with the land of Cappadocia in written in Aramaic shed much light on the eastern Anatolia. For at least two hundred work of the local citizens in trade. Their years, roughly between 1900 and 1700 BC, work consisted of assisting merchants jour- caravans of donkeys carrying goods, includ- neying eastward to Babylon, organizing ing textiles and tin, took that road to Cappa- caravans, and ensuring security for the mer- docia where the merchandise was ex- chants and their loads while travelling changed with gold and silver. The textiles through the desert on the backs of camels. were brought to Ashur from Babylonia and

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 53 Trade Routes and the Christianization of the Near East ______tin from Iran, both through trade routes. The mental, Edessa was located in a heavily Babylonian route went up along the Tigris populated region that was particularly fertile River until it reached Ashur, and from this thanks to the plentiful water of two major point it stretched to Nisibis and Edessa east- rivers, several perennial river branches, and ward. The name Adme continued to be em- countless sources. Traders from Palestine or ployed in reference to the ancient fortress of central Syria going to Mesopotamia had the Edessa until the end of the 2nd millennium choice of taking a short route that cut into BC and presumably much later, though the the Syrian Desert or a long route along the available Cuneiform sources fail to mention Mediterranean coast up to Antioch, the Ro- it again. It was most probably this name that man Metropolis of Syria. From Antioch the Seleucus eliminated in favour of Edessa, route led directly to the Euphrates, Edessa, capital of ancient Macedonia, after he re- Nisibis, and north of Mesopotamia before it built the ancient fortress into a Hellenistic descended toward Babylonia. Though this stronghold. road was long and time-consuming, the Though the Cuneiform itineraries men- state-caravan of Arshama, the 5th-century tion Adme as a mere caravan station, just as BC Persian Satrap mentioned above, took it Harran and other unidentified places were, it from Susa in southwest Persia while head- was far more significant in terms of strategy. ing toward faraway Egypt.40 The rations The fact that it was located near the Euphra- given to the people and horses within the tes on its eastern side suggests that it was caravan at each station were pitifully mini- truly the gate to that part of the ancient Near mal. Probably Arshama could have saved East. Between c. 1500 and 1200 BC another some money had he ordered his caravan to fortress-city, Carchemich on the Euphrates, take the road of the Syrian Desert, via Dura- served the Hittites as a strategic stronghold Europos and Palmyra, but he opted for the watching the movement of tradesmen and longer travel via Erbil and Damascus. One enemy armies marching toward Anatolia can only assume that the Satrap, shrewd from the region to the east side of the Eu- politician that he was, preferred the safe phrates.38 Carchemish lost its strategic im- route along which he happened to have es- portance and perhaps even its own existence tates that furnished the expedition with pro- long before the time when the Seleucids de- visions. cided to use the fortress of Adme to play The unique position of Edessa within that same role.39 That Adme was of particu- Upper Syria and Mesopotamia explains why lar significance for the Seleucids is shown the city grew into a kingdom that managed perhaps by the fact that they named it after to remain mostly independent before and the capital of their own homeland as seen after the Christian era. A number of kings above. who took up the name Abgar ruled Edessa The importance of Edessa as a caravan and its people for more than three hundred city is also highlighted by the fact that it was years (132 BC-242 AD). We encountered located on a trade route that was particularly Abgar V nicknamed the Black (ܐܘܐ) well-used. While Palmyra and Hatra were who supposedly corresponded with Jesus. located in the desert, where roads were often Abgar VIII the Great (177-212) is particu- raided and lack of water proved to be detri- larly well known, having also hosted in his

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 54 Trade Routes and the Christianization of the Near East ______own palace Bardaysan the Aramean Phi- Antioch. The road going eastward from An- losopher who wrote in Syriac. Local rulers tioch passed through fertile fields, plentiful struck money, and Edessene coins are found water, and densely-populated areas, ideal in great numbers in Edessa and elsewhere in conditions for travellers. Antioch also Syria. No kingdom of the size of Edessa played a key role in the early history of could have survived if that land could not Christianity, and there must be a reason why have sustained itself economically. Though all eastern churches proudly call themselves that region, like the rest of the Jazirah, was Antiochene. The only other way to reach particularly fertile thanks to the abundant Mesopotamia from Syria was through the water in and around it, the kingdom’s econ- Syrian Desert, but lack of security and want omy must have been based on the fortunes of water in the desert hindered travel. Upon of trade. There are no written sources from his arrival at Edessa, Addai resided in the Edessa that shed light on this particular sub- house of a Jew from Palestine named To- ject, but the reasons behind the wealth of the bias. As a foreigner in Edessa, Tobias must other caravan cities, particularly Palmyra, have worked in trade, or his presence in the also shed light on Edessa’s economy. One city is unintelligible. For obvious reasons can safely add that Edessa exceeded all the the Christian message was first addressed to caravan cities in wealth, culture, power, and the Jews of the Diaspora and the Acts of strategic importance. Mār Mārī makes the same claim. Jewish merchants also frequented the city on ac- Reference to Trade and Tradesmen count of their profession, as many of them in Syriac Sources worked in international trade involving spices, silk, textile and jewels, benefiting Now that we have surveyed the most impor- from the Jewish presence in Upper Syria tant among the caravan cities that were ac- and Mesopotamia and from their syna- tive in the first century AD, allusions to gogues, schools, and hostels. trade and trade routes in the Syriac sources Once Addai settled in the city and felt will be discussed. The Teaching of Addai free to preach Christianity, people from the and the Acts of Mār Mārī are both offshoots East disguised as merchants passed over to of the Acts of Thomas.41 It is quite signifi- the territory of the Romans in order to wit- cant that the mission of Thomas to India is ness the signs performed by Addai. Since placed in a trade context. His Acts states that there were frontiers separating Roman lands he was hired by an Indian merchant search- from Parthian ones, only tradesmen could ing for a carpenter able to build a palace for travel with relative freedom, following the Gundaphar king of India. Though the Apos- rules of international trade. The Teaching of tle’s mission is not our immediate concern, Addai is therefore credible at least with re- he was the one who sent Addai to Edessa gard to the men disguised as merchants according to the latter’s Acts. If this were meeting Addai. It continues: true, the date would be the latter part of the 1st century AD. And those who became disciples re- Addai could well have arrived at Edessa ceived from him the hand of priest- in a caravan travelling from Palestine via hood, and in their own country of the

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Assyrians (i.e. Ediabene) they found tine lands from the 4th century onward; it disciples. also witnessed a very active Christian com- The statement above finds echo in the munity soon after its conversion to Christi- Acts of Mār Mārī. While this source cele- anity. There is therefore little doubt that this brated the great achievements of this holy remarkable caravan city was Christianized man in bringing Christianity to the whole of shortly after Edessa. The route continued Mesopotamia, it modestly admitted that he from Nisibis to Erbil in Assyria, and from was not at the origins of Christianity in Per- this point to Maishan (Mesene of the classi- sian Khuzistan. For when Mār Mārī went cal sources) in southern Mesopotamia and there, to his amazement and satisfaction, he then to Babylonia proper. In Babylonia Mar found the land already converted to Christ. Mārī laid the foundations of the future Rather than precipitately crediting Mār Mārī Church of the East in Seleucia-Ctesiphon. with the Christianization of Persia, his Acts The trade route between Babylonia and attributed it to none other than trades people Syria via Assyria is confirmed by the Ara- and merchants from Persia proper: maic itinerary of Arshama mentioned above. Moreover, the role of Maishan in trade is Tradesmen from both regions (Beth- confirmed by a very ancient Syriac source, Hozaye and of Beth-Parsaye) went to the Hymn of the Soul, that found its way the West for reasons related to their 43 profession, where the blessed Addai into the Acts of Thomas. The hymn talks the Apostle instructed them in the fear about a prince who left the East on a journey of God. And after these Khozian and to Egypt. He passed through the borders of Persian believers came down from the Maishan, the meeting place of the merchants West, they instructed many people in of the East, before he reached the land of faith in those territories. From that Babylonia. The Hymn mentions that on his time, the Church of Beth-Hozaye and return from Egypt, the prince went through of Beth-Parsaye was founded. Babylonia once again, coming to great This statement may not describe in every Maishan, to the haven of merchants which detail the way Christianity spread out in the sits on the shore of the sea, the Arabian- region to the southeast of Babylonia. It Persian Gulf. Maishan, which had Spasinou nonetheless offers a possible scenario that Charax as centre, was under Parthian rule tradesmen founded the first Christian com- during the first century of our era. munity in Persia, and that their contacts Admittedly, the references to trade and were with Edessa through the usual trade merchants in our Syriac sources are not nu- route leading to it from Persia and Babylo- merous, but even if we consider them as nia. only hints, they are suggestive. Trade routes The itinerary of Mār Mārī followed a and merchants always served as carriers of route that continued from Edessa to Nisibis, religions, sects, cults, and ideologies. Dur- an important caravan city along a trade route ing the first millennium of our era, monks, that extended at least from Assyria to the missionaries and religious zealots accompa- Euphrates. Thanks to its strategic position, nied merchants along the Silk Road, the for- 42 ̄ Nisibis became a border city, ܐ̇ mer spreading out their religions, philoso- ܐܬܕ̈ , separating Sassanian and Byzan- phies, ideologies and intellectual trends, and

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 56 Trade Routes and the Christianization of the Near East ______the latter trading their goods and merchan- over the Indians, in such a way that for time dise. The Silk Road passed through many immemorial Indian bishops had to be conse- countries and human settlements across crated by the Catholicos of the Church of Asia, corresponding to what is now China, the East in Babylonia (and later in Bagh- including Tibet and Sin kiang, Outer Mon- dad). As for the Southists among the Chris- golia (the Republic of Mongolia), and the tians of Saint Thomas, they still trace their Southern Siberian republics, including Ka- origins directly and unequivocally to sev- zakhstan and Uzbekistan.44 The road took enty-two Babylonian families that immi- caravans to such oases as Bukhara, Samar- grated to India as early as 345 AD under the kand, and Kashgar, and into the Tarim Ba- leadership of Thomas Kenaya. Though the sin, where it was divided into southern and number of these families sounds symbolic northern branches, both leading into (see the seventy-two disciples of Jesus), China.45 Along this famed route religious modern Kenanites are aware of their Near settlements of Buddhists, Zoroastrians, Eastern origins through ancient poems men- Manicheans, Syriac Christians and later tioning personal and place names reminis- Muslim were founded, some of which, re- cent of Mesopotamian ones.48 Their claim is markably, continued to exist for several cen- credible. Traders sailed to India from the turies. In the case of Syriac Christianity, the Red Sea as early as the time of Alexander of churches and Syriac inscriptions that were Macedonia, and the travel of St. Thomas to recently uncovered in Kyrgyzstan on the that land as claimed by his Acts can at least northern Silk Road46 are a case in point, and be justified. From Mesopotamia merchan- there are many other Christian sites in Asia dise was unloaded and loaded at a major located along the same road. trade centre, Charax-Spasinu (probably near The well-known presence of Syriac modern Basra in Iraq) located at the mouth Christianity in India, especially in the east- of the Arabian-Persian Gulf. Babylonian ern province of that country, can also be Jews certainly conducted missionary activi- explained through trade routes. There are ties while travelling on commercial mis- still questions whether or not Christianity in sions,49 as in the case of the exilarch Hiyya, India was founded by Thomas the Apostle, whose sons and nephews worked as his own though there are pieces of evidence that the commercial agents.50 The Christian Apostle did travel there. What is sure, how- neighbours of the Babylonian Jewry merely ever, is that by the early 6th century there did the same. Thus, if trade routes were car- were Nestorian Christians already settled on riers of religions throughout the ages, it is the island of Socotra in the coastal region of not a far-fetched scenario that Christianity modern Kerala, as well as in Ceylon (Sri too spread out in greater Mesopotamia and Lanka) though in lesser numbers. The evi- beyond through trade routes. dence comes from a diary written by a mer- chant from Alexandria, Cosmas Indi- Final Remarks copleustes, who sailed to India in 520.47 That these settlers were converted by Chris- If Christianity entered Upper Syria and tians from Mesopotamia is clear from the Mesopotamia through merchants and trade, influence that Syriac Christianity exerted the first churches in those lands must have

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 57 Trade Routes and the Christianization of the Near East ______begun and developed slowly and modestly. potamia during the second half of the 2nd This assumption agrees with what we cur- century if not earlier, but was by no means rently know about Christianity during the victorious as claimed by our Syriac sources. second century in and around Edessa. Euse- The Acts of Mār Mārī tells us that Mār bius of Caesarea51 stated that the churches Mārī settled in the Parthian capital Seleucia- of Osrhoene and the cities there agreed with Ctesiphon, a cosmopolitan city made up of the churches elsewhere in the world to cele- Babylonians, Jews, Parthians, Greeks and brate Easter on Sunday; the agreement took foreigners, including traders, an attractive place when Victor I was Bishop of Rome multi-ethnic community to address. The between 189 and 199. In 201, a flood de- holy man settled in nearby Kokhe (ܐ̈ , ,where a house of worship was built ,(آﻮﺧﻲ stroyed among other buildings the apse of the church of the Christians as reported by and this site was destined to become the cra- the Chronicle of Edessa on the basis of the dle of Babylonian Christianity. Interest- royal archives of that city.52 Bardaysan also ingly, Kitāb al-Majdal interprets this topo- huts” belonging to“ (اآﻮاخ) points in the Laws of the Countries to the nym as ’akwākh existence of Christians in Mesopotamia, the farmland of the leader of Ctesiphon.54 Persia, and elsewhere;53 this text was written Most probably the first church in Kokhe was by his disciple between 196 and 214 AD. no more than a hut or a simple house (as at Lastly, the Diatessaron (the four Gospels in Dura-Europos and presumably in Edessa,) a one), which was widely used in Mesopota- reflection of the modest beginnings of Baby- mia until the 5th century, was composed by lonian Christianity. Whether in Edessa or in Tatian the Assyrian between 150 and 170 Kokhe, a church founded by merchants who AD. All these events suggest that Christian- happened also to be missionaries need not ity was active in Upper Syria and Meso- have experienced a miraculous beginning.

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NOTES

1. J. Labourt, Le Christianisme dans l’Em- 11. Kokhe, Seleucia, Ctesiphon and other pire Perse, 15, claimed that the Acts of Mārī is nearby settlements were all grouped by the denuded of any historical value. Arabs under one name, al-Madā’in, the Cities. 2. The Teaching is dated to the early 5th For Kokhe, see M. Cassis, “Kokhe, Cradle of the century; S. Brock, Brief Outline of Syriac Litera- Church of the East: An Archaeological and ture (Kerala 1997), 34. The most recent transla- Comparative Study,” in the present issue. tion of the Syriac source is found in G. Howard, 12. Maris, Amri et Salibae, Ahkbār, 5. The Teaching of Addai (Ann Arbor 1981). This 13. Labourt, Le Christianisme, 15. translation is based on the Syriac original previ- 14. R. Murray, Symbols of Church and King- ously published by G. Phillips, The Doctrine of dom, Oxford 1975, 8-12; J. B. Segal, Edessa Addai (London 1876). ‘The Blessed City’, (Oxford 1970), 41-42, 67-69. 3. The Acts in question is dated around the Segal suggested that the story about Abgar of early 7th century; see my recent translation, The Edessa and his conversion to Christianity was Acts of Mār Mārī the Apostle (forthcoming). borrowed from an older account reported in de- 4. The letters were known to Eusebius of tail by Flavius Josephus (1st century AD), con- Caesarea; Ecclesiastical History I xiii, trans. K. cerning the conversion of the king of Ediabene Lake, Loeb Classical Library 153 (Cambridge, to Judaism during the first century of our era Massachusetts 1980); see below. (see below). Syriac Christianity would be born 5. Ukkāmā “the Black.” The reference must out of the flourishing Jewish community of be made to Abgar V, who reigned from 4 B.C.-7 Ediabene. A.D. and once again from 13-50. 15. Labourt, Le Christianisme, 9. 6. The introduction of the letter reflects the 16. Ibid. way letters were formulated in antiquity, with 17. See the most recent edition of these in- the name of the greater person in rank (in this scriptions in H.J.W. Drijvers and J.F. Healey, case King Abgar) at the beginning. Nonetheless, The Old Syriac Inscriptions of Edessa & Os- the letter lacks concluding formulae, including a rhoene: Texts, Translations & Commentary fixed date, a fact which makes the letter unhis- (Leiden 1999). torical. 18. As a reflection of this idealistic approach, 7. The 12th century Christian Arabic Kitāb see the paradisiacal beginning of humankind in al-Majdal claims that Thomas the Apostle was the early chapters of Genesis, and the Sumerian the scribe and that the material on which the King List, which imagined early Sumerian his- message was written was Egyptian papyrus! See tory as an era of heroes and total harmony. Maris, Amri et Salibae, Akhbār fatārika kursī al- 19. Some scholars believe that the borderline Mashriq, edited by R. Gismondi (Rome 1899), divided the Near East both politically and cultur- 5. See also now the recently discovered (and ally; see W. Hage, Syriac Christianity in the East intriguing) source Mukhtasar al-`akhbār al- (Kottayam 1997), 1. What we mean by Near bay`iyyah (Short History of the Church), edited East here is the region that included Mesopota- by Fr. Butrus Haddād (Baghdad 2000). mia, Upper Syria, Syria proper, and Palestine. 8. John 20:29. 20. One of the most favoured titles borne by 9. Ecclesiastical History I xiii. the powerful Assyrians kings was šar erbetti, 10. According to the 12th century Kitāb al- king of the four (quarters of the world.) Though Majdal, 5, Mārī was not only of Hebrew origin, some kings merely boasted in using this title, but also one of the seventy disciples of Jesus. other aspired and certainly attained rulership

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 59 Trade Routes and the Christianization of the Near East ______over the civilized world of the ancient Near East. 28. The Geography of Strabo, trans. H.L. 21. W. Aufrecht, A Legacy of Syria: The Jones, Loeb Classical Library VII (Cambridge, Aramaic Language, in M. Fortin (ed.), Canadian Massachusetts 1983), 359. Strabo is the best Research on Ancient Syria: Annual Symposium source, though not the only one, as far as trade of the Canadian Society for Mesopotamian Stud- routes around the first Christian centuries are ies (Quebec 2001), 145-155. concerned. 22. The most powerful cultural link between 29. J.-B. Chabot, Corpus inscriptionum the peoples of the Near East is religion; despite semiticarum, pars secunda, tomus tertius local cults of individual gods, the whole Near (Palmyra), fasc. I (Paris 1926), 3913. East believed in polytheism. Social, religious 30. Dio's Roman History, trans. E. Cary, and royal institutions also differed but were of- Loeb Classical Library (London 1914), vol. VIII: ten of the same origin; R. de Vaux, Ancient Is- LXVIII 31. rael, vol. 1: Social Institutions, vol. 2: Religious 31. B. Porten and A. Yardeni, Textbook of Institutions (New York 1961). Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt, vol. 1: 23. Hellenization is shown through Seleu- Letters (Jerusalem 1986), 114. cus’s attempt to change local geographical 32. Flavius Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, names into Greek and Macedonian ones. Adme trans. L. H. Feldman, Loeb Classical Library became Edessa, Aleppo Beroia, Amman Phila- (Cambridge, Mass. 1965), vol. XI: XX 17-19. delphia, etc. 33. Josephus XX 3.3. 24. G. McEwan, Priest and Temple in Helle- 34. Since the so-called Chronicle of Arbela is nistic Babylonia (Wiesbaden 1981), 186f. too controversial, we will not use its content 25. Hellenization was probably not total even about Ediabene. in the above-mentioned Hellenistic cities. The 35. Pliny the Elder, Natural History, trans. H. early 6th century Peter of Apamea, the contem- Rackham, Loeb Classical Library (London porary of Patriarch Severus of Antioch, and who 1935), vol. V, 88. is very well known in Greek patristic sources, 36. Appian, The Civil Wars, trans. John left us a commemorative inscription in Syriac; Carter (London; New York 1996), 5.1.9 see my Notes on Syriac Inscriptions, I: The In- 37. A. Harrak, “The Ancient Name of scription of Ma1ar-Zayta (Syria), Orientalia 64 Edessa,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 51 (1995), 110-119. (1992), 209-214. 26. There are hints in the Bible about interna- 38. About Carchemish see J.B. Hawkins, tional trade in Palestine during Solomon’s time, “Karkamiš”, Reallexikon der Assyriologie but it is the location of Palestine on a trade route (1976-1980), 426-446. linking it with Syria, Anatolia, and Mesopotamia 39. The so-called Sea People destroyed Car- that makes it part of long trade route linking the chemish with the rest of the Hittite kingdom at Indus Valley with the entire Near East. the end of the 12th century BC. 27. The first hint to trade route occurs in an 40. Porten-Yardeni, Textbook of Aramaic Epic related to Sargon of Akkad; see the Epic of Documents, 114. the King of the Battle in J.G. Westenholz, Leg- 41. For the edition see A.F J. Klijn, The Acts ends of the Kings of Akkade (Indiana 1997), pp. of Thomas (Leiden 1962). 102-139. But since the beginning of the 2nd mil- 42. J.-M. Fiey, Nisibe métropole syriaque lennium BC, the well-known Assyrian trade orientale et ses suffragants des origines à nos business with Cappadocia functioned for at least jours (Louvain 1977). two centuries; see M. T. Larsen, The Old Assyr- 43. Klijn, The Acts of Thomas, 121. ian City-State and its Colonies (Copenhagen 44. Hage, Syriac Christianity in the East, 14, 17. 1976), 85-105. 45. W. Klein, “A Christian Heritage on the

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Northern Silk Road: Archaeological and Epi- 50. J. Neusner, Jews in Babylonia, 113, 98. graphic Evidence of Christianity in Kyrgyzstan,” 51. Ecclesiastical History xxiii-xxv. JCSSS 1 (2001), 85-100. 52. The oldest historical mention of a Chris- 46. Klein, “A Christian Heritage.” tian presence in Edessa is dated to AD 201, the 47. E.O. Winstedt, ed., The Christian Topog- year in which a Christian church was destroyed raphy of Cosmas Indicopleustes (Cambridge by the flooded Daysan River that passed through 1909), Chapter XI. the city; see Chronicon Edessenum in I. Guidi 48. J. Kollaparambil, The Babylonian Ori- (ed.), Chronica Minora I, T. CSCO 1/Syr. 1, 1-3, gins of the Southists Among the St Thomas V. CSCO 2/Syr. 2 (Paris 1903), 1-3. An English Christians (Rome 1992). translation can be found in Segal, Edessa, 24-5. 49. J. Neusner, A History of the Jews in 53. Syriac text in I. Parisot et al., in Pa- Babylonia, vol. 1 (Leiden 1964), 98. trologia Syriaca II (1907), cols. 607-608. 54. Kitāb al-Majdal, 5.

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KOKHE, CRADLE OF THE CHURCH OF THE EAST: AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND COMPARATIVE STUDY

MARICA CASSIS UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

Introduction gion. In A.D. 410 the Synod of Seleucia es- tablished twenty-one canons, all of which s early as the third century A.D. clearly indicate that the Church of the East the Christians living in the Sas- was organized, recognized by the state and sanian Empire were recognized growing, both through conversion and ex- A as an important and distinctive pansion.3 community. Early Syriac and Greek sources Following the fifth century Synod, it was refer to the arrival and development of the fate of Kokhe, a city in Babylonia, to Christianity in the Eastern provinces of As- become the counterpart of Byzantine Con- syria and Babylonia.1 By the fourth century stantinople as the spiritual and ecclesiastical the Christian community in the Sassanian centre of the Sassanian Empire. In antiquity Empire was large enough to warrant a letter Kokhe was located on the banks of the Ti- between Constantine the Great and King gris and was established as one of the major Shapur II of Persia, in which the Byzantine Sassanian centres in southern Mesopotamia, Emperor expressed his concern for the usually named in conjunction with Ctesi- safety of these Christians: phon. The Synod of Seleucia recognized Kokhe as the seat of the Catholicos and con- And now, because your power is sequently as the ecclesiastical centre for the great, I commend these people to your 4 protection; because your piety is out- churches in the province of Babylonia. In standing, I commit them to your care. addition to the written sources there have Care for them with your accustomed been some important early Christian ar- humanity and kindness. By this proof chaeological finds at Kokhe which augment of faith you will obtain an immeasur- our knowledge of Christianity in southern able benefit both to yourself and us.2 Mesopotamia. While the Christian material By the beginning of the fifth century the is not overly extensive, its presence within a Eastern Christians of the Sassanian Empire Sassanian context is significant for under- had evolved into a well-ordered community. standing the presence of Christianity as part The Synodicon Orientale, the earliest clearly of the Sassanian milieu and as an ecclesias- datable record of the Eastern Church as a tical organization independent of the Byzan- hierarchical organization, is evidence for the tine Empire. firm establishment of Christianity in the re- More research has been undertaken in

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 62 Kokhe, Cradle of the Church of the East ______southern Iraq and the Persian-Arabian Gulf excavations were undertaken by the Italians during the last thirty years and has shed light who worked in Kokhe and were able to de- on the origins of Christianity in Mesopota- cipher the convoluted settlement patterns of mia. The purpose of this paper is to survey the region around Seleucia-Ctesiphon.10 the work that has been done to date, and to Several authors have also tackled the ques- highlight the following key points concern- tion of the importance of Kokhe in under- ing this corpus of material. Firstly, the ar- standing early Mesopotamian Christianity. chaeological data clarifies to some extent In terms of the archaeological material, the existence and development of Christian- Okada was the first scholar to notice the ity in Kokhe during the early Christian cen- major similarities which exist among the turies. Secondly, the Christian architectural churches of the Persian-Arabian Gulf.11 J.M. remains from Kokhe along with notable par- Fiey used the literary sources in conjunction allels found in other churches in the region with archaeological material to help deline- suggest a local church architecture, but also ate the boundaries of the cities in the region confirm the growth of an independent of Lower Tigris.12 branch of Christianity in Mesopotamia.5 The geography, including the settlement Finally, both architectural and decorative patterns of the Seleucia-Ctesiphon area have elements of this early church echo those of remained a difficult issue until recently. the Sassanian world, linking Christianity in When the German excavators began work- the region to Mesopotamian building tradi- ing on the area to the west of the Tigris, they tions.6 Through a survey of the archaeologi- believed that they were working in Ctesi- cal material relevant to Kokhe, we will be phon.13 During the subsequent excavations able to illustrate the independent identity of the Italian team found that the archaeologi- early Christianity in Mesopotamia. cal data did not support this. Ctesiphon was known from the sources to have been the Archaeological Kokhe major Parthian city in the region.14 How- ever, the stratigraphy of the site begun by The archaeological finds from Kokhe and the German team and taken over by the Ital- the surrounding vicinity on the Tigris have ian excavators was almost exclusively Sas- been discussed in a number of secondary sanian. The Italian team identified several sources. The first excavations at the site stratigraphic layers and rebuildings and was were done by the Germans, who mistakenly able to prove conclusively that nothing believed that what they were excavating was above the very bottom level was pre- actually the Sassanian royal city of Ctesi- Sassanian.15 Their analysis was based pri- phon.7 The most recent publication concern- marily on coin evidence and clearly indi- ing this material, written by J. Kröger, is cated that this area was a Sassanian urban primarily concerned with the much ne- centre. As well, the evidence for the very glected stucco (plaster) work from the site.8 bottom level was mortuary, suggesting that Subsequent work in this general geographi- the Hellenistic or Parthian populations of the cal area was undertaken by the Americans, previous periods had used the area solely as although they concentrated on the Hellenis- a necropolis.16 Consequently the name Cte- tic settlement at Seleucia.9 The latest set of siphon was given to a site further away, and

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 63 Kokhe, Cradle of the Church of the East ______the round city of Sassanian origin was given written sources now have independent what must surely be its rightful name.17 Fur- physical proof of how significant Kokhe ther, the recognition of this fact allowed was to the early Church of the East. Fiey to use Roman, Jewish and Syriac Let us now turn to the archaeological sources to help reconstruct the shifting of remains. Because the stratigraphy estab- the Tigris over the years.18 Before A.D. 100 lished by the Italian excavators falls almost the Tigris flowed between Hellenistic Seleu- exclusively within the Sassanian period, the cia and Parthian Ctesiphon, with the two finds provide a unique picture of Christian- cities lying on alternate banks of the river. ity within an enclosed Sassanian context. From approximately A.D. 100 until some- The actual material which is pertinent to this time in the seventh century the river shifted paper was found by the German excavators away from old Seleucia, perhaps contribut- in the first half of the twentieth century and ing to the rise of Kokhe.19 As Kokhe devel- includes architecture, architectural decora- oped into a major centre, the sources began tion and some small finds. Architecturally, to refer to it alongside of Ctesiphon as the the most important discovery was the church pair of royal Sassanian cities in Mesopota- [Figure 2].23 This structure exhibits two mia called al-Madā’in or The Cities.20 building periods, with the earlier structure The archaeological work at Kokhe indi- becoming visible beneath the top one during cates first and foremost that this city was a excavation. The exact dates for this church sizeable Sassanian centre on the Tigris are still uncertain, although the upper church [Figure 1].21 It is within this context that the probably dates to the final part of the sixth members of the early East Syriac Church century.24 The two levels of building may be lived and worshipped. Until the discovery of indicative of persecution and rebuilding, or the Christian evidence here our knowledge may simply represent the need to accommo- of Kokhe as both a Christian and an ecclesi- date a growing congregation. astical centre came only from such literary According to the original excavators the sources as, for example, the Synodicon Ori- dimensions of the top church are 27.18 m. entale and the seventh century Letters of long by 15.06 m. wide, and the church is Išo‘yahb III. Both of these sources are im- constructed of baked bricks filled in with portant for understanding the hierarchical gypsum mortar.25 The church is single- aspects of the church as well as how it oper- aisled, with four rectangular pillars set near ated within a Sassanian cultural context. The each lateral wall and attached to the walls by Synodicon Orientale makes mention of the small arches, by which are created a series position held by the Christian community as of small niches. The top plan indicates that being very much a part of Sassanian society, the church possesses six lateral doorways rather than an entity standing in opposition but does not possess a western entrance. The to it. The letters of the Catholicos Išo‘yahb nave ends in a deep rectangular sanctuary III, on the other hand, detail the problems with a straight back wall and is connected to encountered between the Holy See in Kokhe two pastophoria (adjoining rooms which and the disparate Christian groups in Persia probably served as the diaconicon and the and the Persian-Arabian Gulf.22 Because of prothesis). These flanking chambers are the discovery of the church at Kokhe, these connected to the sanctuary, to the nave and

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 64 Kokhe, Cradle of the Church of the East ______also to the outside of the structure. The tion shortly, as it helps in placing this sanctuary chamber has two niches (one in church within the context of other churches each lateral side); four holes in the floor in the region, as well as within the Sassanian suggesting the remains of either a ciborium Empire. (baldachino) or a mensa (altar table); and a Finally, below the floor of the sanctu- large step against the back wall.26 Interest- ary, a small Estrangela ostracon was also ingly, however, no evidence for a bema has unearthed [Figure 4].30 While the question of been found. Beneath this top structure were the significance of this ostracon is a difficult found the remains of an older church. The one, it would not be futile to revisit its con- previous incarnation of this structure was a tent, which may read as follows: narrower building with round pillars on .1 square bases instead of rectangular ones and ܐ ܐܘ with pastophoria accessible only through ܕܒ ܐܕ ܐ .2 the sanctuary. The excavators indicated that ܐܘ ܐ ܐ .3 the first structure was not completed.27 The ܡܗܒܐܕ ܗܐ .4 entire structure was almost certainly roofed ܐܕ ܗܐ .5 by means of a series of barrel vaults. ܒܕ ܗ[ܐܘ] .6 In terms of architectural decoration and small finds the remains are not extensive 1. And the Lord said to me […] 2. The trial of the stylus alone and unfortunately do not tell us to whom the ! church was dedicated or how important it 3. […trial?] of the stylus, until , and he said was compared to other churches in the city 4. God of Abraham or the region. Nevertheless, several distinc- 5. God of Isaac 6. [and Go]d of Jacob […] tive objects were excavated in the sanctuary, including a stucco figure of a holy man The Syriac content was lately discussed 28 31 [Figure 3]. According to Reuther: in every detail by Erica Hunter, though it On the ground before this step [in is fragmentary and in places quite uncertain. front of the back wall] there was the According to Hunter, the fragment bearing debris of paving laid down in Islamic the inscription is of a wheel-made vessel, times, and underneath was the draped and is written in East Syriac Estrangela, in figure of a man, made of painted the classic angular style with cursive over- stucco in high relief, and broken into tones.32 Of the five lines of the inscription several fragments. Unfortunately, the first line and the final three lines are head, hands and feet are missing. The figure is about three-quarters life-size, quite clear. The difficulty lies in the second and can hardly represent any other and third lines where some of the letters are than a saint, probably the dedicatory obscure. saint of the church. We found with it Hunter read the first word of the second ousia pieces of ornamental framework, like- line as ܐܘܐ (Greek ), and the wise coloured and in part gilded, half- following one as ܐܕ,33 suggesting that the pillars with shafts of zigzag pattern, 29 latter must be a participle feminine singular palmettes, and other things. which would fit ܐܘܐ, a feminine singular We will return to the architectural decora- noun. But the expression “trial of the stylus”

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 65 Kokhe, Cradle of the Church of the East ______suggested above finds support in a related sphere of the Sassanians, let us turn to their expression in Syriac: ܐܬܕܕ ܐ “trial position among the other Christian churches of the ink” well-attested in dictionaries of of the region. In looking at the archaeologi- Syriac. The context of the fragmentary in- cal material by itself we are able to locate scription is now lost. The fact that it in- regional similarities which help to establish cludes an abbreviated or paraphrased bibli- the independent character of the early Chris- cal text from the Old Testament34 highlights tian church in Mesopotamia and the Persian- the religious or liturgical nature of the ostra- Arabian Gulf. This is extremely obvious con. In turn, its presence provides us with when we look at a number of other churches clear evidence of the liturgical language be- which have been excavated recently in ing used and helps to situate the church southern Iraq and the Gulf region. Thirty within the context of the East Syriac com- years ago only three churches had been munity. found in this geographical area: the church Despite the moderate size of the church at Kokhe and two churches at Hira, also in as well as the important inscriptional evi- southern Iraq. These three churches were dence, we are no further ahead in gaining a hardly enough to constitute a corpus, and as sense of to whom the church was dedicated such were usually treated with a certain or of specific people who may have been amount of ambivalence.37 However, by associated with the structure. The question comparing some of the architectural aspects has been raised as to whether this could be which are common to the church at Kokhe, the major cathedral of the Synodicon Orien- those at Hira and these newly discovered tale, the seat of the Catholicos and the most churches, the emergence of a separate important church in the region.35 However, branch of church architecture becomes more three elements weigh against this interpreta- conspicuous. tion: the lack of further inscriptional evi- Among the churches of Babylonia and dence; the lack of patriarchal graves; and the the Persian-Arabian Gulf there are notable size. It should also be added that more ex- architectural similarities with the church at ploration in and around the church needs to Kokhe, and consequently we will restrict be done in order to rule out this possibility.36 our analysis to this geographical area. Some Consequently, at present we must assume of the churches in this region fall within that this was simply one of several ecclesi- highly urbanized Sassanian centres, such as astical structures in Kokhe. In many ways Hira, and some mostly monastic complexes this is a preferable explanation, as the exis- like Ain Sha’ia occur in the hinterland of the tence of several churches would only en- Empire. In both cases, however, Hellenistic hance our idea of Kokhe as the ecclesiastical and Byzantine influences are minimal and it centre of the region. is clear that these churches are making use of local traditions as they establish them- Comparative Analysis selves.38 The characteristics which are pre- dominant in these churches are as follows: Now that we have seen that the archaeologi- tripartite, straight-backed sanctuaries (as cal remains confirm the presence of the opposed to the apsidal sanctuaries); lateral early East Syriac church within the cultural entrances (often with no entrance in the

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 66 Kokhe, Cradle of the Church of the East ______western end of the church); and long, barrel- in the region.45 On the Iranian island of shaped, vaulted naves (often single aisled, Kharg a small monastic complex was also but not exclusively). While there are varia- discovered.46 The initial publication of this tions between the churches in the region, church is somewhat short, but the same these three elements retain a certain uni- similarities can be seen. Finally, there are formity which suggests both a common two very small churches which need to be source and a common acceptance among the mentioned, one on the mainland at Rahaliya Christians of the region. The initial observa- north of Qusayr,47 and one in the Persian- tion of the similarities has come from the Arabian Gulf on the Abu Dhabi island of Sir excavator of one of the sites in southern Bani Yas.48 Both of these structures are ex- Iraq, Y. Okada, who has established a basic tremely small, making the comparison a lit- rectangular shape for these churches which tle artificial in terms of the nave. However, he calls the geometry of rectangles.39 the straight backed sanctuary is found in One or more of these elements is evident both of these churches. It should also be in all the remaining churches from southern added that some of the common characteris- Iraq and the Persian-Arabian Gulf. For ex- tics are found throughout Mesopotamia, as ample, both of the churches from Hira, lo- far north as the Tur Abdin.49 The closer the cated south of Kokhe on the Euphrates, pos- location was to Byzantine construction tech- sess all three elements even though they are niques, the more such western elements substantially larger than the church at were included in church plans. However, for Kokhe.40 The remains of the Church A at those structures isolated within the Sas- Qusayr, west of the Euphrates, also show sanian Empire, there was less impetus to the same elements but with such variations change known and proven construction as a minor entrance in the west end.41 Fi- techniques. nally, a small monastic church was exca- A final element which needs to be com- vated at Ain Sha’ia near Hira by a Japanese pared is the remaining decorative material team. It too possesses the three basic ele- which was found in the church at Kokhe. ments, while also containing a narthex and Although not extensive, it does fit into a at least one western entrance. 42 In the Per- corpus of plaster decoration that has been sian-Arabian Gulf two churches are particu- found in a number of these churches, most larly noteworthy for containing these ele- notably at Ain Sha’ia, Qusayr and Failaka. ments. The Kuwaiti island of Failaka has As we have noted above, the remaining been undergoing extensive archaeological finds consist primarily of architectural deco- excavation over the last few years and a ration as well as the remains of a plaster re- Christian church has been discovered lief statue.50 Although nothing has yet been there.43 This church also possesses the dis- found which is obviously religious in nature tinctive lateral entrances, a straight-backed (e.g. plaster crosses), the manner of manu- sanctuary, and the same long nave [Figure facture among the remaining fragments 5].44 Again at this church we note some dif- from several of the churches is similar. For ferences, including a definite narthex and example, if we compare the palmette frag- western entrances, but these cohabit with the ments from the church at Kokhe [Figure 6]51 basic shape favoured by the other churches with two small pieces from crosses found at

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Qusayr [Figures 7 and 8],52 we are able to above has clear parallels throughout the Sas- see a stylistic similarity and a parallel use of sanian milieu. Plaster stucco decorations material, although not the same motif. This were used throughout palaces, villas and is also true if we look at decorative remains public buildings. Several elements can be from other sites such as Ain Sha’ia and at compared, including the motifs used, man- Kharg, as in both locations plaster crosses ner of manufacture and the realization of were found. certain features. One such parallel can be The distinctive nature of both the archi- seen when we compare the palmette frag- tecture and the architectural decoration sug- ments from the church at Kokhe [Figure 6] gests that they owed their origins and devel- with other examples from secular house opment to an independent source. Reuther contexts in the region.57 The above evidence was the first to suggest that a logical place points to the interaction between the Sas- to look for this source was the Parthian/ sanian and Christian communities. Given Sassanian context in which the early East the overlap of the secular Sassanian world Syriac Church came into existence.53 This and the ecclesiastical Christian church, it is idea has been encouraged by other authors, not difficult to see the Sassanians as the including Okada54 and Krautheimer, who source for early East Syriac Christian archi- says: “The plan [of the churches] has been tecture and decoration. By borrowing from linked to royal reception and judiciary halls the Sassanians, the Church of the East estab- in Sasanian and Umayyad palaces. If true, lished its position as a full member of Sas- this derivation would constitute a neat paral- sanian society. lel to the origin of Constantinian church The interplay between the Christians and building from the ambience of secular ba- the Sassanian Empire should not be underes- silicas.”55 With the abundance of new ar- timated. Both Michael Morony and Amir chaeological material from southern Iraq Harrak have drawn attention to the fact that and the Persian-Arabian Gulf, this seems the organization of the Church of the East increasingly probable. When we look at often paralleled the Sassanian hierarchy.58 these structures, their essential shape paral- Both have shown that the Syriac titles Fa- lels the basic iwan architecture of Parthian ther of Fathers and Shepherd of Shepherds and Sassanian construction. The iwan refers parallel the Persian King of Kings. If the to the long, often barrel-shaped hall, flanked East Syriac Church was willing to accept by side chambers or alcoves, generally this structured terminology for themselves, roofed with a vaulted ceiling.56 This can be albeit with a Christian overtone, it should be seen, for example, in the Parthian palace at no surprise that they were willing to accept Sarvistan, the Taq-i Kisra of New Ctesiphon secular Sassanian architecture, again adapt- and in smaller secular houses at Kokhe it- ing it by applying Christian characteristics. self. Not only is the architectural shape the Consequently there is no need to search for same, but the manner of construction in the an external source for these structures. The region is also parallel, since both Christian Sassanian church took in a large number of and Sassanian structures were built of mud- wealthy Persian converts from the Zoroas- brick. trian faith. Thus the point of reference for Further, the decorative work described many of these Christians in terms of art and

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 68 Kokhe, Cradle of the Church of the East ______decoration would not have been the Byzan- Conclusion tine West, but rather the Mesopotamian and Persian East. In addition, the Christians liv- Let us now sum up our investigation. The ing under the Sassanians certainly looked archaeological material from Kokhe con- for at least some acceptance from the Sas- firms our knowledge of the Christian com- sanian kings. By the fifth century, rumours munity under the Sassanians. This evidence abounded in the royal court that the Chris- parallels the literary sources, giving us a tian community was sympathetic to Byzan- sense of the physical context in which the tium.59 The reality was quite different. Christians lived. By looking at the archaeo- Christianity in Mesopotamia and particu- logical remains we can also establish the larly in Babylonia took on its own identity, place of Kokhe within the context of other expressing its own architectural and cultural Christian communities in the region, as well customs. By taking on Persian architecture as the Sassanian Empire. The church at and decoration as well as such characteris- Kokhe follows a number of set building and tics as a hierarchical organization, the early decorative patterns which are mirrored in Church of the East was able to establish its structures throughout the Persian-Arabian own regional character and attempt to show Gulf and southern Mesopotamia. These ele- its loyalty to the Sassanian kings. As Young ments are, in turn, an integral part of the says, the result was a carefully defined hier- Sassanian secular architectural corpus. The archy, with a designated Head. It meant that prevalence of these characteristics through- a relationship between the Head of the State out the region establishes the independence and the Head of the Church was in effect a of the Christian church in the Sassanian Em- practical relationship between the State and pire and the importance of Kokhe as the cra- the Church.60 dle of Mesopotamian Christianity

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 69 Kokhe - Cradle of the Church of the East ______NOTES

1. The dates for the arrival and establishment Reuther, “The German Excavations at Ctesi- of Christianity in Mesopotamia are far from se- phon,” Antiquity 3 (1929), pp. 434-451; E. cure. For a discussion of the texts relating to this Meyer, “Seleukia und Ktesiphon,” Mitteilungen period and their inherent problems, see S. Brock, der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 67 (1929), A Brief Outline of Syriac Literature (Kottayam: pp. 1-26; Reuther, “Sasanian Architecture,” pp. St. Ephrem Ecumenical Research Institute, 560-566. For the original excavation reports, see 1997), pp. 13-19. There is still no consensus on O. Reuther, Die Ausgrabungen der Deutschen when Christianity arrived in the region. J.M. Ktesiphon-expedition im Winter 1928/29 (Berlin: Fiey, “Topography of al-Mada’in,” Sumer 23 Staatliche Museen in Berlin, 1930) and E. Küh- (1967), pp. 16-17 places the arrival before the nel, Die Ausgrabungen der Zweiten Ktesiphon- end of the first century, while W. S. McCul- Expedition 1931/32 (Berlin: Staatliche Museen lough, A Short History of Syriac Christianity to in Berlin, 1933). the Rise of Islam (Chico: Scholars Press, 1982), 8. J. Kröger, Sasanidischer Stuckdekor pp. 98-99 sets the date about a century later. (Mainz am Rhein: Philip von Zabern, 1982), pp. 2. Eusebius, Life of Constantine 4: 13. For 45-50. This book is an overview of Sassanian the translation and discussion of this letter, see stucco, including the very important discussion W.G. Young, Patriarch, Shah and Caliph of the material from Kokhe. (Rawalpindi: Christian Study Centre), 1974, p. 9. See for example, C. Hopkins, ed., Topog- 22. Further confirmation of this letter is found in raphy and Architecture of Seleucia on the Tigris Sozomen 2:15. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1972). 3. Young, Patriarch, Shah and Caliph, p. 10. Most useful for this paper were: G. 30. J.-B. Chabot, Synodicon Orientale (Paris: Gullini, “Problems of an Excavation in Northern Imprimerie Nationale, 1902), pp. 27f, 266f. See Babylonia,” Mesopotamia 1 (1966), pp. 7-38; M. particularly Article 12 (as translated by Young): Cavallero and M. Ponzi, “The Excavations at “We accept of our own free-will, and we have Coche (the Presumed Ctesiphon),” Mesopotamia been commanded by Yazdgard, King of Kings ... 1 (1966), pp. 63-88; A. Invernizzi, “Ten Years’ to obey, in all things right and prescribed, the Research in the Al-Mada'in Area Seleucia and Bishop, Catholicos, Archbishop, Metropolitan, Ctesiphon,” Sumer 32 (1976), pp. 167-174. Fur- of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, until Christ shall ther excavation reports concerning the secular come that is to say, every bishop who shall sit on Sassanian material can also be found in the sub- the sublime throne of this Church of Kokhe.” sequent issues of Mesopotamia. 4. Young, Patriarch, Shah and Caliph, pp. 11. Op. cit. 29f. 12. Op. cit. There is also an article concen- 5. This idea was first proposed by Y. Okada, trating on the Arabic sources: S. A. el Ali, “Al- “Early Christian Architecture in the Iraqi South- Madā’in and Its Surrounding Area in Arabic Western Desert,” al-Rafidan 12 (1991), pp. 71- Literary Sources,” Mesopotamia 3-4 (1968-69), 83 and “Ain Sha’ia and the Early Gulf Churches: pp. 417-439. Gulliani, “Problems,” and In- An Architectural Analogy,” al-Rafidan 13 vernizzi, “Ten Years’ Research,” also discuss (1992), pp. 87-93. this problem. 6. O. Reuther, “Sasanian Architecture,” in 13. Fiey, “Topography,” p. 4 suggested that A.U. Pope, ed., A Survey of Persian Art, the German excavators named it Ctesiphon (London: Oxford University Press, 1964), Vol- based on a generally held assumption by archae- ume II, pp. 560-566, was the first to suggest this ologists and travellers that this site was Ctesi- as a possibility. phon. 7. For the German excavations, see O. 14. S.J. Simpson, “Ctesiphon,” in E.M.

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Myers, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archae- 26. The archaeological descriptions of the ology in the Near East (Oxford: Oxford Univer- church can be found in ibid., pp. 560-566, and in sity Press, 1997), pp. 77-79. Okada, “Early Christian Architecture,” p. 76. 15. Cavallero and Ponzi, “The Excavations at 27. Reuther, “The German Excavations,” p. Coche,” pp. 63-73; Invernizzi, “Ten Years’ Re- 450. search,” 172. 28. Figure 3: Figural relief of a holy man. 16. The identification of this material is still From Kröger, Sasanidischer Stuckdekor, Tafel an open question, but does not concern us here. 12.3. Kt.W.292 B.IM. Reproduced by the kind Invernizzi, ibid., pp. 172-3. permission of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin 17. This city had several names during this Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Museum für period of antiquity, including Sassanian Veh- Islamische Kunst. Ardashir, Greek New Seleucia and Syriac 29. Reuther, “The German Excavations,” p. (Aramaic) Kokhe, lit. “Huts.” 450. 18. Fiey, “Topography,” pp. 14-25. 30. Figure 4: Ostracon from the church at 19. Ibid., p. 21. There is literary evidence for Kokhe. From Kröger, Sasanidischer Stuckdekor, a village of some antiquity here, but the evolu- Tafel 12: 1. Kt.W. 295 B.IM. Reproduced by the tion of this area into a major city occurred only kind permission of the Staatliche Museen zu with the advent of the Sassanian dynasty. Berlin Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Museum für 20. The Cities are often referred to in the Islamische Kunst. sources as Seleucia-Ctesiphon for the Sassanian 31. See E.C.D. Hunter, “A Syriac Ostracon period. However, given that the Hellenistic cen- from Ctesiphon,” al-Rafidan 18 (1997), pp. 361- tre of Seleucia was eventually deserted through 367. Although the ostracon was published subse- overpopulation and over-development, the refer- quent to excavation, the earliest real discussion ence must be to New Seleucia (Kokhe). and translation of this, was by Macuch in 21. Figure 1: Topography of al-Mada’in. Kröger, Sasanidischer Stuckdekor, p. 48. From Fiey, “Topography,” p. 37. 32. Hunter, “A Syriac Ostracon,” p. 362. 22. Išo‘yahb III Patriarcha. Liber Epistu- 33. Ibid., pp. 364-365. She bases the first larum. R. Duval, ed. CSCO, Scriptores Syri, ser. suggestion on a potential letter change from 2, tom. 23 (Paris, 1905). alaph to ‘ayn, as found in Mandaic. 23. Figure 2: Upper and lower levels of the 34. Ibid., pp. 365-366. See for example Exo- church at Kokhe; after Reuther, “Sasanian Ar- dus 3:6. chitecture,” p. 562. I would like to thank Loretta 35. Fiey, “Topography,” pp. 18-19. James, of the Wadi Tumilat Project, University 36. Ibid. Certainly these three aspects weigh of Toronto, for the drawing. heavily against this being the major church of 24. There is as yet no clear idea about the the city. Kröger, Sasanidischer Stuckdekor, pp. exact date of the church, perhaps because it has 48-49 mentions that an affiliated courtyard and not been completely excavated. Okada follows possible cloister have not yet been completely the excavators in giving it a date in the mid to excavated. late sixth century, based on the stylistic compari- 37. These churches have not received as son of sculpture. Okada, “Early Christian Archi- much notice as they certainly deserve. Two tecture,” p. 76. See also Reuther, “The German sources which do discuss them as important and Excavations,” pp. 450-451, and Kröger, Sasani- as representative of a separate branch of church discher Stuckdekor, p. 48. The Italian team com- architecture are R. Taft, “Some Notes on the mits only to the end of the Sassanian period: Bema in the East and West Syrian Traditions,” Gullini, “Problems of an Excavation,” p. 34. OCP 34 (1968), pp. 326-359 and R. Krau- 25. Reuther, “Sasanian Architecture,” p. 561. theimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architec-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 71 Kokhe, Cradle of the Church of the East ______ture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), the seventh and the ninth centuries. The excava- pp. 301-302. tors do indicate that there are stucco crosses 38. Krautheimer, Early Christian, pp. 135, which may be dated earlier based on style. Ber- 301, recognizes the tendency of Christians in the nard and Salles, “Discovery of a Christian hinterlands to utilize local architectural tradi- Church,” pp. 9, 12. tions. He cites evidence for adaptation of local 44. Figure 5: Simplified plan of the church at architecture in both Syria and in Turkey. Failaka, Kuwait. From Bernard, Callot and 39. Okada, “Ain Sha’ia,” pp. 89f. Salles, “L’Église d’al-Qousour,” p. 167. Repro- 40. D. Talbot Rice, “The Oxford Excavations duced by the kind permission of the editor. at Hira,” Ars Islamica 1 (1934), pp. 51-73; D. 45. Ibid., pp. 166f, 178. The excavators at Talbot Rice, “The Oxford Excavations at Hira, Failaka feel that there are many differences be- 1931,” Antiquity 6 (1932), pp. 276-91. The di- tween the churches at Kokhe and at Failaka, mensions of the two churches are as follows: most notably the cruciform shaped chambers Mound XI = 35.7 X 18.6 m.; Mound V = 58 X flanking the sanctuary. Their belief is that there 33.5 m. The first church is published as being may be alternate purposes for these chambers. sixth century, although Okada places it later. The Nevertheless, there are still strong similarities second church is probably seventh century. From between the plans of the two churches, even if Okada, “Early Christian Architecture,” p. 76. the pastophoria were used for fundamentally 41. The best analysis of this material is B. different purposes. Finster and J. Schmidt, “Sasanidische und Fru- 46. R. Ghirshman, The Island of Kharg hislamische Ruinen im Iraq,” Baghdader Mit- (Tehran: Iranian Oil Operating Companies, teilungen, 8 (1976), pp. 27-39. This site was 1964), pp. 17f. No values are given in these re- recorded by travellers in the early twentieth cen- ports for the dimensions, but Okada, “Ain tury, discussed by the above authors and has Sha’ia,” p. 90 sets them at 28.7 by 15.5 m recently been worked at by the Iraqis. However, (including the narthex). The date is also a prob- the excavation reports are not readily available. lem. In the original publication it is dated to the By using the projected dimensions of the church, fifth or sixth century. However, Okada (Ibid., p. Okada gives it dimensions of approximately 43 93) places it somewhat later, and I would agree. X 19 m. Okada, “Early Christian Architecture,” 47. See Finster and Schmidt, “Sa-sanidische p. 76. The date is still nebulous, but is probably und Fruhislamishe,” pp. 40-43. mid- to late- Sassanian. 48. P. Hellyer, Filling in the Blanks (Dubai: 42. The dimensions are 26.5 X13.8 m. Motivate Publishing, 1998), pp. 42f; G.R.D. (including the narthex); ibid., p. 72. The date is King, “A Nestorian Monastic Settlement on the suggested as eighth century, with the monastic Island of Sir Bani Yas Abu Dhabi: A Prelimi- complex falling into disuse by the ninth. Okada, nary Report,” BSOAS 60 (1997), pp. 221-235.; “Ain Sha’ia and the Early Gulf Churches,” p. 93. G.R.D. King, D. Dunlop, J. Elders, S. Garfi, A. 43. V. Bernard and J. Salles, “Discovery of a Stephenson, C. Tonghini, “A Report on the Abu Christian Church at al-Qusur, Failaka, Dhabi Islands Archaeological Survey (1993-4),” (Kuwait),” PSAS 21 (1991), pp. 7-22; V. Ber- PSAS 25 (1995), pp. 63-74; and G.R.D. King nard, O. Callot, and J.F. Salles, “L’Église d’al- and P. Hellyer, “A Pre-Islamic Christian Site on Qousour Failaka, État de Koweit,” AAE 2 Sir Bani Yas,” Tribulus 4 (1994), pp. 5-7. (1991), pp. 145-181; and D. Kennet, 49. Reuther, “Sasanian Architecture,” pp. “Excavations at the Site of Al-Qusur, Failaka, 562-563. Kuwait,” PSAS 21 (1991), pp. 97-111. The di- 50. Kröger, Sasanidischer Stuckdekor, pp. mensions are 35 X 19 m. (including the narthex) 46-50. and the date, based on pottery, ranges between 51. Figure 6: Palmette fragments. From Ibid.,

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Tafel 12.5. Kt.W. 293 B.IM. Reproduced by the and Monasticism in Mesopotamia,” Canadian kind permission of the editor. Society for Mesopotamian Studies 18 (1989), pp. 52. Figures 7 and 8: Two fragments of 12-23. M. Morony, “Religious Communities in crosses from Qusayr. The Iraqi Museum. Photo- late Sasanian and Early Muslim Iraq,” JESHO graph: Amir Harrak. No inventory numbers 17 (1974), pp. 113-135. Ultimately, these titles available; with the kind permission of the Iraqi are rooted in Assyrian and Babylonian royal Department of Antiquities and Heritage. traditions inherited by the Parthians and then the 53. Reuther, “Sasanian Architecture,” p. 561. Sassanians. 54. Okada, “Early Christian Architecture,” 59. For a discussion of this see S. P. Brock, pp. 80f. “Christians in the Sasanian Empire: A Case of 55. Krautheimer, “Early Christian,” p. 302. Divided Loyalties,” in Stuart Mews, ed., Relig- 56. Reuther, “Sasanian Architecture,” p. 561. ion and National Identity (Oxford: Basil Black- 57. See Kröger, Sasanidischer Stuckdekor, p. well, 1982), pp. 1-19. 46 for a variety of comparisons. 60. Young, Patriarch, Shah and Caliph, p. 58. A. Harrak, “Early Eastern Christianity 31. See also page p. 53.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 73 Kokhe, Cradle of the Church of the East ______

Figure 1: Topography of al-Madā’in From: J.-M. Fiey, “Topography of al-Mada’in,” Sumer 23 (1976) p. 37 Courtesy of the Iraqi Department of Antiquities, Baghdad

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Figure 2: Kokhe Upper and lower levels of the church After O. Reuther, “Sasanian Architecture,” in A. U. Pope, ed., A Survey of Persian Art, vol. II (London: Oxford University Press, 1964) p. 562 (Drawing by Loretta James)

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Figure 3: Kokhe Figural relief of a holy man From J. Kröger, Sasanidischer Stuckdekor (Mainz: Philipp von Za- bern, 1982) Tafel 12.3. Kt.W.292 B.IM. Reproduced by the kind permission of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Museum für Islamische Kunst.

Figure 4: Kokhe Ostracon from the church From J. Kröger, Sasanidischer Stuckdekor (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 19) 82, Tafel 12: 1. Kt.W. 295 B.IM. Reproduced by the kind permission of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Museum für Islamische Kunst.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 76 Kokhe, Cradle of the Church of the East ______

Figure 5: Failaka, Kuwait Simplified plan of the church From V. Bernard et. al. “L’Église d’al-Qousour Failaka, État de Koweit,” Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 2 (1991) p. 167 Reproduced by the kind permission of the editor

Figure 6: Palmette fragment From J. Kröger, Sasanidischer Stuckdekor (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1982) Tafel 12.5. Kt.W. 293 B.IM. Reproduced by the kind permission of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Museum für Islamische Kunst

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Figure 7: Qusayr Fragment of a cross (Iraqi Museum) Photo: Amir Harrak With the kind permission of the Iraqi Department of Antiquities and Heritage

Figure 8: Qusayr Fragment of a cross (Iraqi Museum) Photo: Amir Harrak With the kind permission of the Iraqi Department of Antiquities and Heritage

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SYRIAC IN INTERNATIONAL RESEARCH

GROUP OF INTERNATIONAL SCHOLARS

UMBRELLAS AND SANDALS: come together for study and research on the VTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE language and literature of that patrimony. ON SYRIAC LANGUAGE AND The Institute had its origins in a meeting LITERATURE of Indian bishops and scholars at the 1980 Goslar meeting of the European Symposium KOTTAYAM, KERALA, S. INDIA Syriacum, where it was planned to have a SEPT 8-14 2002 Kerala equivalent of the Institut Catholique in Paris, where Dr Jacob Thekkaparampil, DAVID J. LANE the effective founder and present Director of COLLEGE OF RESURRECTION, MIRFIELD SEERI, had studied. The present complex of As it was the tail end of the monsoon, the lecture rooms, dining hall, common rooms, presence of members of the conference at a lecture rooms and church are evidence of reception could be deduced from the neat the support and enthusiasm which the pro- rows of sandals and miniature umbrellas on ject engendered, and to the commitment of the porch of a building: the equivalent of the the churches who sponsor it. For this project overshoes in a Canadian lobby in the winter Kottayam is the obvious choice. It lies al- months. The core membership of this con- most about two-thirds of the way from the ference was about 70, half from India and state capital Trivandrum in the south to the half from the rest of the world. main port of Cochin towards the north of the Most Indians were from the southern state, which corresponds to some degree state of Kerala, but the rest of us came from with the pepper-coast of Malabar, chief such diverse places as Australia, Canada, the world source of the spice cardomon. The U.K., the U.S.A., Japan, Iraq, Lebanon, monsoon trading route from Arabia brought France, Germany, Russia, Hungary, the here, among others, Jews and Arabs, Chris- Netherlands and Belgium. We had come to tians and Muslims from at least the 3rd cen- Kerala for the fifth in a series of world-wide tury B.C. It is here, too, that sea and land conferences. This series had begun in 1986, routes brought Christian traders and refu- following the previous year’s inauguration gees from Persia in the 4th and 8th centuries of the St Ephrem Ecumenical Research In- A.D., so that representatives of the old stitute (SEERI) as a place in which the Syriac church of Persia made their home seven Syriac-patrimony churches could here where Christians had been established

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 79 Syriac in International Research ______from the time of St Thomas in 52 A.D. The ing account of the range of material offered old ports of the south are long-since silted gives an impressionistic landscape. up, and the Christian and Jewish settlements Of particular interest were accounts of moved north to the port of Cochin and to its Syriac communities in places difficult to environs. The former moved south again, to access: Tur Abdin in Turkey and the more Kottayam, in the 18th century so as to be at a remote area around Lake Urmiah, together greater distance from Tippoo Sultan, of with an account of the unhappy twentieth- brass tiger fame, in Mysore. Hence the ap- century history of the Assyrians, promised a propriateness of the setting both for SEERI homeland by the British for their support in and for the congresses it has sponsored, for 1914-18, but denied it because a wartime Syriac is a living part of the culture and is a promise was not considered a binding prom- second language in the school system. Con- ise. The Silk Road to China featured in a ference members had in effect an immersion paper on the Nestorian expansion as traders, course in Syriac culture as much as if they especially of materia medica, and in an ac- had been in the Middle East or the Syriac count of the reverse journey by the thir- diaspora. They found, too, an India of palm teenth century monks of Kublai Khan to the trees, coconuts, bananas and shady backwa- courts of Europe. The Old Testament ters, rather than the hills and plains of Rud- Peshitta featured in several papers, though yard Kipling. They found, too, skilled per- now seen as a component of Syriac culture formances of the dances which circled round rather than an end in itself for text criticism a lampstand, signifying the coming of St of the Hebrew Bible. Naturally, classical Thomas to India and the miracles he per- writers of the first seven centuries featured formed here. at such a conference: whether as thematic The conference’s 70 papers covered al- presentations on the Bridal Chamber, or as most the entire range of Syriac literature studies of individual writers such as between the fourth and the nineteenth centu- Ephrem. Jacob of Sarug was rightly chosen ries, from the work of Ephrem of Nisibis as the subject of several papers, as a notable and Edessa to laments for famine and example of east Syriac figurative poets. drought in the Middle East, and even com- Jacob of Sarug leads into the world of ment on the twentieth century work by Bede liturgy, and here there were papers discuss- Griffith and Francis Acharya to integrate ing elements of the Eucharist and the daily Syriac and Hindu theology and culture. office, and also of the festivals, lectionaries More important, though, was the clear im- and officiants, especially diaconal. Practical pression that there is a very able and accom- experience of liturgy was available through plished group of younger scholars in Europe a daily Qurbono in Syriac, with notably ex- and India. Understandably there was mini- cellent singing, especially at the Old Semi- mal representation from the U.S.A. where nary (founded 1815). Doctrinal matters were there is also known to be a very able addressed, for the most part concerning per- younger generation. Clearly it is not possi- sonalities and controversies of the Chal- ble to mention here individual papers in de- cedon Council period. tail or even summary, and it is invidious to No understanding of Syriac literature can mention individual scholars: but the follow- be gained without a chronological perspec-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 80 Syriac in International Research ______tive. This was provided, with reference to of Syriac studies in India and beyond, and of the early middle and late periods, and to ar- the welcome and generosity of our Indian eas in Turkey, India, west Syria as well as hosts. They provided us with all the facili- lists of Patriarchs. ties of a conference, and also social outings Nor was the presentation of the Syriac where a meal and an entertainment were tradition denied discussion of monasticism, provided by different communities. This both in its earlier and later-developed forms. article should therefore be read as an expres- While literature may be the higher sion of gratitude: slopes, the lower slopes of grammar and ܕ ܐܬܒܒ lexicography were given proper weight. These were shown to be matters of moment and current concern, but the wealth of mate- NEW RESEARCH PROJECT: rial produced in Kerala came as a revelation to some of us. The most recent student IDENTITY FORMATION AMONG WEST SYRIAN CHRISTIANS grammar follows an excellent tradition known to classicists: the introduction of BAS TER HAAR ROMENY rhymes to facilitate the learning of grammar. LEIDEN UNIVERSITY Inevitably, some papers which do not fit easily into such categories can find the mer- The Netherlands Organization for Scientific est mention, even though of great impor- Research (NWO) and Leiden University tance. Among them are papers on iconogra- have decided to finance a major research phy and archaeology and on inculturation, programme on Syriac Christianity, entitled whether ancient or modern, and especially The Formation of a Communal Identity one on possible relationships between Hindu among West Syrian Christians (451-1300). philosophy and Christian theology. But the The programme is among the last 14 recipi- summary above suggests both the range and ents of a PIONIER grant from NWO. competence of the speakers, and the capac- Among the Christians who did not accept ity of the participants to engage in vigorous the acts of the Council of Chalcedon (451), discussion of such papers. Not surprisingly, the group now known as “West Syrians” or commentators at the evaluation deplored the Syrian Orthodox” were probably least likely busy-ness of the programme and demanded to form a national or ethnic community. Yet a ‘shopping afternoon’, and while wanting a group emerged with its own distinctive fewer papers to enable this, requested more literature and art, its own network and his- papers to increase the range and depth of the torical consciousness. In an intricate process conference. of adoption and rejection, the West Syrians The papers delivered, and some which selected elements from the cultures to which were submitted for publication but not deliv- they were heirs and from those with which ery, will appear over the next couple of they came into contact, thus defining a posi- years in volumes of The Harp, the journal tion of their own. The new five-year re- published by SEERI. In conclusion, partici- search programme will investigate this proc- pants left with a strong sense of the vigour ess of identity formation. The study of the

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 81 Syriac in International Research ______formative periods of the community will identity with a fuller picture of the historiog- improve our understanding of the position raphy of the mid seventh to the end of the of the Syrian Orthodox today. Many of them ninth century. This project therefore aims at now live as refugees in Western Europe. In a description of the way Michael perceived the debate on their identity they constantly and processed the work of his most original refer to their “golden era,” the period before predecessors, Jacob of Edessa and Diony- 1300. The programme will also contribute to sius of Tel-Mahre, with regard to their posi- the theoretical debate on identity, identity tioning of the Syrian Orthodox in history. formation, and ethnicity. It offers a well- The project “Two Exegetical Collec- defined case of a group that can be followed tions,” led by Dr. Bas ter Haar Romeny and from its very beginnings, as it comes into a PhD student, will deal with the contribu- existence as a religious partnership or asso- tion of two important exegetical collections ciation, becomes a religious community, and to identity formation. Considerable sec- develops further into a group that has all the tions of these collections will also be edited characteristics of an ethnic community. The and translated. Biblical interpretation plays a programme consists of three projects. To- major role in shaping, legitimizing, and con- gether they combine four different disci- veying any orthodoxy, but this seems to plines: religious studies, history, art history, have been particularly true in the case of the and philology, while taking account of re- West Syrians. A large part of the literary cent developments in the social sciences. output of the Syrian Orthodox and some of The project “Michael the Syrian and His the main genres of their literature were con- Sources,” led by Dr. Jan van Ginkel, will cerned with exegesis. Exegetical works used investigate the role of historiography. Histo- the authority of the Bible to discuss the crea- riography collects and interprets the shared tion of the world, its early history, and the memories of a common history that binds future; to give moral guidance; and to in- members together and distinguishes them form the reader about physics, astronomy, from others. It has to present itself as objec- and other sciences. Some works dealing tive, in order to give the community an an- with the Creation were in fact up-to-date chor-hold in the past. However, selection, encyclopaedias of contemporary scientific adaptation, and imagination always play a knowledge. Thus biblical interpretation role, though the author himself is not neces- served as a vehicle for a complete world- sarily conscious of this. The different his- view. torical sources can be seen as witnesses of The oldest of the two collections is the the various attempts to foster a communal London Collection (seventh or eighth cen- identity among their readers. Michael the tury), which unites the opinions of various, Syrian’s twelfth-century Chronicle is an mainly Greek, exegetes, and poses the ques- obvious starting point for this project be- tion of the attitude of the Syrian Orthodox cause of its position, its extent, its wealth of toward Greek learning. The second collec- sources, and the originality of its concep- tion is that of the monk Simon, which dates tion. However, in order to establish what from the end of the ninth century and is best Michael really intended, it will be necessary known as the Catena Severi. This work to compare his discourse on West Syrian combines the early Syriac interpretation

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 82 Syriac in International Research ______from before the split of the fifth century contemporary examples, Christian and Is- with the explanations of Jacob of Edessa lamic, from the Crusader kingdoms, Egypt, and other Syrian Orthodox authors, thus il- the former Byzantine Empire, and other ar- lustrating continuity and change in biblical eas of the Mediterranean. The decision to interpretation and doctrine. focus on the wall paintings contributes to As words do not tell the full story, the the ground-breaking nature of the project: third project entitled “West Syrian Mural many of these objects have not been studied Paintings,” led by Dr. Mat Immerzeel and a sufficiently so far. Several discoveries are PhD student, will approach the issue from recent, and in other cases hidden murals are an art-historical point of view. Works of art still being uncovered. The initial impetus to fulfill an obvious function by providing deal with the question of how ‘Syrian’ this symbols of identity. This aspect of art, how- art is has been given, but much remains to ever, has not attracted very much systematic be done. attention. Art can be seen as a means of ex- The programme will be based at the pressing the identity of a group. This is par- Faculties of Theology (Peshitta Institute) ticularly true in the case of religious art, and Arts (Languages and Cultures of the which expresses religious beliefs, and these Near East, Paul van Moorsel Centre for in turn are sometimes linked to political Christian Art and Culture in the Middle concepts. Pictures are an effective way of East). It will seek cooperation with other convincing people of true doctrine. The fo- scholars in the Netherlands and abroad. cal point of the study will be the wall paint- From time to time, colleagues will be in- ings of Lebanon and Syria, the area where vited to work with us for short periods on the Syrian Orthodox Church was well repre- themes and issues of common interest. In sented, and where a local artistic tradition addition, a workshop will be organized in existed alongside Byzantine art. These the course of 2005. paintings will be placed in a wider context, For more information about the pro- taking into account both the earlier wit- gramme, please contact its director, Dr. Bas nesses of Syrian Orthodox art, as well as ter Haar Romeny at [email protected].

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THE CANADIAN SOCIETY FOR SYRIAC STUDIES

MEMBERS OF THE YEAR 2001-2002

Corporate Member CRAWFORD, Brittmarie L., Shelburne ON ZINDA Online Magazine, San Jose CA CREGHEUR, Eric, Quebec PQ DAKGI, Abdo, Markham ON Life Members DAKGI, Bolos, Scarborough ON DINNO, Khalid, Mississauga ON DAKGI, Mike, Markham ON MURAD, Janan, Mississauga ON DAOD, Nagham, Toronto ON SMITH, Helen, Toronto ON DAVID, Sargon, Scarborough ON Members DAWOOD, Isaam, Thunder Bay ON ABBA, Rev. Yusif, Toronto ON DODD, Erica, Victoria BC ASTO, Sami, Scarborough ON FARJO, Gertrude, North York ON AZIZ, Mariam, Thornhill ON FERRIS, Paul A., Garden Grove CA BADOVINAC, Edward, Mississauga ON FRAME, Grant, Toronto ON BADOVINAC, Jocelyn, Mississauga ON GREATREX, Geoffrey, Ottawa ON BANDAK, Jean, Scarborough ON GREATREX, Marina, Ottawa ON BANDAK, John, Markham ON GRIFFITH, Rev. Sidney H., Washington DC BANDAK, Katya, Scarborough ON HANNA, Robert, Mississauga ON BANDAK, Yousseff, Scarborough ON HARRAK, Amir, Toronto ON BASMAJI, John, Markham ON HINDO, Tariq R., North York ON BASMAJI, Samir, Markham ON HIRSCH, Antoine, Toronto ON BENJAMIN, Alda, Maple ON ISSA, Rev. Stephanos, Scarborough ON BET-SHLIMON, Andrew, Lincoln RI JOHNSON, Nola J., Toronto ON BEVAN, George, Toronto ON KIRAZ, Dr. George, Piscataway NJ BIHNAN, Adnan, Brampton ON KITCHEN, Rev. Robert, Regina SK BOUJIKIAN, Stephen, Scarborough ON LAWTHER, Samuel, Toronto ON BROCK, Sebastian, Oxford UK LEHTO, Adam, Waterloo ON CASEY, Kevin, Toronto ON LONDES, Arlette, Thornhill ON CASSIS, Marica, Toronto ON MAJID, Abdulwahid, Mississauga ON CHAMOUN, Issa, Scarborough ON MARMURA, Michael, Toronto ON CHAMOUN, John, Scarborough ON MESHKI, George, Hamilton ON CHAMOUN, Ruba, Scarborough ON MILLES, Külli, Toronto ON CHERRY, Ashur, Brampton ON MISSICK, Stephen A., Shepherd TX CHILDERS, Jeff W., Abilene TX MORRISON, Craig, Rome, Italy CLARKE, Colin S., Hamilton ON MOUSSA, Helene, Toronto ON CORBETT, John, Kingston ON MUSA, Musa, Toronto ON

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) - Page 84 Members of the Year 2001-2002 ______

NISSAN, Yakdan, Scarborough ON SKIL, Sonia, Toronto ON ODESHO, Alexander, Toronto ON STIFO, George, N. Grafton ON ROMPAY, Lucas van, Durham NC TAKAHASHI, Dr. Idemi, Japan POIRIER, Paul-Hubert, Quebec PQ TARZI, Albert Unionville ON RUSSELL, Rev. Paul S., Chevy Chase MD TARZI, George, Unionville ON RYAN, Stephen OP, Washington DC TARZI, Habib, Unionville ON SAATI, Zak, Scarborough ON TARZI, Salwa, Unionville ON SAATI, Jacklin, Scarborough ON WEATLEY-IRVING, Linda, Chicago IL SAATI, Jack, Scarborough ON WERYHO, Jan, Montreal PQ SAATI, Rema, Scarborough ON WHITE, Wade, Toronto ON SALEEM, Sofia, Maple ON YAKO, Diklat, Mississauga ON SHAMANI, Toma, Toronto ON ZAIA, Bishop Mar Meelis, Fairfield, Australia SINGH, Mohan, Toronto ON ZAIYOUNA, Ahsan, Thornhill ON

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