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Návrat Vojtecha Tuku Na Slovensko Návrat Vojtecha Tuku na Slovensko Timea Verešová, Výskumné centrum Prešovskej univerzity, [email protected] VEREŠOVÁ, Timea. Comeback of Vojtech Tuka to the Slovakia. Individual and Society, 2008, Vol. 11, Nr. 2. The article deals with the political comeback of Vojtech Tuka, Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the first Slovak Republic (1939 – 1945). He was a controversial person, a controversial politician of the Slovak history. In 1929 he was sentenced to fifteen years imprisonment for espionage on behalf of the Hungarian government and high treason. After Slovakia became autonomous in 1938, he released from prison and returned to Slovakia. At the beginning he refused to be a part of the Slovak politics but soon after he reconsidered his point of view. Vojtech Tuka. First Slovak Republic. Slovak politics. Istý deficit v historiografii povojnového obdobia tvorí obdobie slovenského štátu. Možno aj preto sa dnes viaceré knižné publikácie zaoberajú týmto obdobím a jeho osobnosťami, medzi ktoré nepochybne patrí aj Vojtech Tuka. Za slovenského štátu bol najprv ministrom bez kresla, neskôr sa stal ministerským predsedom a krátke obdobie pôsobil aj ako minister vnútra. Po rokovaniach v Salzburgu v júli 1940 sa stal ministrom zahraničných vecí. Bol druhou najvplyvnejšou osobnosťou slovenského štátu po Jozefovi Tisovi. Vojtech Tuka je kontroverznou osobnosťou slovenskej histórie. Jedni ho považujú za agenta maďarskej iredenty (čím bezpochyby bol), druhí za patriota, martýra, otca slovenskej samostatnosti. Mnohým nie je neznáme, že Tuka, ktorý bol členom Slovenskej ľudovej strany od roku 1922, uverejnil tzv. štátnopolitickú úvahu s názvom Vacuum iuris v oficiálnom denníku Slovenskej ľudovej strany. Článok bol publikovaný v denníku Slovák 1. januára 1928. Podstatou diskutovaného článku bolo, že Martinská deklarácia, ktorá bola prijatá významnými slovenskými osobnosťami 30. októbra 1918, má tajnú klauzulu, ktorá ustanovuje desaťročnú lehotu, po ktorej je potrebné prehodnotiť štátoprávne usporiadanie Československa. Keby sa to nestalo, tak po 31. októbri 1928 vznikne vacuum iuris, právne vákuum a „prestane dočasná platnosť dôležitých zákonov“.1 Reakciou na článok bolo všeobecné pohoršenie verejnosti a obsah článku odmietli aj vedúci predstavitelia martinského zhromaždenia. Vyhlásili, že síce existuje tajná klauzula, ktorú síce dovtedy nikto nevidel, ale nie ako ultimátum formulované pre českú stranu. Podľa nich štátoprávne usporiadanie Slovenska je potrebné preskúmať postupne a až vtedy, keď vnútorná a zahranično-politická situácia štátu bude stabilná. Kritici Tukovmu článku vytýkali, že písal o veci, ktorú nevidel. Československé štátne orgány na podnet Milana Ivanku, predstaviteľa Československej národno-demokratickej strany začali trestné stíhanie proti Vojtechovi Tukovi pre vlastizradu a protištátnu činnosť. Odsúdili ho 5. októbra 1929 na 15 ročné väzenie a stratu občianskych práv na tri roky. Treba podotknúť, že v procese proti Vojtechovi Tukovi hrala významnú úlohu československá výzvedná služba, ktorá mala proti nemu dôkazy, ale tieto dôkazy sa nesmeli použiť v samotnom procese, lebo ich získali ilegálnou cestou. Napokon sa podarilo nahovoriť korunných svedkov, aby prišli svedčiť do Bratislavy. Zarážajúcim faktom je, že Vojtech Tuka sa mohol vrátiť do politického života, aj keď pri jeho návrate stáli 31 Nemci a pomáhali mu aj chaotické pomery charakteristické pre obdobie pred vypuknutím druhej svetovej vojny. Otázka Tukovej amnestie rezonovala viackrát vo vládnych kruhoch, ale aj v kruhoch Hlinkovej slovenskej ľudovej strany (HSĽS) a obe strany ju chceli využiť v potrebnom okamihu.2 Ťažko chorý prezident T. G. Masaryk abdikoval 14. decembra 1935 a odporučil na miesto prezidenta Československej republiky Edvarda Beneša. Voľby na post prezidenta boli vypísané na 18. decembra 1935. O post prezidenta Československej republiky bojovali dvaja kandidáti, Edvard Beneš, do toho času minister zahraničných vecí a Bohumil Němec, profesor botaniky na Karlovej univerzite v Prahe. Edvard Beneš si nemohol byť istý svojim víťazstvom až kým sa mu nepodarilo získať na svoju stranu poslancov Hlinkovej slovenskej ľudovej strany a poslancov agrárnej strany, ktorí čakali na postoj HSĽS.3 Jednou z požiadaviek HSĽS – alebo nazvime to radšej prosbou – bolo, aby rokovali o Tukovej amnestii. Beneš sľúbil, že po zvolení za prezidenta, sa bude zaoberať aj touto otázkou, ale ako bývalý prezident Masaryk, aj on mal podmienku: Tuka sa musí písomne priznať. Podľa jeho názoru kto sa prizná, ten nie je nevinný, respektívne ho neodsúdili nevinne. Tuka napísal svoje priznanie s názvom Dôverná správa o protištátnej činnosti v rokoch 1919 – 1927 ešte v pražskej väznici Pankrác a v apríli 1935 ju adresoval E. Benešovi, ktorý v tom čase ešte zastával funkciu ministra zahraničných vecí. Tuka uznal, že vykonával protištátnu činnosť, ale vojenskú zradu veľmi vehementne popieral. V decembri 1937 bolo jeho priznanie dôvodom prudkých politických diskusií v pražskom parlamente. E. Beneš po zvolení za prezidenta, nezabudol na svoj sľub, ktorý dal HSĽS, avšak Tukova amnestia mala svojho vplyvného odporcu, ministra spravodlivosti, Slováka, Ivana Dérera. I. Dérer nebol ohúrený myšlienkou, že sa Tuka sa ocitne na slobode, ale chcel odolať tlaku, ktorý na neho vyvíjala slovenská ľudácka tlač, menovite Slovák, Slovenská Pravda a Nástup. Posledný z menovaných tlačových orgánov bol dvojtýždenníkom mladej autonomistickej generácie. Vydavateľstvo všetkých troch novín bolo v Bratislave, na ulici Radlinského. V priebehu roka 1937 sa Slovák a Slovenská Pravda veľmi často zaoberali s otázkou amnestie V. Tuku, čo sa nepáčilo pražskej vláde. Štátne orgány buď zhabali viac čísel spomínaných novín a zničili ich, alebo periodiká prešli značnou cenzúrou. Inkriminované čísla porušovali paragrafy zákona na ochranu republiky, Zbierky zákonov a nariadení z roku 1923, menovite 5. bod §-u 14 (prečin hanobenia republiky), 1. bod §-u 16 (schvaľovanie trestných činov) a 1. a 2. bod §-u 18 (prečin rozširovania nepravdivých správ). Na základe týchto paragrafov boli čísla novín skonfiškované a zničené. Redakcia Slováka a Slovenskej Pravdy protestovala proti týmto krokom a od decembra 1937 advokát Edmund Rosíval viackrát v mene redakcie spomínaných novín podal odvolanie s odôvodnením, že „články sú písané v duchu verejnej kritiky, ktorú zabezpečuje sloboda tlače“.4 V mnohých prípadoch ani odvolanie neprinieslo očakávaný výsledok, inkriminované čísla zničili a celý proces konfiškácie sa len predĺžil. Po intervencii E. Beneša sa ukázalo, že minister spravodlivosti I. Dérer je ochotný rokovať o amnestii V. Tuku. K prísne dôvernej schôdzke medzi Benešom a Dérerom došlo 20. mája 1937. Po tejto schôdzke, 28. mája 1937, minister spravodlivosti predložil návrh na amnestiu V. Tuku, ktorý schválil prezident E. Beneš 3. júna 1937. V oficiálnom oznámení pre tlač sa uvádzalo: „Rozhodnutím z 3. júna 1937 prezident republiky udelil Vojtechovi Tukovi milosť zmenou zbytku trestu na podmienečnú slobodu tak, že sa bude zdržovať na českom území, na mieste, ktoré určí minister spravodlivosti so súhlasom ministra vnútra, bude bývať vo vyznačenom byte a robiť prácu, ktorá mu bude uložená. Zároveň bude aj inak pod stálym ochranným dozorom. Keď nedodrží podmienky, pre ktoré mu bola udelená milosť, bude si musieť zbytok trestu odpykať.“5 Jednou z podmienok poskytnutia amnestie bolo, že záležitosť profesora práva sa nebude medializovať a nepozdvihnú ju na úroveň politiky. V roku 1937 viacerí aktéri československej politiky navštívili Tuku vo väzení. Boli to prominenti HSĽS a vedúci predstavitelia slovenskej politickej elity. Medzi návštevníkmi môžeme spomenúť Ferdinanda Ďurčanského a Karola Sidora, vtedajšieho hlavného redaktora Slováka a poslanca Národného zhromaždenia. Aj sám Andrej Hlinka navštívil svojho niekdajšieho chránenca. Na začiatku sa zdalo, že napriek niekoľkým článkom v denníkoch Slovák a Slovenská Pravda, sa každý drží tichej dohody. Podľa stanoviska člena HSĽS, Jozefa Tisu, Vojtech Tuka bol po procese konanom v roku 1929 „causa finita“.6 Zdalo sa, že aj K. Sidor zastáva toto stanovisko, keď sa vyjadril: „Faktom je, že sme boli vedení len a len ľudskosťou. Nešlo nám o politiku. ... Verejne vyhlasujem, že si ani dnes neviem Tuku predstaviť ako činiteľa v strane alebo časopisoch. Šlo o človeka, ktorý dopolitizoval a ktorý by sa do politiky nikdy nevrátil, i keby mu strana na zlatej tácni doniesla poslanecký mandát...“7 Toto Sidorove stanovisko je 32 , Návrat Vojtecha Tuku na Slovensko dosť spochybniteľné, keďže on sám vniesol Tukovu záležitosť do politiky, keď 2. decembra 1937 v Národnom zhromaždení vystúpil proti výroku ministra spravodlivosti, I. Dérera. Vo svojom vyjadrení I. Dérer zdôrazňoval, že V. Tuka sa priznal k všetkému, k protištátnej činnosti, aj k vojenskej zrade. Po vyhlásení trochu opravil svoje stanovisko. „V. Tuka sa priznal len k prípravám úkladov o republiku. Vo veci svojho odsúdenia pre zločin vojenskej zrady však popieral a popiera akúkoľvek vinu.“8 Napokon dodal, že V. Tuka vo svojom písomnom podaní uvádza i také skutočnosti, ktoré jeho vinu i v tomto smere potvrdzujú. K. Sidor sa zmienil o tomto Dérerovom stanovisku a pripomenul otázku tzv. zaplatených svedkov.9 Sidorove vyjadrenia pobúrili členov vládnej koalície, I. Dérer odpovedal ostro na Sidorove slová a Národné zhromaždenie sa zmenilo na včelí úľ. Každý sa hneval na K. Sidora a poslancov HSĽS, že nedodržali dané slovo. Slovenskí poslanci čechoslovakistického zmýšľania a českí poslanci obviňovali K. Sidora z porušenia tichej
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