Some Aspects of the Sociai History of the Valley of Kashmir during the period 1846—1947'-Customs and Habits
By: lUEblS
Miss Farhat Jabeen
Thesis Submitted for the award of i Doctor of Philosophy ( PH. D.)
Post Graduate Department of History THE: UNIVERSITY OF KASHAIIR ^RXNJf.GA.R -190006 T5240 Thl4 is to certify that the Ph.D. thesis of Miss Far hat JabeiA entitled "Some Aspects of the Social History of tha Valley of Kashnir during the period 1846.-1947— Cus^ms and Habits*• carried out under my supervision embodies the work of the candidate. The research vork is of original nature and has not been submlt-ted for a Ph.D. degree so far« It is also certified that the scholar has put in required I attendance in the Department of History* University of Kashmir, The thesis is in satisfactory literary form and worthy of consideration for a Ph.D. degree*
SUPERVISOR
'»•*•« $#^$7M7«^;i«$;i^
!• G, R, *** General Records
2. JSdC ••• Jammu and Kashmir
3, C. M, S. ••» Christian Missionary Society 4. Valley ••* The Valley of Kashmir
5. Govt. **i* Government 6, M.S/M.S.S *** ManuscriptAlenuscripts,
7. NOs Number 8, P. Page 9, Ed. ••• Edition, y-itU 10. K.T. *•• Kashmir Today 11. f.n* •••f Foot Note 12» Vol, ••• Volume 13. Rev, •*• Revised 14. ff/f **• VniiosAolio 15, Deptt. *** Department
16. ACC *** Accession 17. Tr, *** Translated 18. Blk *** Bikrand. ^v^s^s
^£!^mmmSSSmSSimSSSmS^lSSmSm^^ ACKNOWL EDGEMENTt
This Study was undertaken in the year 1985) December, as a research project for ny Ph.D. programme under the able guidance of Dr. Z. L« Jala# Ex-Reader« Post-graduate Department of History. I owe a deep debt of gratitude to ray respected supervisor under i^ose inspiring guidance and encouragement* I completed ray present work. This work could not have been completed without the help and able guidance which I have received from him. Dr. Jala helped me with his valuable advice and help at every stage of the research work. I am grateful to Dr. A. Q. Rafiqi* Professor and Ex-Head of the Post-rraduate Department of History, University of Kashmir for advice, encouragement and help, I received from him. I am also greatly thankful to Dr. Mitfiamnad Ishaq Khan, Professor and Head of the Post-graduate Department of History, Iteiversity of Kashmir for valuable suggestions and for his kindness to me in all respects. I anvthankful to ny teadiers. Dr. Madhvi Yasin, Dr. Abdul Majid Mattoo, Dr. Mohammad Ashraf Wmi (all Readers of History Department) and Dr. Muhahtaq Ahmad Kaw (Lecturer in the Department of History) for their valuable suggestions and encouragement during my period of research. My thanks are also due to Professor Abdul WSahid, Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences, who got the period of ray research project extended and thereby spared me a lot of anguish in ray state of depression.
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I am particularly grateful to Pandit Soranath (Kashntdrl Department, University of Kashmir) for offering me valuable help In translating portions of the Kashmiri source material relevant to ray topic of research. I also express my sincere gratefulness to all the staff members of the Iqbal Library, Walverslty of Kashmir. Here I must meke sreclal mentl(^ of the names of Mr. h, R. Laittoo, (Seminar Library, Post-graduate Department of History) Mr. O. A. Wanl (Librarian of Law Department), and Shri A. K. Trakroa (Research Library)« who extended to me their cooperation and help* I am also thankful to Mr. Qiulam Resool 3hat, for his valuable help he extended to me In translating certain relevant extracts from Persian sources. I also express my deep gratitude to Dr. B.N. Kalla (Central Asian Studies) for his suggestions on various aspects of language. I am specially Indebted to Shrl Motl Lai Saql, (Cultural Academy) for lendlnn me some rare journals and periodicals I owe him more than the language can express. I owe a deep sense of gratlttide to Mr. Mohamned Qaslm Khawaja (K. C. S. Judicial) Sub->Judge for furnishing me information on Shla ceremonies connected with birth, marriage and death.
I em also indebted to my co-scholars or fellow researches particularly, Mr. Fayas Ahmad Wanchoo, Mr, Bashlr Ahmad Khan, Mr. Bashir Ahmad Bhat, Mr. Mohd. Qazlm Wanl and Mr. Parveex Ahmad for their valuable suggestions and the discussions I had with them.
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I should be failing in ray duty if I do not express my gratitude to Shri B. p« Sharma for help and valuable suggestions during no/ stay at Jamntu, Thanks are also due to Shri S. D.KhaJmria^ Mrs, Khajuria and their son Shri Rohit Khajuria for extending me all help end facility at their place* I am also than)cful to Dr. M. L« Kapur« Dr, S, S« Chark and Dr. D. c^ Sharma of Jammu University for their valuable suggestions. I am also thankful to the fol]owing institutions end staff members who helped me in making available the required research material relevant to ioy research project*-
I, Research Library, Srinagar (Research and Publication Department), II, The Jammu and Kashmir luformation Library, Srinagar, III, City Central Public Library, Srinagt^r, IV^ S. P, S, Public Library, Srinagar, V, The Jammu and Kashmir State Archives, Jammu, Srinagar, VI« The J&ramu and Kashmir Acadeivy of Art, Culture and Languages, Srinagar, VII. S, P, S, Museum Library, Srinagar, VIII, Ranblr Library, Jammu, IX, Dogra Art Gallery, Jammu,
2 am thankful to Mc^ammad Shafi Zahid (Curator, Dogra Art Gallery, Jarmu), Ayjaz Ahmad Banday (Curator s. P. S, Museum) and Professor M, N, Dulloo for their valuable advice and help in all possible ways.
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My thanXs are also due to the reethbers of the nOB-~> teaching staff of my Department particularly Mr. Ghulam Muhannad Dar Who qpared no pains In typing out this thesis.
Last but not least* I mast record iny feelings of gratitude to my family members, for their unfailing encourage* moit and cooperation In all possible way8« p^3' (FARHXr JABEEN) COWTBHTat
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Mabronrations tit
Aclcnowledgement ••* *•* 1—I3Zr
CWtf>fHaf TITLB OF THE CHJ^PTBRt
I. I.n.t>r»o-d-u»o*t»l-o-n ••* ••• 1—7 IZ. Physiography and XXI Xt% 5-5*0 Demogrephy ZZZ. Customs and Habits—A Xtt ttt Si-67 general sunrey ZV. Customs of the Hindus(Pandits) $${ Xtt 68-JSS" pretalnlng to blrth«marriage and death
V. Customs of Muslims relating Xtt ttt /S6- Z/S to birth«marriage and death
VZ« Habits of food« dress* Xtt ttt 2f6--l^8 ornaments and language
VIZ. Znteractlon of the Hindus Xtt ttt ^99 - =5^./ (Pandits) and Muslims in respect of customs and habits
VZZZ. C-o-n-o-l-Xft-s-i-o-n Xtt ttt 3Z&'3zB
*-p-p.e.n-.d-i.o-e-s Xtt ttt 3^9-354
B-i-b-l.i-e-g-r.a-p-h-y Xtt ttt 356*- 3^9 (Introduction) • ••
The course of hianait clvlUsatlOB is determined^ to a fairly large extent^ by the gee-0iysical conditions of the regien, Whic^ the people inhabit* The environment influences and regulates the life of man and loids a distinct colour to the cultiire of man. In the course of becoming, civilised man acquires and develops certain customs and habits. These customs anA habits become, with the passage of time, an integral part of his life process regulating his behaviour and attitude* Because of its profound influence on human life, habit has been called "Second Nature? There is a social b^aviour, an economic b^aviour • political b«^avio\ir and a religio-ethical attitude vAiidi men manifest in the respective iields during the course of various operations and activities* This b^aviour constitutes the basis of socio—economic* political and religio—ethical relationship existing between man and man and between one group of mmi and the other* Be it as it may, this b^aviour or attitude in its various aspects is governed by a set of identifiable customs and habits* The greater the antiquity of customs and habits the greater is their grip on the mind of man* However, a note of caution, in this regard, was sounded by Alfred Lord Twmyson in the I9th century in the following llness *01d order diange the yielding place to ne«<, and God fulfils Himself in many ways, lest one good custonnfli should corrx;^t the whole world? The suggestion conveyed in these lines is that there is always need to examine whether or not wa old custom or habit has become too corrx^t and^ therefore, too obsolete to be useful any longer. Customs and habits continue to survive and influance the all round human life inqpite of progress.
Obviously, it would not be an exaggeration of the fact to say that the customs and habits are an index \ihldti largely help us to understand the lives of the people, reflecting various behaviours end attitudes. Each people of the world have their own customs and habits. And some of these customs and habits are so peculiar to those people that these tend to become features of their distinction. However, it must be admitted that these customs and habits evolve and grow over a long period of tine.
A ntjmber of books have since been written on the History and Culture of Kashmir. But almost all of them have touchy the custwns and habits of the Kashmiris on the perii^ery. As a matter of fact, no serious attempt has been made, so far, to carry oxit an indepth study of the customs and habits of the Kashmiris. Obviously, it will be ray endeavour to deal, at some length, and in a certain depth, with customs and habits of the people of Kashmir. It is hoped that the study will fiafil a long felt need in xmder St ending of this aspect of the social life of Kashmiri people. Inevitably the present work shall cover a very important though hitherto neglected aspect of social history of Kashmir* Brery effort has been made to draw on all important available sources. Thus this study is based on the source material con|>risiag published and unpublished material. The material constitutes »-> official records available at the State Archives and the Researdi Library* Part of the material consists of non-official worXs# llXe travelogues and diaries. Then there are a number of reports^ journals, magaxines, news-papers. Census reports* Administration reports, Annual reports. Trade reports and Gazetteer Besides the^e, the bulk of it is in vernacular (Urdu) and in Persian*
The thesis covers the customs and habits of the two taain conoroxmities— the Pandits and the Muslims of the Valley* A certain paucity of material on customs and habits of the people of this state has been a great handicap. For the same reason, I have had to confine the scope of my subject to the Valley proper, though even here the lack of adequate source material comes in the w^r* Atteiic>t has been made to high-light the itnportant aspects of the social history during the period under review (1846—1947)*
Zt was during this period that the social set-tqp underwent certain transformation and thereby absorbed the modem trends* Endeavour has been made to throw as much light as possible on liqportant customs and ceremonies as also the habits of food* dress, ornaments and language of the people in the context of changes which this period witnessed*
The people of this Valley followed certain customs and ceremonies peculiarly their own. In this project an earnest effort has been made to analyse and determine, within reasonable limits, the relevance of the social and religious customs which are followed by the Kashmiris. Infect, the inhabitants of Kashmir Vellcy are In no w«y behind their eounterparts In the SU]E>- continent in that they profess certain beliefs nd practices %«hich are associated with birth« marriage and death. These customs and traditions attain almost the position of sanctity and authority due to the Illiteracy and ignorance of the masses of the Valley*
The project under study has been divided into seven chapters including an introduction as an opening chapter giving a bri^ review of the work« its importance and need. The Seconi Chapter entitled Physiography and Demography contains a general survey of environmentf pe^aple and the historical background and deals with the anteoednts to the advent of Dogra rule* The Third Qfoter entitled Customs BnA habits** A general survey con|>rises a general review of customs and habits# as these obtained among the people of the Valley during oxir period of study*
Customs and traditims are of great importance in the individual and collective life of every nation* This aspect has been discussed while tracing the iiqpact of these customs aad traditions on culture* moral life, religious beliefs, mental attitudes and ways of life of the people* The fact cannot be galn»8aid that the cxistoms of a people are the most interesting subject as they cover birth, marriage and death of people* These three categories of customs are cwomon to all countries civilised and tncivilised# and have been regarded as events of greet importance for all the people*
The Tourth Chapter entitled Customs of Hindus (Pandits) pertaining to birth, marriage and death is devoted to the analysis of the customs of the Pandits dealing mainly %rith birth^ oiarr^ag* and death* This analysis has been substantiated with evldaao* u from official records available In State Archives Repository Janriu* The customs and ceremonies associated with the blrth« marriage and death during the period under review, continued to be very elaborate and interesting. These still continue to be sudti even today (among both the Pandits and the Muslims of the Valley).
The Fifth caiMoter entitled Customs of Muslims relating to birth, marriage and death alms at similar analysis of the Muslim customs pertaining mainly to birth, marriage «nd death. We find some resemblances between the Pandits and the Muslin social customs. Both the commxinities follow certain common customs and rituals in these matters. Of course, it may be conceded that there were and still are certain differences in the customs of birth, marriage and death in the case of the Muslims and the Pandits of the Valley. There were certain peculiar customs and practices prevailing among the Kashmiri Pandits, These practices were not common emcxig the Muslims of the Valley.
Same of the ceremonies and rituals do not seem to have iindergone much change inspite of the intact of western ideas of modernism. The people of the Valley, by and large, continue to follow the 8ge*old customs and traditions come down to them from preceding ages. Good customs exist side by side with bad ones in every community. These undergo change in course of time. It is necessary for the national advancement and social welfare to diange and modify the customs and ceremcmies in accordance with the
. •/• I G changing conditions of time. Good customs should be adopted and Iwd «a«s discarded* The Siafth Qiaoter entitled H^its of food, dress« ornaments and languages embraces a general discussion on habits of food, dress, ornaments and language of the people during the period under revie%f* The Kashmiris-»the Pandits and the Huslims-»possessed certain peculiar habits of their own* As regards their dress-both the Pandits and the Muslins oftke Valley wore more or less the same dress with some variations* We find that the two conomunities had so muc^ in cofnacm in matter of dress* The same holds true about their food habits as well. Me find no major difference in their food habits* The Kashndrl women during the period under review, (like those in ancient and medieval times), were very fond of ornwnents* For centuries the Ka^miris both Pandits and Muslims have been having a common language* Thus the distinctions in customs, dress, food, language and ornaments were very few among the two conmunities*
B\]t inspite of their common cultural heritage, there were certain points of difference in their customs, food habits, dress omamoftts and language. In certain respects many beliefs and customs of Ike Pmdits and the Muslims were altogether different during the period under review*
Besides, dress, there were certain remarkable points of difference in their general habits, there were scmie differences in the spoken language of the Pandits and Muslims of the Valley. Kashmiri spoken by the Muslims differed slightly from that spoken
1* Please see i>p* by the Kashmiri Pandits, We also find several differences between the ornaments worn by a Kashmiri Pandit women and those worn by a Muslim women*
The Seventh Chapter entltl'»d Interaction, Hindus (Pandits) and llusllms in respect of customs and habits throws light on the process of mutual interaction PHC integration between the two coimunitles which evidently affected their customs and hoblts of the Pandits and the Muslims of the Valley. Obviously this chepter brings out the Influence that the two communities had on eadi other. The aim has been to trace the process of mutual acticxi and reaction that the two streams produced towards each other.
The Eighth Qiapter entitled conclusion Is virtually a summing iflp Intended to show the path towards effectinc; a wholesale social ref:3rm. In this connection the Imppct of v^st«^rn educetlon particulerly in changing fashions of dress among the Kashmiri messes has been dealt with to the extent to which it reveals the process of change that has over taken the two cotwnunities. Effort has also been rnade to throw light v^on how modernization has had Its Impact on the changing food habits of the people. The period has witnessed social reform movements which have resulted in the popularization of widow-remarriage, particularly among the Pandits. It has also witnessed elimination of the custom of early marriage,. throxigh awakening among the people, as also through the legisla* tl(»i of an enlightened government that has felt the pulse of the masses and understood the spirit of ttie new age.
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(Physiography and Demography) r>
HlSTORICMi BACXGROUNDi
Over half the poptilation of Keshtnir and Jararnu State dwells In the Vale of Kashmir, This Valley Is the main source of wealth for the State and is an irnjortant centre attracting the toxirlsts from far and wide. The Valley, being most d«isely popiaated, fascinating and fiill of valuable resources« it Is b«t natural that the historians lay greater emphasis on the Importance of this region than that of any other. The Valley has the further advantage of having well documented and axithentlcated record of Its early history. The Buddhist and Hindu civilizations In northern India had their Impact upon the culture and religious outlook of the inhabitants of this Vallc^y, The ninth century A.D, witnessed the ferment of Hindu culture to a major extent In this region. The Valley came xander the Muslim rule In the 14th century. The Mvighal Emperor Akbar sinexed Kashmir to his dominions in 1587 A.D« and thenceforward it became a favourite summer resort for the Mughal rulers. It passed into Afghan hands in 1S52 A.r>. when the Mughal rule was on its last legs
in the sub-continent. After Afghans It was annexed to the Sikh 2 state under Ran J It Singh in 1819 A.D.
1. Lamb, Alastair* Crisis in Kashmir, pp. 20—23,
2. Ibid., Tikkui>«/.The Kashmir Storv. pp. 17—18. ft«
In 1846 A.D. the SiWis were defeated by the Britishers so that their kingdom got disintegrated. Thus, the Valley came within the JurisdicticMi of the East India Company \*iich sold it for rt55ees 75,00,000 to Gulab Singh*' In this way Gulab Singh became the foxinder or creator of the modem state of Jamnu and Kashmir* He was a member of a Dogra family and claimed his ancestry from Rajpxits \*iO were destined to aoqxiire great political power in the Jammu and Kashmir territory under Gulab Singh, During the first decade of the 19th century, Gulab rose to exalted poslticm at the court of the great SiHh leader Maharaja Ranjit Singh, He was rewarded for his services with the rulership of
3, The year 1846 A.D. brought about an unexpected change. After the defeat of the SiJ^is and the victory of the English in the Anglo—SiWi war, the latter acqxiired territories betweei the SucluJ and the Beas and a claim to £ 1, 500,000 as war indeimity. Sxich a huge indemnity was, however, unacceptable to the Sikhs* They, offered the territories of Jammu & Kashmir instead. The English, on their part, were reluctant to accept the offer of the territories, whic^ were too far off to be effectively controlled by them in the face of the Sikh hostility, Gulab Singh offered to make good the indemnity. Thus these territories were transferred to him in independent posse ssion. To that end, on 16th MarcJi, 1846, the Treaty of Amricsar was signed between Gulab Singh and British Govt,, under this treaty, Gulab Singh was recognized as the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir both by the powerless SiMi Durbar and the British government, itoder this Treaty, Kashmir with the districts of Ladakh and Gilgit was ceded to Gulab Singh and he was recognized as an independ&it ruler, "In consideration of the transfer made to him and his heirs M, Gulab Singh promised to pay to the British government the sum of seventy five lalchs of rupees (nanak- shaldip » . Article 3, Treaty of Amritsar, 1946, il
4 Jainmu* Gulab Singh consolidated the various parts of the region with a £lriQ hand of a great administrator. The Anglo-ii- Slldi wars of 1845—46 made Gulab Singh cleverly refraining himself f rCMn entering the war on the side of the Slldis, He was rewarded by the British for his prudent neutrality and non- 5 Involvement In this war. Oh 9th March, 1846 A,D. according to the Treaty of Lahore Gulab Singh was recognized as the Independent ruler of Jaromu, Poonch, Lada)di and Baltlstan. A week later on 16th March (1846) the Treaty of Amrltsar signed between the British and Maharaja Gulab Singh made this ruler of Jammu the founder of Janniu and Kashmir State. Gulab Singh recognized the British supremacy and the right of thd British to control his foreign relations and as already stated above Gulab Singh was permitted to purchase from the British the former SiWi province of Kashmir. This bargom brought into existence the new state of Jammu and Kashmir.
4. Gazetteer of Kashmir aid Ladaldi^ pp. 132—136; Loc]cwood« The Lion of Kashmir* pp. 28»»3'oy Lawrence, Proylnclal Gazetteer of Kashmir, pp. 27«—28y Ranjlt Singh's death threw the Slldi state into anarchy. A situation cropped up in which the Sikhs came into conflict with British interests, 5. Ibid,, Sinha, Sachdiidananda, Kashmir the PlaY-around of Asia* pp. 25—26; See also K. M. Panikkar* The Foxmdlno of the Kashmir State, pp. 1 49—150. • 6. Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladalch* pp. 132—136; Lockwood, op. cit., pp. 28—30; Dhar Somnath, Jammu and Kashmir.p. 59, Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, pp. 27»28; For Treaty of Amrltsar please see Appendix I, 12
The "Jammu and Kashmir State" popularly known as "Kashmir" is situated between 32° 17* to 36° 58S North latitude and 73° 26* to 80 31* East longitude. It occupies a strategic position with its border touching China, Russian-Turkistan in the north, Tibet in the east, the states of Punjab and north western provinces of India in the south. It is one of the most inrportant states in the Indian Iftiion from the point of view of its area. Geographically, the JaTinu and Kashmir State is divided into three main regions— the Kashmir Valley, the Jantinu region and the LadaWi and Frontier Area— all these having diveraya mountainous topograjjhy varying in altitude from 300 metres to 18,690 metees above the sea level. These three regions, besides their distinctive geographical features, present a dharp contrast in ethnic and historical background in addition to differences p In physical features and linguistic traits of the people. The area
7, Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir^ p, 1> Techno-- Economic Survey of Jangnu and Kashmir, by National Council of ^plied Economic Research, i969, p, 1,, Gazetteer of Kashmir and L^dakh, pp. 5—7; Census Report, 1941, Part I, p. 1,, Iroperial Gazetteer of India. Vol, XV, p. 72, Koul Anand, Geography of Jatunu and Kashmir State, p. 2., (Revised by P, N. K, Bamzal)• 8, Bamzal, P. N, K. Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, p. 9; Dhar, Somnath, op. cit., p. 2., A Brief Note og the Jamrou and Kashmir State. 1927, p, 1., A Note on Jajnmu and Kashmir State, 1928, pp. 1—2, Techno-Economic Survey of Jaronu and Kashmir by National Council of Applied Economics Research, p. 1« 13
9 earmarked for this topic of research is confined to Valley of Kashmir and its peripheral areas.
Kaahmir Vallevt
The Valley is an irregular yet unique plain of oval shape. It has a length of about 84 miles and a width varying from 20 to 25 miles. The lowest point in the Valley has an etevation of 5,200 feet, and the mean elevation is 6,000 feet above the sea. The lowest (Banihal) pass in the Pir Panjal range, as it existed during the Dogra period, was 3,000 feet above the level of the Valley. The Valley is situated to the
9. The Valley of Kashmir has been a romantic Eldorado for men in all countries and climes. This sacred land of Kashycpa Reshi is mentioned by Shelley in his Alastor and Thomas Moor in Lala RooWi. It is a land of varying climatic phenomena through graded rise in its elevation v^ich is in general 6,000 feet above the sea level. Its scenic beauty has been an object of praise by historians and travellers since time immemorial. It is full of fascinating mountain ranges, exalted terraces, rich allxivial soil, majestically flowing rivers and streams, tranquil lakes and romantic Xerawas. It is reputed for its Si^erb climatic conditions and charming scenery. The main centre of gravity and representing in miniatures all the above mentioned traits ia Srinager, the summer capital of «7&K State. 10. Ne%*«ll, D.J.P. The Highlands of IndJA. Vdl. II, p. 53., A Hand Book of Jammu and Kashmir St^ate (General Records), 1944, pp. 2»4> An Administrative Report of J&K State for Samvat 1993»94.. p. 1.. Administrative Report of the JaK S^ate^ for 194l..l943^ Samvat 1998—1999^ p. 3.. The total area of the Valley, Including the adjoining areas which were under the Dogra rule v^n 'J^^VJ^ 1,96,140 square kilometres, excluding 26^086 square Ka&nictLicE the area of Jammu province. Census of India. 1961, Vol. VI, Janumi and K?shmir, p. 9, Techno-Economic Survey of Jammu and Kashmir, p. 6., The Valley of Kashmir conprised mainly Srlnagar, Anantnag end Baramulla Districts, Report of Irrigation Commission. Delhi, India, Ministry of Irrigation & Power, 1972, Vol.II,p. 156• Moorcraft, William & George Trebeck, Travels in the Himalayan Provinces of Hindustan & the Pxtti1ab7 Liidaldi and / 14
north of the Pir Panjal range. It is a conglomeration of a number of lakes, Karewas, springs and meadows . It is enclosed on every side by lofty mountain chains. These mountains are 12 infinitely varied in form* height and colour •
F.N, 10 Cont. Kashmir^ Vol. II, p. 109. Vigne, G. r. Travels in Kashmir Ladaldi, Iskardoo^ countries a(dl1oinina the mount^^ courses of the Indus and the Himalaya. Vol. II, p. 283«
11. Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaWi, P. 4 45; Koul Anand, op. cit., p. 70; CRev, by Bamzai, P« N. K.), Techno— Economic Sutrvey of Jgnmu and Kashmir by National Council of Applied Economic Research, p. 1., Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. XV, p. 74. Tradition states that the Kashmir Valley was a vast mountain lake called Satisar in time immemorial. The geologists confirmed this view. The volcanic action had some share either in the formation of the original lake or its subsequent desiccation. The soxil contains remains of fresh water, fishes and fossil oysters.
In Sanskrit the name of Kashmir irnplies '*Land desiccated from water? According to another tradition Kashmir was a lake drained by the ascetic Kashyapa. However, whatever the origin of its name, there is no doubt about the fact that it contains geological evidence of the r emains of a mountain lake in remote past. Koul, Anand, op, cit., pp. 97—98, (Rev. by Bamzai, P» N. K*). Bernier, Dr. Francois, Travels in the Mughal Qnpjre, pp. 367—68,
12. Imperial Gazetteer of India. Vol, XV, p. 75., Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh. pp. 446—447. f^^^.^ A I'rao^'n^^ ^
-pp. 5-^ 15
The mountain ranges guard the Valley from external intrusions and isolate it from the outer world~thus enabling its people to form an individual character of their own. Hoary- headed HaramuWi (16,903 feet) stands to the east and presents a grim front acting as a sentinel guarding the Valley of the Sindh, Mahadev and the lofty ranges of Gwaahe Brari(17,800 feet)« perennially snow-clad lie, to the south of the Valley. The peak of Amernath (17,321 feet)» also lies in this area, Cn the south west is the Pir Panjal range of (15,000 feet) and to the north 13 are ranges of the Korakarams and the Himalayas •
The whole Valley is covered with a net-work of rivers and streams. These rivers were often used for navigation due to the paucity of wide traffic roads, Itiese rivers provided the net-work of communication during the period under review. There are a niaihber of rivers in the Valley*
13, Ibid., Koul Anand, op. clt., p. 98, (Rev, by Bamzai, P. N. K,), Lawrence, Provincial Gaaetteer of Kashmir^ pp, 4—5; Lawrence, Valley^ pp, 14—15j Bemier, Dr, Francois, op, clt,, pp, 368—69.l>ft,a^t^aiJo,^Ha>ic^K.i^, 16
Jheliim Rlvert
The river Jhelum forms main water-source of the Valley, It meanders through the Valley in a serpentive manner. It is called as Vitaste in Sanskrit, Hydaspes in Greek, Veth in Kashmiri and JheJum in the modem times. It is navigable from Khanabal to Baramulla. The course of the river is very irregular. Owing to the immense ctirves of the Valley through which it flows* The direct Cart Road, Anantnag (Khanabal) to Baramulla is 68 measured miles whereas the water-way as given by Lawrence and 14 others is larger than this length •
The Jhelum has its source in the beautiful spring of deep blue water issuing from the bottom of E mountain spur in the Pir Panjal range. This is the famous Octagonal spring of Verinag where from flows the Jhelum to Khanabal—the starting point of its navigation. From Verinag to Baramulla the river is 132 miles long while by road the distance is only 85 miles. It is one of the principal ingredients of the Valley and contributes largely to the prosperity of the country of which it has formed an integral part.1 5 It is dhiefly composed of loam and clay.
14» Lawrence, Vallev^ PP. 17»-18; Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaWi p. 449; Cunningham, A,, Led^, pp, 111—117; Sharma D.c., Kashmir Iftidey the Sikhs> p. 13.^ Thomson Thomas, We a tern Himalayas and Tibet, p. 277; A Hand Book of Janmu and Kashmir 1944, p. 4., Prinsep V.C. Imperial India, p. 212, Koul Anand op. cit,, pp. 99—100 (Rev, by Banaai, P.N.K.), Moorcraft, op, cit.. Vol, II, p, 110, 15, Ibid,, Anand Koul Bamzai has very well remarked about this river. "It is one of the principal beauties of the Valley, and no less important a factor in the prosperity of the country which it so materially adorns. This sluggish river, on whose breast is borne the traffic of the land, gives Valley the piquant beauty of a variant landscape? 17
This river proved of great commercial Importance to the people iif the Valley.
Dtidh GaiMa River*
This river rises on the eastern slopes of the Punjab range, near the Chotigall. At the commencement of its course it was known as the Seaia-i»3«fid stream and flowed down in a noVth-easterly direction debouching on to the plain e few miles north of O.rar, then it turned due north pesslng through the suburbs of Batamaloo and Chattabal • It Joined the Jhelum on the left bank in the city of Srinagar, just, below the Safakedal* Dr, Elraslie calls this river the Ghatsakol. or "the %rfiite stream*, and states that it got its name from the circumstances in which it took its rise near a white stone called Chats Kangi* In its course it was fed by the w aters of several smeller streams that 17 drained the south-western mountains •
Arapatt
This river is one of the head waters of the Jhelum and it rises in the Hairibal-i-gali# It flows between the latitwie 33 -50 and longitx*de 75° -28, This river is also fed by a considerable stream near the village of Rishpura. It flows in a
16, Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladaldi. p. 308; See also Drew, Jammu and Kashmir TerritorieSi."p. 165,
17, Ibid,, 18 south—westerly direction through the Kxithar parganaf— and joins the Jhelum near Islamabad, Throughout the greater or major part of its course the Arpat is £ordable# and is also spanned or crossed by numerous bridges •
Arrah Riven
A river which takes Its rise in the Marsar« a turn situated among the mountains forming the soxithern boundary of the Sindh Valley. After a course of about 20 miles from east 19 to west it merges into the Dal lake • Brano Rlver»
This river* is one of headwaters of the Jhelum; It takes its rise at the foot of Brari Bal. It is fordable upto the village of iiii, where it Is Joined by a considerable stream which drains the Nowbug Valley, further ahead it receives the waters from Kukarneg springs, near the village of Hillar, Then it merges into the Arpat river just to the west of Islamabad 20• In addition to some of the principal rivers mentioned above there is also a wide spread net-work of different types of streams that feed the numerous rivers of the Valley, These are a great source of water for irrigation.
18, Gazetteer of Keohmlr and Ledaldi^ p. 173, 19, Ibid,, p, 174, 20, Ibid,, pp, 236— 237, 632, If)
Karewaa or Plateaus!
The karewas cover more than half of the Kashmir Valley, Numerous plateaus, locally known as karewas or wudar stand up in the middle of the Valley, In these places the moxintains cease to be steep, and instead appear fan-like projections -with flat arid tops and these are known as karewas,
Karewas and their ravines occupy a width varying from eight to sixteen miles along the south-western side of the Valley, for a length of about 50 miles from near Shopyan to the river 22 flat between Sopur and Baramulla • Their soil is for the most part of loamy clay. They are divided from each other by ravines ranging from 100 to 300 feet in depth. Beyond Sopur again the north-western end of the Valley consists mostly of karewas. The karewas adjoining the mountains have their surfaces inclined from the latter with decreasing slopes. On the south—eastern
21, Gazetteer of Kashmir and^ Ladakh^ pp, 447—449; Lawrence, Valley^ p, 17, Koul Anand, op. cit,, p. 107 (Rev, by Bamzai P, N. K.), Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir^ p. 6. Newall, D, J, F., op. cit,. Vol, II, p. 14,, Raina, A, N,, Geography of Jainnu and Kashmir, p, 6, Karewas are of two kinds, viz., those which, on their summits, make a flat table-land, or nearly so, and those which slope up continuously, but with an increasing slope, to the mountains. The flat-tooped karewas consist of horizontal beds. The view accepted about the origin of the karewas is that these are the surviving reimants of a lake or a series of lakes t^ilcAi filled the Valley basin once, 22. Ibid,, 20
side of the Valley the karewas reach i;qpwards to an elevation of about 6,500 feet; or 1,300 feet above the lowest plain of 23 the river alltxvienn. Occasionally they are surrounded altogether by lower level ground. However, as a rule they get linked to some of the mountains that bound the Valley, Over the surface of the karewas, water has sometimes been brought for irrigation, 24 But more commonly the cultivation depaids on rains alone ,
Lakest
The Valley is a land of numerous lakes, springs and rivers. There are a large number of beautiful lakes in the Valley, These are of various dimensions. Besides enhancing the natural beauty of the landscape, these lakes provide a great material benefit to the people of the Valley, Some of these are particularly useful for growing vegetables on floating gardens. These also yield plenty of fish, lotus-roots (nadur) and water- nuts. The floating gardens produce water melons, musk, melons, pxirapkins, cucumbers and various kinds of vegetables. Thus a sizeable section of Kashmiris was engaged in extracting a number 25 of products from these lakes in the Valley , The most beautiful lakes that deserve to be mentioned ares*
23, Ibid., See also Temple Richard, Journals Keot in ^derabad. Kashmir, Sikkim and Nepal. Vol. II, p. 50. 24, Ibid,, 25, Kotil Anand, op. cit., p. 103 (Rev, by Bamzai, P.N.K,), Newall, D.J.F, op. cit.. Vol, II, p. 16, 21
Dal Lake*
It is one the most beautiful lakes in the world. There are very few water spots in the whole world so pleasant as the Dal Lake, It is situated to the north-east of Srinagar and is connected with the Jhelura by a canal called the Tsont-i-Kul or 26 •^ple Tree Can air It was also known as the city lake • It is spread over 5 to six miles north to south and 2 to 3 miles east to west at its broadest point. The average depth of the lake varied fr<»n 7 to 10 feet and sometimes went even V5>to 26 feet. The background is provided by mountain ranges which rise from 3,000 feet to 4,000 feet above the lake. The Mughal gardens are situated on the banks of the Dal Lake. It w as fed by many springs and streams. Its water was clear and soft. Its water was famous for being utilized to wash the shawls.
It was divided by cause-ways into two distinct portions, each minor-off-shoots, and a large portion of its surface was covered with floating gardens and beds of rushes-- (Sona and 27 R\Q:)a lank) .
26. Raina, A.N,, op. cit., pp. 17--18; Kashmir Todav^ May#1980# Vol. IV, NOj XI, p. 49, Sharma, D.C., op, cit,, p, 15, Lawrence* Valley, p. 20; Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladaldi. p. 787; Norris Dermot, Kashmiri The Switzerland of India. pp. 51«—52| The crystalline transparent sheets of the lake form one of the most beautiful .neighbourhoods to the city of Srinagar. 27. Ibid., Sinha, SadichidanoJn The economic significance of this lake was very great 28 and it was famous for fish and various other products • Wular LaKet It is the largest freshwater leXe in India« and is situated to the north end of the Valley of Kashmir. It was about 1^ or 13 miles long and about 5 to 7 miles wide with a circum ference of nearly 30 miles and a depth of about 12 to 16 feet 29 with ill-defined shores • It was the delta of the Jhelum river vdiich entered it from the south-east and left it at the west end near Sopore. It is surrounded by the lofty mountains which tower the north and north-east flank of the Valley, Wiese were spurs* of heights varying £rom a few hundred feet to 5,000 feet above the lake level. Aicmg the northern shore of the lake, infront of the mountains, is an edging of a sloping ground covered with villages • Its water was clear and at the centre the lake, from 28. Lawrence, Valley^ p. 236.» Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladalch, p. 787; A large variety of vegetables were cultivated on the floating gardens which were mostly situated on the wentern side of the lake. These were in full bloom in early ^ring when the level of the water was at its lowest* 29. Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh, p. 855? Lawrence, Valley, pp. 20—211 Drew, Jaiwmu and Kashmir Territories^ pp. 166-67, K3ul, Anand, op. clt,, p. 103; (Rev. by Bamzai, P.N.K.), The Civil and Military Gazettee. 8th October, 1886,, Kashmir Today. May, 1980. Vol. IV, N0» XI. pp. 5—6; Raina, A, N,, op. clt., p. 17; Temple Richard, op. clt.. Vol, II, pp. 63—64, Moorcraft, op. clt.. Vol. II, pp. 111—112, Sinha Sadhidananda, op. clt., p, 252. 30. Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh. p. 885; See also Drew, Jammu and Kashmir Territories, p. 166. 23 some distance, appeared of a deep colour. The Bohnar, the Madumatl and the «rln streams flowed or passed through It • The Wular was the richest lake as it abounded in fish. Fishing was carried on to a greet extent by the inhabitants of the sxirroxinding villages. They preserved a great deal of their produce for sale, by simply cutting the fish open and drying it in the sun. The Sinohara or water-nut was produced in such abundance on the lake as to contribiite very considerably to the revenue of the state. The lotus and other water plants, water fowl, swans 32 and geese, were fovuid on the lake • Manasbal Lakea It is situated twelve miles to the north west of 3rinagar which is linked with the Jheiura by means of a caatal. Its length was 2.40 miles and breadth 0.47, with a circumference of about 33 5 miles. It is oblong in shape and its direction is almost from east to west. It is the deepest of all the lakes in Kashmir, 31, Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladaldi« p. 855, Lawrence, Vailev, p. 21. 32. Raine, A.N,, op. cit., p. 17; Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaWi, pp. 855—856; Ward A.E,, the Tourists and Sports* roan's Gttlde^ p. 5, 33* Koul Anand, op. cit.« p. 103/ (Rev. by Bamzai, P.N.K.}, Sharraa, D. C, op, cit,, p, 15; Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakhj p, 583. Lawrence, Valley, p, 20 Cf.n,)« Raina, A. N. op, cit., p. 18; The Aftab. 21st June, 1959, Srinagar pp. 2-4; Tenqple Richard, op, cit.. Vol, II, p. 62,, Sinha Sachidananda, op. cit., pp. 250—251, 24 being, in some parts, vqpwards of 40 feet. On the north there is an elevated table-land and on the south, there is a low range of hills extending from the lofty mountains on the north-east. The Conical Peak in the renge is called the Aha-Tung, which is 6,290 feet high and is visible from many distant parts of the ValleyJ* The charm of this lake chiefly consists in its deep clear water and its pink lilies, but it has behind it a grand mountain which forms an effective contrast to the gentle of the lake. However, it did not possess the same importance as the Dal and vrular lakes, these being rich in natural products. It has some hot-springs, the water of which does not freeze even in cold winter. The d^th of this lake was more than 50 feet and had always a considerable esqpanae of clear water* Its water 35 is blue and clear • Anchar Lake< It is situated to the north of Srinagar, and is ccainected with the Dal by means of the Nala Mar and it folows into the Sind river near Shadipur. It was 3*51 miles in length and 2«15 34, Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaMi* pp. 583—584; See also The Civil and Military Gazettee. 8th October, 1886. 35, Lawrence, Valley, p. 21., Sharma, D. c. op. cit., p. 15, 25 miles in breadth'^f It covered an area of about 7,5465 square miles 88 recorded by Lawrence* It was tringular in shape with an apex pointing towards the city. It stretched as far south as the Idgah, where it was called the Khshal Sar, The portion midway near the village of Atsen was known as the Atsan Narrbal, the 37 Mar Canal passed through it. Besides lakes there also existed numerous springs of clear transparent water which were found round the Kashmir Valley, These springs were useful auxiliaries to the mountain-streams in irregation* and were sometimes the sole source of water supply. Prominent among these are Adiibal, Verinag, Anantnag end Chasmashi, Achibal« The largest and most famous spring in Kashmir rises at the foot of the rocky spur of the Achibal thang mountains, about four miles to the South-west of P^ashodhan Spring, Achibal or Akshavale a large town in the ancient times was founded by King 38 Aksha (486 to 426 B.C.) . It is the finest in Kashmir and was 36, Gazetteer of Kashmir and Lylakh, p. 11; Sharma# D. C.^ op, cit,, p. 16| Raina A, N,, op, cit,, p, 18f Kashmir Today, May 1980, Vol, IV, NOi XI, pp. 4—6, 37, Lawrence, Valley, pp, 20—21; Sharma, D. C, op. cit., p. 16, Gazetteer of Kasnmir and LadaJdt. pp. 11,170, 38, Koul i^and, op, clt,, p, 167; (Rev, by Bamzal, P,N,K,), Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh^* pp, 161-«>162, Lawrence, Valley, p, 22, Temple Richard, op. clt.. Vol. II, p. 38, Bernier Dr, Francois, op, cit., p. 335, 26 supposed to be the re-appearance of a portion of the river Brang* %rfiose wataer had suddenly disappeared through a large fissure underneath a hill at the village Dlvalgam In Brang, 39 Infact, It Is the most beautiful of all springs • Verinaat It Is another spring of great Importance and beauty* with deep blue water whldi also Issues from the bottom of a high scarp of a moutain ^ur. It Is about 9J5 miles from Larilq?ura# to the south-west of Avantlpura, at the foot of the Plr Panjal Pass» The water Issued from north-eastern side of a high and well-wooded hill from where It flowed Into an Octagonal stone basin* which was about 50 feet deep In the centre and 10 feet 40 at the sides • The Verlnag probably derives Its name from the fountain of the pargana of Shahebad— the latter being a name 41 given to this place after it was bxiilt by Nur-Jahan • 39, Ibid,, 40• Gazetteer pf Kashmir and Ladakh^. pp» 844—845# Lawrence* Valley* p. 23. 4l» Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladaldi* p. 845* Vigne states that over the entrance is written "This fountain has come from the i^rings of paradise". Ibid,* p. 844. 27 Anantnaqt Islamabad or ^nantnag "the place of coiantless springs*, sends out numerous streams in different directions. Its waters were received into tanks, the sides of which were built 195 with stone, erabellished with a wooden pavilion and over«»hadowed with 42 large chinar trees. It is regarded sacred by the Hindus • About a hundred yards to the east of Anantnag was another spring called Sonur Poolair, the water of which was used for drinking purposes* Two other springs also stood nereby, the Sulik-nag and Mulik-nag, both il'owed into the same tank. The former is sulphurous and was highly praised for garden cultiv*. tion, vdiereas the latter bubbled up in the form of the fountain and was pure and fresh, Another spring is called Kokarnag %^ose water satisfied both hunger and thirst and it is also a remedy for indigestion* Chashma Shahi» This spring is about 2 1/3 miles from Nishat Bagh towards the south. This garden was laid out by Ali Mardan Khan by order of Shah Jahan in 1632 A.D, It consisted of three terraces and a central canal, tanks, water-falls and fountains fed by the 42. Lawrence, Valley^ p. 23j Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaWi^ p. 170, 43. Ibid,, 28 spring situated at the south end of the garden. It was full of pure, transparent cold water whidi is still a source of great 44 attraction to visitors from far and wide. Marqst Between the flat land and mountains are the sloping hills« 45 in which are situated delightful roeadows called Margs • These margs or mountain-downs or slopes were numerous on the tops of the ranges of hills inmediately below the Pir Penjal and also above the northern slopes of the mountains enclosing the north-eastern side of the Valley, These formed a peculiar feature of the country, covered with rich pesturege. They afforded, end to some extent, still afford sustenance during the summer months to large herds of ponies, cattle, sheep and goats. These margs abound in flowers and 47 herbs of varieties galore. They were also rich in insect life , more particularly in butterflies. The most important end well- renowed margs are Gulaarg, Khellenmarg and Sonamarg, The first two are situated to the north of Srinagar while the last one is in the Sindh Valley, 44, Koul Anand, op, cit,, pp. 162—163; (Rev. by Bsmzai, F.N.K.); Lawrenca, Valley, p. 23, 45, Gazetteer of Kashmir and LedaMi. p. 10; Koul Anand, op, cit,, p, 105; (Rev, by Bamzai, P.N.K*). 46, Ibid,, 47, Koul Anand, op, cit, p, 105 (Rev, by Bamzai, P.N.K.), 23 Gulmarat A nnountain upland, situated on the slopes of the Pir Panjal range« on the south-west side of the Valley of Kashmir, Its elevation is about 3,000 feet above the level of the Valley of Kashmir; the climate is cool, bracing and salubrious, but 48 the rainfall is very considerable • Gxilraarg was and still continues to be most popular sumner resort and an ideal golf course for the 49 lovers of this game • At present it kas additional value for lovers of winter-sports who visit this place for its wsrld-renowed ski- slopes. Khelanmaroi A small meadow nearly 1,000 feet above Gulmarg is at a distance of about ^ miles from it. It was bounded by dense forests on its south-western aide and wes the retreat of the galawans or horse keepers, who tended their herds of cattle upon 50 these mountain-downs • Sonaroarqt It is a beautiful grassy plain stretching for about 3 miles along the left bank of river Sind, The marg of traingular shape, with apex towards the east is carpeted with a great variety 48. Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh. p, 341, 49. Ibid., 50. Ibid,, p. 497. 30 of wild flowers and enconpessed by lofty mountains, robed in snow. There is a magnificent grey peak of lime-stone at the north-east end rising far above the other mountains in its . . .^ 51 Vicinity • Climatei The Valley of Kashmir has its own distinctive climatic variations in temperature, precipitation and humidity in many respects. These distinguish it from other climatic regions. In this way it is a separate climatic region. It has an enchanting climate for the major part of the year. It possesses cold climate 52 due to its high altitude • Many writers use the analogy of Switzerland with reference to its cliwate during the spring season, Like Switzerland it also finds the blessings of snow in certain months. The seasons are divided into six parts, though there are geographical expects who mention only four— viz. Spring, Summer Autunn, and ItLnter* However, according to the common belief of the inhabitants of the Valley, the year is divided into six 53 seasons • 51, Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaMi, p, 767, Sonamarg stands for "the meadow of gold*. It was at a hei^t of 1000 feet and was surrounded by peaks of 18000 feet and three glaciers at the head of the respective Valley, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p. 198« 52, Raina, A.N. op.cit,, pp, 23—25; Lawrence, Valley, pp,24—26, Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh, pp, 457-459, The Khidmat, Aug., 29, 1946, Vol, 7, NO: 91, (Urdu), Sgr, p. 6., Anslely Murray, Mrs, J.C, Our Visit to Hindostan and Kashmir and Ladekh, pp, 71-72, Thomson Thomas, op, cit,, p, 282; Neve, Arthur, The Tourist's Guide in Kashmir^ Ladaldi, Skardo etc,^ pp, 2—3. 53, Ibid,, Sufi, G,M,D, Kashlr, Vol, I, p. 6, The Kashmiris divide the year into six seasons, viz., Sont (Spring), Retakol or GrishimCSummer), Wahrat (Rainy season), Harud (Autumn), Wandeh (Winter) and Sheshur (ice cold or forsty season), Raina, A, N,, op, cit., p. 24* 31 On the whole, the Valley possesses salabrious and invogaratlng climate, TSie most interesting feature of the climate of this regicm is the large amount of sun-shine existing side by 54 side with low temperature. Spring seascMi starts with the melting of the snow. Though wet, the spring season has its own pleasures. It is the rainy season and gives us frequent showers. In this season the Valley is decked with flowers of various hues and green leaves. Blossom of fruits, shoot forth on all sides amidst fxill greenery. Spring is followed by summer which has hot days and cool nights. The heat starts increasing in course of time, so that July and August are warmest months in the Valley, The days are hot but tolerable here as compared to those in other regions of the plains, Huraidity added to high tenderature is found to be 55 very high during these months , The auturm is dry and healthiest. This is the pleasantest season. During this season the days are cool, bright and clear. The trees and forests turn into golden yellow colour. This season is followed by winter whidi continues from December to March, The winter months find the Valley and the 54, The Spring season is the rainiest • The rains also melt snow in higher elevations. Infact March—^ril and July- August ars full of rains which are useful for agriculture, 55. Lawrence, Valley, pp. 24—26; Raina, A, N., op. cit,, pp, 23—25; Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ledakh. pp, 457—459, Thunder—storms are found frequently occurring during the summer season. However, they" are not very severe, Raina A, N,, op. cit,, pp. 23—25, 0(^ surrounding hills clad with snow. The nights are frosty. Sometimes the season is so severe that the lakes and rivers 56 are frozen and appear like solid surface for so many days • By the end of Noverriber the trees are stripped of their leaves and all animal vegetation is cut off, a thick haze envelops the whole Valley, Snowfall on the mountains usually occurs about the beginning of November, But it is yet slight and melts with some sun-light. The heavy snowfall starts about the middle of December, The average depth of the snow is about two feet and lasts till the middle of April, The coldest months are December and January when we find the temperature going down a little below the freezing point on the average especially in the mornings and evenings. Ice covers the surface of the lances to a considerable distance from 57 the banks , It is difficult to forget the matchlassness of the climate of the Kashmir v*iich has been given her by the mountains, the pace of winds, the bend of sunrnys and thick forests. All these form the wealth of the Valley making its climate the most precious asset for Kashmir, 56, Ibid.^ Census Report.. 1911, Part I, p. 11,, Vigne, G, r,, op, cit,, Vcl, II, p, 289, 57. Ibid,, 33 Populatlont The population of Kashmir Valley could be broaolly divided Into two conmunltles on the basis of religion— the Pandits (Hindus) and the Muslims. During our period of study the Hindus of the Valley (mostly Brahmins, popularly known as the Kashmiri Pandits) formed a distinct class. However, an overwhelming majority of the people in the Valley professed the Muslirw religion. The Muslim community of the Valley was divided CQ into two sects— the Sunnis and the Shlas • The Sxmnis forme* a preponderating majority. In addition to these two major religious communities there also dwelt other religious groups who, due to their microscopic numbers, did not have any perceptible impact on the trends determining the social life of people of the Valley, As Such we have confined our research project to the two major comnunities of the Valley, An idea of the distribution of popula tion on the bases of community and sex in 1941 A«D. may be had from the following tables- 58, Mir Shams-ud-Dln Iraqi who came to Kashmir during the reign of Hasan Shah ChaX played a very important role in spreading Shlalsm in the Valley, Sharma D, G,, op, cit,, p. 87. i v^ 1 IV> •k b -^ HS(C O 1 • • i o • B • 1 > 1 • M M • 1 1 S ^ w » 1 H 34 1 t g 1 ? : ii? 1 i 1 8, 5. 1 : 1 H P 1 m rvj I (D fH. >; H 1 § w 1 1 C D » 1 B 1 ID H- D • i| 1 P- n H- ' ( n > n<, 1 D <+ ft ' ^ 1 H- •« + ft • S*-" 1 CO • N » ft » ! ct ! !2 a • 1 _ u rv) -«3 ro u D 1i N) 00 ^ v>i iKo 1 ro Ui mX 4> 1 C 1 1•- * 1 -» -^^ -A -^ CD o 'fi 4> Ko ->3 h &5 VJ» l\) N) O^ M -* 1^ a> VO -* 1. 1 1 ^ 1*^ 1 -* 1 > 1 1 > 1 1 1 1 > i 1 1 1 » 1 1 1 1 1 > 1 1 VO VO VO 1 1 -» B fV) .A o> > 00 ivo 1 VD 1^ 1 O (§r ^ » 1 -» 1 » t ( VD VO VO » It -=> 1 n vo l«» «-t c* VO f» r» 00 r-t « 1 ON o § •H CM fO •* 00 4J in ON ^ ON S O OS fO (D m ou o T-l t^ in m in •H 'J' <* VO ON p» o 00 «H r* VO 00 00 tn »H $ i;} 1 TH 1 1 1 CM fO f^ > <^ 1 • + + • •f 1 1 1 4" 4- 1 H O tn r« o ^ c» 00 00 00 r^ o z « ^ 00 00 M C4 fO 00 ro (^ in 0) fO 00 r- 00 o r» ^ in CO o l-l c* so «-i r> r« ^ "* o^ rH o r4 OS tn * ro 1 1 •• VO to e 00 o VO VO 00 OS CM <>i o P4 S m r- 1 1 ro ro 0«' H S OS n U) •H «-• "«<• (^ VO S « 1 VO ON 1 ^ M OS 1** 1 1 1 1 1 ^ 1 1 1 k zV >mo «-o• f^ 1 1 1 1 1 •f CO \ 1 1 1 1 1 n 1-t ^ «-i VO 00 in c * o» O 00 «-t o in o 00 00 0 o ro M O CM r- •H tH CM CM m OS r- in r- OS 00 in CM 00 ^ u ^ tn OS o VO CM o CN OS CM 0 OS t-i );{ ON o T-t CM CO rf OS o «-« CM ro * « CO 0 • • • w z r4 N *< so VO VO 00 3G to o VO 1 to 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 U) 1 1 1 •f-- 1 1 1 1 00 1 en 00 1 " *-• 00 VO a\ 1 o 03 S u 4 4 1 1 1 OV 1 < -J 00 1 1 1 1 OJ vO 1 ^ M to 00 11^ to o h n r w 1 1 1 1 1 -J M < Z 1 1 1 1 1 1 00 a> (D VOH 1+ Ml* 1 01 frt VOH- •-a o 1^ 1 1 00 sr 3 1 01 vO to lO 1 M en »-» VO A VO o 00 M c 0> 4 4 1 1 1 VO < N) 1 \ 1 o\ VO Ul o^ 00 00 to 00 H 4k to H- 0 0 CO 1 1 00 Ul VO 1 1 o 00 to i o Ul Ul VO en Ul 1 4 4 1 1 < u> •-» 1 1 1 0) in o\ V£> M Ul o\ 00 VO Ul ro 00 00 s • § Ti CM CM t^ 4J CM ^ ^ 0 «n in « «H 'J' in -* m 00 •H t^ ^ VO ^ *-l tH CM ^ «-l 1 1 1 1 t 1 > i-« 1 1 1 • 1 1 1 4- • ••• + + 8 la V •H n ^ CM ro 0 9 0 in 0 VO VO «H 0 ro t-» 0 H r* ^ 00 <^ 00 ro ID 1 1 VO in •^i" CM in VO t-' tH 1 1 VO 0 tH 1 \ CO m c« £ a> r« tH r> g5 •HO r* CO ii'-« 1' CM VO •rti-« CO 0 4> Mo 1 00 r~ V «00 1 1 1 1 i 1 1 1 i 1 Z >r^ r^ » 1 1 1 1 •f 1 1 1 1 1 + c 0 •H V 00 cs 0 ^ 1 1 (^ m 1 1 1 t 1 1 « 1 ! 1 1 1 1 > . M H«« M 0 H •J S 20 10 •-I «H f-l tH r-l tH nm 0 0 1• 56 2no° 5ti 0 0 rA CM r» •t * 0 0 n 0 0 tH CM ro * 0 •-•0 M • CO 0 o\ c^ c^ (J\ •H 0 0 w 00 <^ <^ 0 • • tn z *H «H « a> 13 M r-t fO w ON * VO ro 00 *o n VO ^ f-l M O § oli 1 1 o «H \o cs 1 1 o ON O fS i«i 1 ^ ^ ^ in 1 1 <* ro in in • CM a 1 ON o H • \o o 1 in VO r-l 0« ^ VO o o •^ * «H •H CO CO M «-» en VO M VO fH 1 1 1 > Ov 1 1 \ • • + 1 1 1 4- 4- •f Ov ti id « t- »-4 o OON :?t CO o a 1 in VO •rtt-« r- n r-i n u « toco 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 a •r^ r* 1 1 1 1 1 • 1 1 1 1 1 •<- U ^ 'ri o •p in N ON « ^ r^ •^ o 00 •H ^ r^ W IH m s f-t 1-4 'C r> id 1 1 1 1 1 (M > VO 1 1 1 4- • + 1 1 1 * "f • n 8 t^ ON n CS ft ^ VO m o ^ ^ cs o u C4 o VO m 00 r-« u « •H « 1? V4J 5 1 liH s +».rt 1 1 1 1 1 » 1 1 1 1 1 1 M Q £ 1 ^ \ 1 1 1 1 1 n 1 1 1 1 1 1 O O O o 1 1 1 1 I i 1 1 I ! I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 o 1 *** 4J 9 « «o 'u *^ Jj a so «H «H «H «H *-i r-t o *H f-t «-i •-• r-i iH 0 S o\ O «-l CS m «* ON o r* C4 tn ^ 0»-Is «Oo CO ON ON ON ON g- CO ON ON (T> ON OV 8C o\ o (02 ' r^ f* w m ^ tn VO »-t N m * in VO 33 Kashmiri Pandits (Hindus)» Historical evidence confirms the fact that the population of the Valley vj^Jto about the beginning of the four teenth caitury comprised only the Hindu, Subsequently mass of the people were converted to Islam, through the efforts of aiah-1- 59 Hamad an and his followers • Castesi The Brahmans (Kashmiri Hindus) of the Valley were commonly known as Kashmiri Pandits. They were divided Into 133 gotras named after the great Sages from whom their families traced their descent. Originally there were only six gotras. Later on these gotras got multiplied through intermarriages with. Tradition affirms that the persecution of the Hindus was terrible so that only eleven of their families remained as the remnants of the last 59. Lawrence* Valley, p. 302, 60, Census of India. 1891, Part I, p. 135; • Lawrence, Valley, p. 3021 Keys to Kashmir, p. 28; Koul Anand, The Kashmiri Pandit, pp. 18—23, Marriage within the gotra was forbidden, there were eighteen )cnown gotras among the Levite Brahmans and 103 among the other Brahmans in Kashmir, Among the Malmas gotras was one known as Paldeo wasgarge and this gotra embraces families belonging to the following Krams or trlbet sub-divisions-- Sopurl, Pandit, Mala, Poot, Mirakhur, Kadalbaju, Kokru, Bangru, Bakaya, Khashu, Kichlij, Mlari, Khar, Among the Banamas Pandits there was gotra known as the Dattatrya and from this gotra have sprung the great families of Kol and others, less known such as the Negari, Jinsi, Jalall, Watal, Neka, Sultan, Ogra, Amin, Moja, Bamzai, Dont, Tot a, Sabin, Kissxi, Manslal, Balu and Drabu. Ibid., 40 brigade in Valley, Their descendants were knovm as Malmasis* Those Brahmans \iho came from the Deccan in later times were known as BanamasisI They studied the Persian language and continued in their traditional occupation nanriely government service. In Lawrence's times there were about 60,316 in number of these 28,695 lived in Srinager and other towns. The rest were scattered over 62 in the villages and were for the most part engaged in agriculture « The Pandits got divided into three classes in the Valleys the astrologer class (Jotish), the priest (Guru or Bachabate) , and writers end clerks (karHuns). The priest class do not inter-marry with the others. But the jotish and karkon classes inter-marry between them. The astrologers (jotish pandits) were learned in the Shastras and expounded them, and they drew vqp the calendars in which prophecies were made regarding the future events . The priests performed the rites and ceremonies of the Hindu religion. The vest majority of the Pandits belonged to the Karkun class. 61, Ibid,, Historians state that the new comers assumed the appelation of Banaraaai in contradictioTL to Malmasi v^ich the indigenous inhabitants had assumed. The Malmasi observe the "lunar* and Banamasi the "Soler" form of astronomical calendar. Lawrence, Valley^ p. 302, 62, Lawrence, Valley, p. 302; 63, Census of India, 1891, p. 136; Encyclopaedia Asiatica^ Vol, V, p. 514; Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer o^ Kasnmir, pp. 39-40; Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaW\. p, 468, 64, Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer'of Kashmir^ pp. 39—40; Keys to Kashmir^ p. 28; Census of India. 1891, Part I, pp. 136—139, 41 Earlier they had clung mainly to the state service. However, after some time they took to business, and such work as cooking, bakery, confectionery, and tailor's professions too. The only occupations forbidden to a Pandit were those of the cobbler, potter, corn-frier, boatmen, carpenter, mason and fruit*seller, 65 Many Pandits had taken to agriculture as their profession . Bohras; The Bohra3 were a caste of the Kashmiri Hindus of the Valley, These were said to have descended from tne Khattri stock and had come to the Valley before the advent of Islam. Their principal profession was crade and shop-keeping. Cheir women wore nose-rings and discarded girdles round their weist and they married among themselves . Another section t-urabies whose tradi tional vocation was personal service were said to be the off shoots of the Bohres, They were usually petty shop-keepers dealing 67 in the sale and purchase of petty articles , 65, Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, pp. 39~40; Koul Anand, The Kashmiri Pandit, pp. 22—23, Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh, p. 468; Lawrence, Valley, p. 303, 66, Census of India. 1891, Vol, XXVIII, p. 139> Lawrence, Valley, p, 305; Lavarance, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, p, 40, 67, Sharma D. G, op, cit,, p. 105;'Lawrence, Valley, p. 305, Census of India, 1891, Vol. XXVIII, p. 139. 68 The Pandits were on the whole l«nown by their kram , or family appellation rather then gotra. Mualirost An overwhelnning majority of the people in the Valley professed Muslim religion during the period under review, l^to 1340 A.D,(13th and the 14th century) there might have been scarcely a Muslim in Kashmir. In 1341 Sayyid Sharf-ud-Din, (Bubbul Shah), a Muslim Sufi saint from Turkistan who visited Keshmir during the reign of Sahedeva (A.D, 1301—1310), was one 69 of the first to propagate Islam in the Valley • The pec^le, who had been groaning under the oppressive misrule and political instability of the later Hindu rulers, abetted by corrvqst Brahmins, were attracted towards the simplicity and humane piety of the Muslim divines. The new cree4 found a fertile soil to grow. Its spread was facilitated by the continuing interecine strife among 68, "The Kram is often the relic of a nickname applied to the ancestor of the subdivision? Thus the ^pelation "Sopurl" Pandit points to the fact that his ancestors came from "Sopur"; "Kokru" means fowl; "Bakaya" signifies that that ancestor formed one of a very numerous class in Kashmir, the revenue defaulter "Khar" suggests that their ancestor were connected with the iron trade; "Sultan", that the family had close relations with one of the first Musalman Kings, and so on, Among the leading Krams mention may be made of the following* Tikku, Razdan, Kak, Munshi, Mathu, Kgchru, Pandit, Sipru, Bhan, Zutshu, Rain a, Dar, Fotadar, Maden, Thusu, Wangnu, Muju, Hoku and Dulo, Lawrence, Valley, p. 304, 69, Census of India, 1891, Vol. XXVIII, p. 140; Census of India, 1901, Vol. XXIII, Part I, p. 83, 43 70 the feudal lords, and It took a firm root in the Valley , Thus several people of Kashmir, who were entirely Hindus, were converted to Islam. As a result, all the race and caste distinc- 71 tions of the past were obliterated , The sub-divisions under the Muslims were numerous. But most of these divisions were nothing more than family titles or lacking in the essential characteristics of a caste. The Kashmiris, were infact fond of nick-names which were frequently cJianged on slight excuses. Among the Muslims, Saraf, Kukru, Handu, Paizar, Daster, Choar and Dend were the instances of the family titles or caste-names which had been drawn from the personal qualities, 72 appearances disposition or certein acts of their progenitors , Another form of caste was derived from the places of residence to which a particular persfxi or family belonged i.e. Sopori, Mazari, Trisal and Kausa, While Harkara (rxinner) Jotshi (astrologer) Kandru (baker) and Paradoz (patcher) were those who were connected with soT,e profession or occupation. Seme of the Muslims of the 70. Dhar Somnath, op. cit., p, 48, Numerous Muslim saints propagated their religion through the preachings of the purest and truest doctrines of Islam, 71. Census of India. 1911, Part I, p, 204. 7 2, Ibid,, pp. 204—205^lAAoun^ tJ'.rfl vL^L rt.dking. cf >kfl.^LiV GdJ 4 4 Valley still retained their Hindu caste names e.g., Tantre, Nayak# Magre, Kathre, Lone, Bat, Dar, Parry, Manto, Yatoo, Raina, 73 Kunbi, Pandit and Dom • Besides these indigenous castes, there were some castes of outsiders. Viewed in this context the Muslims of the Valley could be divided into four sections naTiely SheiWis, Sayyids 74 Mughals and Pathans • Among the respectable castes the SheiWis formed a very important class. They were descendants of the Hindus who had been recently converted to Islam, They also comprised Pirzadas. Babzadas or descendants of the Khalifas of MaWidum Sahib. This class included also the fakirs (holy mendicants), who were 75 alleged to possess religious sanctity . Sawidst Sayyids were the most respected as they claimed their descent from the holy Prophet (peace be upon him) .They came from outside with Shah Hamadan and his son Mir Mohammad Hamadani. They were divided into two segments Pirs and Mirs~First those who as Pirs guided the religions cerem<»iies (Pir Muridi) and those who 73. Lawrence, Va^^ley. p. 306; Imperial Gazetteer of Indie. 1909, (Provincial Series, J&K), p. 36. 74. Ibid., 75. Census of Indie. 1901, Fart I, pp. 83-84; Lawrence, Valley, pp. 306-307. Lawrence,.Provincial Gazetteer of Kaghmir, p. 36. 45 had taken to agriculture and other pursuit and were known as Mirs* Mughal 3» The Mughals were not numerous. They came to Kashmir in the days of the early Musalman kings, and during the ?4ughal times. Their krams were Mir (a corruption of Mirza), Beg, Banday, 77 Bach and Ash aye • Pathans8 The Pathans were more numerous than the Mughals, and were foxmd chiefly in the south-west of the Valley, v^ere Fethan colonies were founded from time to time. The most interesting of these colonies was that of the Kuki-khel Afridis at Dranghaihama, They retained all the old customs and spoke Pashtu. They wore a picturesque dress, and carried swords and sheilds. Ihe Pathans chiefly came during the Durrani period, but most of them were brought by Maharaja Gulab Singh for service on the frontier, Maharaja Gulab Singh granted them Jagirs for service on the 78 frontier. 76, Lawrence, Valley, p. 308; Census of India. 1891, Vol. XXVIII, p. 127; Khan, G.H, The Kashmiri Musalman, pp. 44—45, Census of India. 1901, Vol, XXIII, Part I, p. 84. 77, Census o^ India. 1911, Part I, p. 205; Lawrence, Valley, p. 309; Keys to Kashmir, p. 31., Lawrence, Provincial Gaze1;teer of Kashmir, p. 36,, Census of India. 1901. Vol. XXIII, Part I, p, 84, 78, Lawrence, Vallev, p, 309; Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh, p. 469; Keys to Kashmir, p. 31., Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, pp. 36—37; Census of Indji^ 1901, Vol, XXIII, Part I, p. 84. 4G Low Castes* The dividing line in society was between the Zamindars or agrlcultiiral families and the talfders* Among the latter were included the market gardeners, herdsmen, shepherds, boatmen, minstrels, leather workers and the menial servants of the villagers. 79 No Zaralndar would Intermarry with a talfadar« The zamlnders regarded themselves superior to the taifedars* They refused to intermarry with these inferior castes. It was difficult to trace any difference in physiognomy of the two classes, though there 80 was often a difference in dress • Dumsi The Dums of Kashmir were an important tribe and they had formerly wielded greet power in the villages. They acted as village watchmen and looked after the crops, As a class the IXxms had the predatory instinct and were not to be trusted es private citizens. They had endless opportunities of annoying and injuring as village watchmen, Cf icte even P-andits had turned their attention to the 81 work of village watchntten* 79. Intperial Gazetteer of India^ 1908, Vol, XV, pp. 103—104, Lavncence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, p, 37., Lawrence Valley, p. 310. 80. Ibid., 81. Lawrence, Valley, p. 311; Neve, Ernest, XTiinas Seeq in Kashmir^ pp, 151—152; Census of India, 1901, Part I, p. 85, 47 Gulawanst (Horse-keepers) Some writers state that the qalawans were descendants of the Dxims, while others say the oulawans were the decendants of the Tsak Tribe, They earned their livelihood of grazing ponies. They moved about in large parties, all mounted and armed with long, heavy clubs. They raided threshing-floors and frequently attacked a wedding party and carried off the bride. With the passage of time they became an established criminal tribe, and during Sikh rule were a terror to the country. The first Dogra ruler, Gulab Singh hunted down the tribe end transported them to 82 Bxanji. Oiaupansi The shepherds of Kashmir were known as Chaupans or pohl and formed a separate class. Their profession was to graze the cattle and they sometimes collected medicinal herbs and sold these to native physicians. The entire mountain-grazing-lands were partitioned am<»ig the various families of Chaupens, In the winter and early spring the Chaupan lived in the villages, where 83 he sometimes possessed a little of the arable land , 82, Lawrence, Valley, pp, 311—312j Keys to Kashmir, p, 31, Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, pp. 37—38, 83, Keys to Kashmir, p. 31; Lawrence, Valley, p, 312, Gazetteer of Kashnrdr and Ladal Bhandst The Bhanda (minstrels) formed a peculiar gto\sp. They combined the profession of singing and acting with that of begging. They could be r ecognized by their long black hair and stroller mein and they were practically a peculiar grov^ so far as marriage was concerned, they sometimes recruited their companies by enlisting a villager among themselves. They were great wanderers, travelling down to the Punjab, where they offered musical entertainment to 84 Kashmiri audiences. Faoirs (Beggars^* There were Flairs (professional beggars) in sev<3ral villages. They worked as agricultiorists during the svianer and begged in the winter. They were proud of their profession and 85 regarded it as honourable. They married in other beggar families . Bombas» The members of this tribe were not nunierous. They were chiefly found in the Machipura Tehsil where they held land free of revenue. They were originally a war-like tribe. They also 66 married among themselves. 84. Lawrence, Valley. PP, 312-313; Kgys to Kashmir, p, 32,, See also, Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, p.38, These brands were qptu in great demand at marriage feasts, and at harvest time, \rfien they moved about the country and in a year of good harvest would make a fair living on the presents of the villagers. Their acting was excellent and their songs were often very pretty, with the exception of the Akingam Coinpany, which was formed of Pandits, the Bhands (Bhisggats) were all Musalmans, Ibid,, 85. Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, p.37; Lawrence, Valley, pp. 309—310, 86. Keys to Kashmir, p.31; Lawrence, ¥allev, p, 309; Lawrence, wrote that these bombas gave their daughters in marriage to Sayyids, Batkot VBS the old name of the Borribas territory in Kashmir, and when they died they were brought back to the • , / • , 40 Hanz (Boatmen) t Th« boatmen (Hanz or Hanji) of Kashmir formed an important and prominent tribe. Census of 1891 shows them as 33,870 in nxiniber, 87 The HanJi tribe was divided into many sections • They were hardly, muscular, and active but were quarrelsOTne and mendacious. They 88 were clever people. Their chief Xrems were Danger, Dar and Mai • Watalst The watals wandered from piece to place very often. They settled down in wattled huts on the outskirts of a village. Their chief occupation was the manufacture of leather goods. They were divided into two classes* ::ontd» beautiful burying-ground, still, kept in Batkot, ISie heads of this tribe were addressed as Rajas and the tract in which they lived was known as Rajwara, La%/rence, Valley, p. 309, 87. Neve, ExhcJiL » Things seen in Kashmir, pp. 156—157., Younghusband, Francis. Kashmir, p. 132. Lawrence, Valley, p. 3 14. Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, pp. 96-99, Lawrence, Provincial Gcgetteer of Kashmir, pp, 38-39; See also Where Three Empires Meet, pp, 22,34. There were the half amphibious paddlers of the Dal lake (Demb Hanz) who were really vegetable gardeners, and the boatmen of the wular lake, who gathered the singhara nuts (Gari Hanz). Nest in respecti- bility came the boatmen, who lived in the large barges known as bahats and wy in which cargoes upto 800 maunds of grain and wood were carried. The Dunga Hang formed the next section in this rank. Then there were the Gad Hanz (fishermen). These surpassed even the Dunga-Hanz in their power of invective. Another small section of the tribe was known as Hak^Hana* They made a livelihood by dredging for drift-wood in the rivers. Ibid., 88. Ibid., 89. Lawrence, Valley, p.315; Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh, p. 469; Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, p. 38."^e Watals of the first class made shoes and sandals, while the watals of the second class manufactured winnowing trays of leather and straw. They also performed the duties of scavengers, Lawrence, Valley, p. 315, 50 Menial3» In addition to these non-agrlculturlst tribes in the villages. There were also the menials. These menials were known 90 as nanqars • 90, Lawrence, Valley, p, 315; See also Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir^ p. 39; These Nanqers (menials) of the villages were carpenters, blacksmiths, potters, weavers, butchers, washermen, barbers, tailors^ bakers, goldsmiths, carriers, oll-pressers, dyers, milk-men, cotton-cleaners and snuff- makers. Many of them had taken to agriculture end mo (Customs and Habits-*- A General Survey) '2 CUSTOMS AND HABITS— A GENERAL SURVEy» An Individual's life In the svb-contlnent Is mainly hitched to the band wagon of customs. These customs have been handed down to us through traditions and rituals, The customs ere barometers of culture and continue to be a dynamic force in life even though they may not be recorded In black end white In codified form. They also play an important role In determining the procedure regarding rites and ceremonies, Throughottt the whole life cycle, the lives of the Pandits and the Muslims from birth to death revolved round customs, ceremonies and rituals. Some of these had the sanction of religion while others were 2 semi-religious in their origin. Customs may be defined as a tradition coming down to us from generation to generation. The conduct of people in a particular locality or community assumes the force or law in their respective sphere of life. The holy Quran also defends customs by stating that "Whatever the people generally consider 3 to be good for themselves in good in the eyes of God*. The !• Kashmir Todav^ May, 1980, Vol. V, NOst 5—6, pp. 36—38, 2. Ibid., See also Salni, B. 3,, Social and Economic History of the Punjab, p. 61, 3. Encyclopaedia of Relicion and Ethics, Vol. I\', pp. 375—77, Over view of Muslim Law, p. 10. 53 peculiarities mentioned in the life of an average Kashmiri or Indian may be equally applicable to thos« of people every where else. In every region there are peculiar customs. The same holds true about the habits of every individual. The habits of an individual are peculiar to the age# station and circumstances in whidi he finds himself. There are only few differences here and there in the observance of these customs and ceremonies between the two conmimities, the Pandits and Muslims of Kashmir. To a large extent these customs are siJiiilar* if not identical^ and are mainly determined by the distinctive 4 regional practices \^ich lend them new life. The customary laws of the Vall^ have their own distinctive features which differentiate them from those obtaining in other parts of the coxintry. Due to the inadequate means of transport in the past, the Valley remained isolated from the rest of the country. As such it developed a life of its own as distinct from that led elsewhere in the sub->continent. 4. Kablr Huraayan, Thfe Gazetteer of India. Vol, I, pp. 586—.88> Kashmir. (Journal). 1958. Vol. VIII. N0« 5, pp. 147—148; Ganjoo, N. K., A Digest of Customary Law of Kashmir^ p. 2, 5. Ganjoo, N. K., op. clt., pp. 1—3. 5 4 As elsev^ere^ln Kashmir too customs seems to have gained the force of law in a particular locality although it could be inconsistent with the general law of the realm. In such a locality it was authoritative and stood for law. It had very dominating influence in a sinple soceity, and was unchangable in its nature. It represented frequent repetition of the sarne act and habit. The latter was the direct consequence of such a repetition. It was by and large true of the Vall«y, Customs supposes an act of the will# while habit implies an involuntary movement, A custom is followed while a habit is formed. Custom is applicable to bodies of men, habit is confined to an individual. Custom is generally followed either by imitation or prescription, whereas habit may be adopted by a number of persons on their own. Habits stand for ability and are formed through experience. But an ability is limited to repetition of a past act adopted to past conditions. It becoaes available for new emergencies depending upon the type of habits. At the same time, habit inplles nnechani- zation* Formation of hebits is infpossible without setting up e mechanism of action, physiologically ingrained and operating automatically whenever the cue is given? 6, Ibid,, 7, Dewey Jdhn, Human Natur^ and conduct^ p, 164, 5 r Habits are conditions of intellectual perception and appreciation. They operate in two ways upon intellect. First they restrict its scope of acticm and also define its boundaries. In this way habits form negative limits for the initial positive agencies. Habits incorporate, enact or over-ride objects, but do not know them... All virtues and vices are habits which incorporate objective forces. They are interactions of elenients contributed to by the make-vqp of an individual. We cannot change habits directly, though these can be changed through modification g of conditions and similar other processes. Habits in psy^ology mean customary or autc»aatic ways of acting, always as a result of frequent usages. These can also be used to with reference to plants and animals and are connected with their appearance, place and manner of growth. Thus conditional responses are habits, acquired and modifiable based on variations 9 in strength among individuals. Those who recognize the value of customs in small social circles usually regard their presence in civilized society as a mere remnant of the past usages. Even savage customs may be reasonable if adopted to social needs and uses • 8. Ibid,, pp. 177,16,20. 9. Encyclopaedia Britannica^ Vol. -X, p. 1092. 10. Dewey, John* pp. cit., p. 77. 5G Custom is intimately connected with habit and with usage. But in some cases custom and habit may stand in sharp contradistinction to each other. When all is said and done, habits should be formed with foresight; intelligent awareness and be such as are flexibly responsive and based upon sincerity and straight-forwardness. In this way they will be self-satisfying and self-improving* Customs and habits are mutually interactive. In primitive societies customs mostly form a potant factor in daily business of life , In the domain of religion it is customs v*iich have largely influenced rituals and myths. The customs also influence the evolution of law and legal institutions. The mutual interaction of thought, habit and custom is obviously apparent enough to confirm our point 12• A study of the previous customs and traditions reveals how they still continue to be followed by people in large numbers. These rituals and ceremonies do not seem to have undergone much change through the inpact of western ideas of modernism. Except for a few higlkly modernized and westernized sections of population. 11. Qicvclopaedla. of Religion and Ethics. Vol, IV,, pp. 375—77. 12, Dewey, John, op, clt,, pp, 316--17, the people of the Valley, by and large, continue to follow the age-long customs and traditions come down to them from preceding ages • The Inhabitants of the Valley have developed certain peculiarities in their religious beliefs and superstitions which differentiate them from men living in other parts of the sub continent. This type of distinctive traits have been referred to in historical sources— both Persian and Ehgli^. The Muslims of the Valley have been observing the custom of Naxafal (ceremony) dioring times of natural calamities, as confirmed by Lawrence who states that during periods of drought, earthquake or cholera the pec^le would flock to Tsarar-i-Sharif or Chrar-Sharif in thousands, confess their sins and ask for pardcMi and protection from the irapending misfortunes 1•4 The Idgah has continued to be an important place of congregation for the Muslims on the Bid (two Bids)days. It is a level grass plain lying between the city and the Anchar lake 15, It was also a resort of the Muslims during the times of disaster 13, Khan Ishaq, History of Srinaoar. p. 105. "Sacrifices and offerings have customs of their own. Whenever rains fail or rivers burst their banks, Muslims offer Nivaz> A kitchen goes up in a street comer and offerings pour in. Whenever a wish is fulfilled, yellow rice cooked in txirmeric is distributed among the passers by. Hindus offer fish and delicacies made of rice and mutton to keep off evil forces? Kashmir Today* November, 1956, pp. 17—19. 14, Lawrence, Valley, p. 288. 15, Ibid., 58 or natural calamity. On such occasions the Muslims would carry holy relics and an emblem while coming in a procession to this place. They would confess their sins and pray to God for 16 expiation for their sins of omission and commission • In this connection it will not be out of place to mention here that the Nauf a^ processions in the city were often conducted by the Mullahs 17 (priests) at the direction of the rulers • Maharajas Gulab Singh and Ranbir Singh had faith in the efficacy of Naufal prayers. They also believed in the invocation of God*s help and especially a resort to Sharka Devi (goddess) during times of distress. They entreated and invoked goddess Sharika for protection and help. Thus the rulers too showed faith in the religious practices of both the Pandits and the Muslims to ward off calamities1 •8 16, Mirza Saif-ud-Din, Aldibarat. Vol. v, ff. 37ab, 63ab,, Vol. VIII 1855, ff. 129ab.4^U,ya}n*,UTuiaiv,Mai^-skJi' 17, Mirza Saif-ud-Din, op. cit.. Vol, Vlll, 1855, ff. 129 abj Waleez-ub-Tawarikh^ (MS), f. 69b, 18, Ibid., "Evidence officially recorded mentions that His Highness sanctioned the proposal of performing the Shanti Puia in order to pacify the evil effects of the fall of snakes with snow in Kulgam Tehsil, The Dharrnarth Department was directed to take necessary action in this matter. His Highness the Maharaja Sahib Bahadur ordered that an inquiry should be made if it was not a bad omen. Pt, Jagdish Ji was asked to prepare a report. According to Hindu Shastras it was an indication that war was likely to take place in immediate future. Ultimately His Highness.was pleased to direct this office to arrange for necessary funds for the purpose, J&K, File N0> 80/M-33 (General Records)^ year 1941,, 50 In 1912 the falling of stones created super-natural ripples In the streams of Kashmiri life. His Highness the Maharaja Sahib Bahadur consulted Pt, Jogdish Ji in connection with this occurrence whicJi was believed to have come from heaven. The Pandit predicted draught and trotible for the country or the sovereign due to this si;?)ematural falling of stones from heaven. He suggested a havan and the following counter-steps to ward off evil. A sum of rupees five hundred was estimated to be needed for the performance of following cerernoniest (a) Yaqya (sacrifice) to appease the moon# sun# wind and Indra; (b) gold« rice and a white horse should be offered as aankalp (alms) 18. a Like the Muslims Pandits also entertained several si^ersti- tions and beliefs in connection with various diseases which formed a regular feature of life in those days. Thus the occurrence of smallpox had been invested with so many practices among the Pandits. A child suffering from smallpox would be placed in a separate room surrounded by clay toys of several types and sugar- calces^ water chestnuts and shells. Her or his head-dress would be stitched with small patches of cloth containing some coins during the days of illness, meat would be prohibited from being I8a. J & K, File NOt 229/p,21, year, 1912., (General Record), Political Department, p. 13; J & K, File NQ» 92/M-227. Year 1912, (General Records), p. 1. 60 used In the household. Afterwards the coins placed in the head-dress would be takoi out and spent on making rice boiled in milk and sugar. This rlce-pOrridge would be distributed among the relations and friends. Some part of this rice and toys, would be thrown into the river to appease the Sit la Mat a. the small pox deity. Also on many occasions sheep, goats, horses or donkeys and eyes of gold or silver would be offered to priests on Hari-- Parbat, Forty days later, rice boiled in milk and sugar would 19 be distributed a second time among the relations and neighbours. When the Maharaja or his relative expired, the taking of meat and fish was forbidden for three m(»iths, Kripa Ram was working as the Wazir (Prime Minister) on the eve of Maharaja Gulab Singh's death. He managed the affairs in sudi a way that he got rupees placed on the corpse of Gulab Singh, so that people got absorbed in collecting this money instead of raising a hue and cry and including in wailing and mourning, After the cremation of his body, the Dogra folk of Kashmir and close relatives of the Maharaja were to have their heads and beards shaved, TS^ey 19, Lawrence, Valley, pp. 263—264, 6i had to have it shaved under the directives of the government. Taking of meat and fish was being pr<*ibited for & tfpan of three months • Lawrence has described certain observances whic^ he states, reserriDle the English customs on so many points. The first festival celebrated by the Dogras was the harvest-home festival called M^At *^icb took place on the second day of the Dlwsli* The people of the city would be fed at the eaqjense of the state on the first fruits of the autumn harvest. This custom was intro duced by Maharaja Gulab Singh, and continued to be in vogue during the reigns of his successors. On such occasions feasts of rice aid other autumn cereals were prepared at six different places, The better section of Pandits, the common Pandits, the better circle of the Muslims, the Common Muslims, the Shias and the Dogras would 20 be recipients of these feaftts at different places. 19 a. Khalil, Mirjanpuri, M.M., TariXh-i-Kashmir. ACC NOj 3107, f. 147b. Hartal was also observed the moment Maharaja Ranbir Singh passed away. Shops were closed on all sides. Moxurning was observed throughout the city. Only the sale of Sag(vegetables) and milk was permitted. Taking of fish, meat as also transac tion of business was prohibited or restricted during this period. Slaughtering of sheep, and sale of lambs and goats were forbidden for a fortnight. In this way, mourning was carried on in the whole Valley. This practice of mourning had started during the Dogra regime and continued during their rule. Mi skin, Mohi-ud-Din, T arikh-i-Kabir-i-Kashmir, ACC. NOi 2044, f.l34b,. See also Waleea-ut-Tawarikh, p, 70a. 20. Ibid., pp. 271~272. The Dogra feast would be given at Basant Bagh, The idol of the royal terrple would be carried there in the morning and only vegetarian diet would be given on this occasion. The feaftts for the upper class Pandits and Muslims were very prettily arranged so that the quests would sit down to their white rice and other dainties— salbish and sweet in a formal manner. The comiion sections were offered platters of red rice with a portion of vegetables. However, in their case there was a scramble at the feast as was natural due to the over-crowding. Ibid., 6 "Some of the customs of the coxintry are of obscure origin and meaning, but Vlgne remarks that they have one which closely 21 resembles what we call making an April fool* • In a similar manner the April fool celebration has certain traits which remind us of the gala spirit of care-free revelry and irresponsible foolery prevailing on the occasion of the new and first snow fall* Just as the April fool day was accon^anied with happy-go-lucky fun and amusement in a spirit of irresponsible merriment, similarly the first snow-fall would be accompanied with letters demanding a feast and other forms of amusement. It would very often be accon^anied with sending pieces of snow or other things primerly to the relatives of newly married brides and other friends and intimate acquaintances* These sports of fun and amusement which were ea^jected to be carried on in a manner so as to deceive the other p rty, who would be shown the cleverness of the person making this type of amusing offer* If these sports of fun were successful, people making the fun ej^ected to be rewarded by a 22 feast by the party that was tricked into being deceived • The Kashmiri Moulvis or Mullah* (priests) and Muftis would be given royal robes of honour,- from early times and this practice continued during the Dogra period, when on the occasion of two Elds the Moulvis received royal robes. However, during 21, Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadeMi, *p, 477, 22* Ibid., Lawrence, Vallgy, p. 272, 63 the reign of Maheraje Pratap Singh the conferring of the royal robes was curtailed on the eve of Idul-Diiha. Instead of the robe each recipient was paid an amount of rupees three on this occasion. A list of the Kashmiri Moulvis and Muftis was 23 drawn vp through Sardar Mohd Hayat Khan • Among the rural population, there existed the conrnon custom of sprinkling nneat water on the soil during the sowing and harvesting seasons to propitiate the supernatural powers to bless them with profuse production of crops. This custom was Tcnovn as Bal and both the Pandits and the Muslims followed it. The Pandits and the Muslims would also distribute walnuts and rice among the people when they would start ploughing their fields^? In the Villages the habits of the people were the seme as those of the people in towns and the city. The only difference was that due to the availability of fresh air in the nral areas. 23, Tari)di-i-Keshmir. C Diarv of Late Jenab 3c dad Moulvi Mohammad Shah) during Maharaja Pratap Singh's time (Urdu), from 1885— 1947, p. 618, 24, Based on personal talk with Shri Moti Lai Saqi, (j&K Acaderny of Art, Culture and Languages). Diiring the author's conversa tion with Shri Moti Lai Saqi the author came to know about these customs in rural areas. "Distribution of walnuts, providing rice to anyone passing by the field, and being present, at the tinrie of first ploughing were regarded auspicious - ad necessary for the safety and bun?)er production of crop ? Sharma, D, C, op. cit., p. 87. 6'1 the health and physique of the rural people was nnach better 25 than those of the urban population • Lawrence observes that the Kashndris were extremely dirty in their habits, rhey would wash themselves once in ten days# and this coupled with the fact that their clothes were equally dirty would make them unpleasant companions in warm weather. Sogp was made in the Valley, bxit was never used for personal ablutions. On the whole in his opinion, the Kashnniris 26 were dirty people* G, M, D. Sufi presents the opposite point of view and states certain extenuating points in defence of the Kashmiris. In his opinion, Kashmiri's dirtiness is the case of his degradation in the eyes of an outsider. According to him it is circumstances that are responsible for the development of filthy habits on the part of the Kashmiri. Infact a European brought x^ in an environment of cotwpulsory filthiness calling a Kashmiri bearded and dirty without realizing his envircximental 27 difficulties must be brazen-faced and shameless in his remarks • The Kashmiris possess the same culture irrespective of caste, class or creed. Their customs and traditions, habits, rational traits and way of life are similer, if not identical 25. Biscoe, Tyndale C. E, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade.* p. 64. 26. Lawrence, Valley^ pp. 280--281. 27. Sufi, G.M.D. Kashir. Vol, I, pp. 27~28. Sufi observes, "Pessimism, want of education and poverty have made the Kashmiri dirty". Ibid., 65 In the case of both the cotnmunltlea. They are all legaties of an ancient culture and have •sslmllated external elements in their fold. They observe ancient customs and traditions and follow their principles and ways of life with strictness. It Is a child's play for them to spend money levlshly on marriages and 28 similar other festivals • The Kashmiri Pandits were simple aid frugal In their way of life. They were Individualistic, men of egoistic aelf-rsspect and some%«hat Intellectuals In their cast of mind. They shirked manual labour and desired to pursue the white collar jobs. However, the changing conditions of the modem age have started eroding their outlook so that there seems a tendency towards change among 29 the Kashmiri Pandits of this age • On the other hand, the Kashmiri Muslims were great carafts- men excellent cultivators, self-sufficing producers working In their cottage. They were as a rule more energetic active and dynamic than their Pandit counterparts. The modern Influences have had their Inpact on both, the Pandits and the Muslims and as a result they are being drawn towards modern ways of life in their 30 respective spheres. 28. Koul, P. N* Tasaveer-l-Kashmlr, (ifedu), pp. 42,58. 29. Dhar, Somnath, op. cit., p. 12, 30. Told., 6G Both the communities believed in taking Saaq-Bhatta (green leafy vegetable and boiled rice). They also wore similar dresses with slight difference, Infact« it w as this type of identity of external get up that made every one feel that there was no perceptible difference between the Pandits and the Muslims, The Pandits as well as the Muslims derived their use of language from the common stock of traditions and folklore. On the ^ole« the Kashmiri possessed certain peculiar liabits of their own, They did not know nnuch of fashionable life. They used Patan (a type of primitive tooth brushing device) cut out from the branch of a standing Aspen pr Willow, They were Bsed to taking large measures of tea and hubble-bubble. They would entertain their CJllCSiS^ In short the Kashmiris were cultured, hospitable, hard-working, incisive in their intellect and a peace-loving lot , They were real specimens of the men of a great nation. The Kashmiris as a rule are harmless and conservative; excessively poor and ignorant with a low standard of living. All these factors have contributed towards making them peace- loving. Consequently they have become backward and less advanced in their life. However, inapite of their backwardness they are extremely gentle, kind-hearted and sociable. They are free from 31, Koul P, N., op, cit„ p, 64, B7 hypocrisy, malice, jealouay and cheating or sxabterfuge. They look xjpon other's difficulties as their own and lend a helping hand to every one in times of hardship and necessity. A Kashmiri is a great lover of gossip and enjoys rumour mongering. He is never afraid of hard work and never shirks difficult tasK. As such he is a very good craftsman and artist. He is a man of cheerful 32 ternparament hospitable and an embodiment of sifrplicity • Inspite of poverty and abject conditions, the people of this Valley have adopted the irksome practices of following various customs and ceremonies. The people of this Valley spend lavishly on the occasions of Joy and sorrow. They spend thousands on feasts on very petty occasions. Due to the feeling of waste on these occasions, many leaders or reformers have tried to reform these customs. However, due to their Inaction they failed in removing 33 these social evils* 32. Ibid., p. 53. 33. The Khidmat, October 26th, 1948, (Ifcdu); p. 2. See also The Khidm"at7 June 15, 1947, p. 5. 6S (Customs of the Hindus (Pandits) pertaining to birth, roarriege and death) 63 CUSrOMS OF THE HINDUS (PANDITS) PERfAINING TO BIRTH, MARRIAGE AND DEJ^H? The Hindu Dheirme has given a prominent piece to customs from its very inception. The Gautama, the Budhayana, the Apastania end the Vesistha, Dharmasutras* Manu and Yejnavalkya—sTiirits-— ell oive a due place to the customs. However, Satnskarps h?ve been based more on customs then any other branch of the Hindu iJharma, These Sainskaras have originated from popular beliefs and useges. They have developed independently without any interference fron the state* In reality the customs may be looked upon as the only source of the Sa±nskaras before they were given a codified shape in the Grhya manuals. At the same time it must be conceded that a mass of floating custcwns were such as could not be codified - 2 though they were looked upon as authoritative on the Selnskaras* The customs are attractively woven round the indivlduel and the conmunity life. As such thsy assume greet significance. The Fendits and the Muslims of the Valley have their own customs. The customs and ceremonies associated with the birth, mcrriege and 1, Panday, R.B,, Hindu Satnskara^^ p. 11, "The actual origin of these sacraments are not historically known. They are, however, observed in all countries end by most of the civilized races? Acherye, Prasanna Kumar, Slements of Hindu Culture, and Sanskrit Civilization, p, 10, 2, Ibid., lidward Sachau, (Tr.) Alberuni's Indie, Vol, II, pp. 179—180, ' 3, Kashmir Todev (monthly Journal), 1980, Vol. V, i^iOsj 5—6, p. 36., Earl of Dunmore, Th^ Pamirs. Vol. II, p. 36, 0 death continued, during the period under study, to be very elaborate and interesting. These still continue to be such—»^ both 4 among the Pandits and the Muslims of the Valley. The iirpact of modern education and modern trends of thought has produced some minor changes in the observance of these ceremonies and rituals. Also socio-economic forces have been responsible for producing reforms in the performance of various customs and practices. However, these changes are minor like ripples in the vast ocean of 5 life* It would be of interest to describe some of the rituals Punctuating the life of an average Kashmiri Pandit and to mention the purposes which these rituals served. Pre—Birth Ceremoniess Certain rites were performed prior to the birth of the child certain others on the main occasion while still others were observed after the child was born. 4* Lawrence, Vallev# p« 257; Gervis Pearce, This is Kashmir pp. 263—75,^ Kashmir (JoumalK 1958, pp. 147—148.# See also Kevs to Kashmir, pp. 70—73.. The Pamirs. Vol, II, p. 36, 5. Bamzal, P. N. K,, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, (1846—1925), pp, 26—27., Keys to Kashmir, PP. 70. 79. 6, Lawrence, Valley, p. 258,, The Gazetteer of India, Vol. I, p, 587,, Kashmir Today (Monthly Journal).vear. 1956, November, pp, 17—19, 71 The Pre-'-Ngtel Samskaraai The Garbhadhana (eonception) of the twenty-four rites, ^ ^ 7 the first one was called the Garbhadhana. It was also known as the "Beel Vapan«n* rite as well. Garbhadhana meant Impregna tion rite— a ceremony performed before conception or af^er raenstratlon as mentioned In the Valnavalki Smiiti II, probably the rite was performed after a girl had abtelned the age of sixteen but the ceremony Is now hdld as the first rite at the time of Meld>ala where the mother of the boy (whose ceremony was to take place) w as Invited to the sacred Ya1na Man^apa and the priest purified her with the sacred water after observing rites Q before the holy fire. This Samskara presxj?)poses a well-established home, a regular marriage and a desire to get children. It came to be looked upon as a religious duty In which beneflclent gods help 9 men in the birth of children* 7, "The rite by the performance of which a woman receives semen scattered (by her husband) is called G arbh al anrtoh an am or Garbhadh an aT In the Vedlc period an idea regarding conception and the sacred duty of begetting children Incumbent on every individual was getting shaped out in the minds of the people. This Samskara indicated an advance on the primitive and pre- vedlc conception vrtien begetting of a child was singly looked xflpon as copulation undertaken in a fit of animalism. However, the evolution of the idea of this Sgnskara reveals a social set up in which perpetration of 'race and desire for progeny was no more looked upon as something haphazard but a scientific process and sacred duty binding on every individual who is physically fit for procreation. Panday R.B., op, clt., pp. 48—59. 8, Up an av an a Vldhl by Pandit Nath Ram Shastri, Sgr, year, 1993, (0ik), p, 4,, See also A Sanskrit*English Dlctlonarv. p,732, 9, Panday, R.B, op. cit,, p, 48; See also Acharaya Prasanna i^!!!^/^^'^"^" '^^ "^"'^" Culfcnrft & S«n«Vr The Putnaavana — (desire for a male child)t- Pu±nsavena]^^e rite connected with bringing forth a male diild. It ^^onsidered second of the twelve Sainskaraa performed in the third month of gestation and before the period of quickening for bringing forth male and only male child . Ttie root word is pvun which means male. It is also the masculine gender in Senskrit grenr\ar» g\yn also means connection or relation with a man, Pumswarupa means the form or shape of a man. All these indicate that the rite was end is still coinected with the birth of a male child . This rite was performed in continuation of the preceeding sacrament, specially meant to pray for the birth of a male ciiild. Thus the Satnskara of Puinsavana was celebrated as a sort of consecration after the conception was ascertained1. 2 10, This word means, "that rite through vftiich a male child was producedr Vedic hymns were recited on this occasion to favour the birth of a son or male child, (Psnday, R.B,, op. cit., p. 60). MtlitM. ll» A Sanskrit.-Enqlish Dictionary. Williams M., pp. 630—631, 11a, Ibid., 12. Acharya Prasanna K\»nar, op. cit., pp. 13.«14., Panday, R. B., op. cit., p. 60.- 73 The significance of this Satnskara consisted in a desire to have male progeny looked upon as the most potent agency for futxire advancement of the family In particular and race in 13 general • Originally the ceremony was performed In the fifth, 14 seventh* or eight month of pregnancy • The Simantonnavanff »- (Hair-partine) i The Sainakara of Simantonnavana was performed through the rite of parting the hair of a pregnant woman. It was believed that evil spirits try to harm a pregnant woman in the first pregnancy. This ceremony was meant to ward off Influence of the evil spirits and to bring about prosperity to the mother and l<»ig life to the unborn cdiild. These ceremonies were believed to result in saving the child to be born from mental or physical defeciency which might otherwise occur to him • 13. Panday R.B,, op, clt., pp. 60—63, Among the Kashmiri Pandits, the birth of a male child has always been hailed with Joy# while that of a girl has been accorded a cold reception or evoked little pleasure, 14. Pt, Nath Ram Shastrl, op. clt., pp. 5,42—43, 15, This sacrament was performed during the first pregnancy only, Fendsy writes the Grhyasutras describe the Salnskara of hair-parting in detail and develop all its features in full, Acharya Prasanna Kumar, op, cit,, pp, 14—15,, Panday, R, B., op, cit,, p, 65, 16, Panday, R, B., op, cit,, p, 64,, Archarya Prasanna Kumar, op, cit., pp, 14~15, 74 The literary meaning of the term Is "parting of the heir" and the term# as such, means dividing of the hair into two parts. It is also the name of one of the twelve 3a±hskaras observed by women in the fourth, sixth or eight rncmth of pregnancy. It is also loiown as a line of separation on the human body or a boundary or a limit separated or parted by a Straight line* Originally the ceremony was held in the third month of pregnancy but now the rite is performed on the occasion of the 18 Mekhala ceremony • Probably it appeared that maJcing of a single lock of hair had been In vogue for all ladies (married or unmarried) exc^t the pregnant ones who were allowed to make 19 two locks as a sign of pregnancy in the society • The rules of preservation of physical and mental health of the pregnant woman were very carefully followed in the light of the medical 20 knowledge of the Hindus • 17, A sanakrit»«Enali8h D4.cti 18, Pt. Nath Rem Shastri, op, cit., p. 39. 19, Personal view of Pt, Sormath, 20, Panday, R, B,, op, cit,, p, 69» 75 The desire for a male offspring vas a strong urge among both communities (the Pandits end the Muslims) all over the Valley, Nobody appeared to be content without leaving a male heir behind. We find referoices in a number of books regarding the custc«ms prevalent among both the communities, for for childless woman, tying knots, (dush) on a string and hanging them on the enclosure of the saint's tomb making a wish for a son. And when their wish was fulfilled, appropriate qifts were 21 ceremoniously offered tl&ere « In fact, "the birth of a male child brings un-mixed joy to a Kashmiri household, for it means not only the continuance of posterity but an addition to the family income too, A female child is often a liability for the dowry system is so deeply entren^ed, that you cannot get out 22 of its meshes* No doubt the birth of a male child was an occasion for great rejoining among the two communities. However, among the Pandits the birth of a son was looked \jp ^s a religious necessity, because son's presence was held necessary for the performance of certain ceremcaiies whereby his parent's salvation was to be secured according to religion. Thus it becomes clear from the above lines that religious obligaticMis made it necessary 23 to have a male child among the Pandits • 21, Lawrence, Valley, p. 270| Bamzai, P,N,K, Socj.o--Economic History of Kashmir, p. 29; Kashmir Today, year 1980. Vol, VI, NOs, 5»..6, p. 36., Keys to Kashmir, p, 75, 22, Kashmir Today. Nov,, 1956, pp. 17—19, 23, Ibid., Saini, Socio—Eccaiowic History of Punlab inclvidinq Himachal Pradesh, p, 61, 7G Several taboos were applied to an expectant mother. 3he waS forbidden to go to each and every place. She could not move about at particular hours of the night lest evil spirits, which were supposed to be always on the prowl, should do her any harm. At the same time her domestic chores were lightened. The mother of the baby had to take great care of herself during the period of her pregnancy—say on the occasions of solar/ 24 lunar eclipse^ at the time of thunder or roaring of clouds • There were certain superatitioiia connected with these occasions. The labour pain of the mother too was connected with certain superstitious acta likei burning of ingredients like Ti\ and Kanthaaar|. Drinking of the water with which the right thuiab of the foot of the husband had been washed would reduce the labour pain of a woman. *kl80 a pregnant woman would unlock all the locks whidi had been ebound by her previously. Salty tea and butter 25 would be served to the labouring mother. The Sat mas q« the rite in the seventh month was the most important among them. The ejq^ectant women was invited to her parent's house. She received clothes, some Jewellery and cash from them. But it is relevant to note here that now this rite is 26 almost conspicuous by its absence. 24,' The Gazetteer of India, Vol, I, p. 587; Blscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p. 160, . 25, Ft. Somnath^ } Birth CeremoniesI Among Kashmiri Pandits a few weeks before the delivery of the child the pregnant lady was sent to the hxxsband's house with a few pots full of bxird, yitiidh was distributed among the husband's relatives. The lady was given new clothes by her father 27 on this occasion* The mother was provided with a good amount of curd l^y her parents in the ninth-«month of her pregnancy and it was called tod Dyun (the giving of curds)* A feast was arranged at the 28 in-law*s house on this occasion • According to T. N. Madan^ there is a non-Sanskrit ceremoiy in the seventh month of the first pregnancy called the giving of c\irds* The pregnant woman returns to her in-law's from her parental home laden with gifts of orna ments and new garments for herself, as also gifts in cash and kind for in-law*s relatives* The most iuqportant of these gifts is Yoqhovyt^ which is preferred to milk because it is regarded as most auspicious. This is distributed am 27. Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade. pTfl^^ I^o > J 28. Pt. Somnath, oL-CLpb %J^^'^^^^_,^W pp. 10—23. T '^"-/ N^^>. .^^-^ -^^ 29. Madan, T, N. d^- Q^itZ/ .> PP» 79—80; See" Kashmir Today, Monthly Journal, year 1980, Vol. VI, Nos. 5—6, pp. 36—38* VAiile in another source we find that the Sat mas a rite in the seventh month was the most important among Kashmiri Pondits. The expectant woman was invited to her parents house* She received clothes, some jewellery and cash from them. But it is relevant to note here that now this rite is conspicuous by its absence. Kashmir Today< (Journal), Year 1980, Vol* VI, Nos* 5—6, pp* 3^—3^v 7G T. N, Madan fiirther writes that this ceremony serves a three-fold purpose»«)lt enables the young pregnant woman to spend sOTie time with her natal family. She receives physical rest* She feels less tense end nervous than she would otherwise^ b) Secondly, Infact, the olvlno of curds ceremony is the public disclosure and celebration of a woman's first conception which is to some extent the biggest event In her life. It is also intended to ensure the safe birth and sxorvival of the child* Among the Pandits ttie distribution of Yoohourt is believed to ensure the flow of mother's rnlllc ¥*ilch is a vital factor in the child's lif« . The rituals of a Pandit's birth were and still continue to be most elaborate, with mystic figures chalked on the floor, fire pots and pestle being worshipped by a girl, presents offered to the priest acconpanied with shouting and 31 rejoicing if a male child be bora At the time of the birth of a child in the case of a Fendit, exact time was noted to prepare his or her horoscope which tells the events of his or her future life. Always a most careful note of the exact time of the birth of a child was made 32 for the astrologer's benefit* 30* Madan, T, N,, op* cit*, pp* 79—GO* 31. Gervls Pearce, op« cit*, p. 263f Doughty Marlson, op. cit., p. 125. 32* Ibid*, Lawrence, Valley, p. 258, Kashmir Today. Yeax 1960, Vol* VIJc, N0» 7, pp* 2—3| Year 198a, Vol. V, Nos* 5—6, pp. 36—38. See also JWl^ioSJ^ A, Hindu Manners, Customs. and ceremonies, p. 155* Schonberg, 'TV^v'ei.s-,. Vol. II. pp* 151—52»'R.cxs^ A./ (^;^g,^OMACex It appears from the sources that the xaniversal practice 33 of delivery was to have it effected on the floor • But now-«- days the mother gives birth to a cWtld in a Hospital or in the home where she sleeps in a cosy bed. Hence nothing of the past practice is observed now-a-days. Child birth occurs either in the pregnant woman* s i^atal or conjugal home, though it la considered preferrable to send a 34 woman to her conjugal home for her confinement • Rejoicing was a conrnon feature on the auspicious occasion of the birth of a child* The celebrations lasted eleven days. These celebrations were more prominent in case the child was a male, /^ll friends end relatives 35 came to congretxilate the mother and blessed the ciiild • The following superstitions were also associated with the mother who had recently given birth to a child*- e) No pregaant lady could enter the room of a leboiiring lady; b) A barren lady would be es^ected to bear a child if she entered the straw bed arranged for the lady who had given 36 birth to a child just then* 33. Rose, A. op. cit., pp. 22—23> Lawrence, Valley, p. 258., Kashmir Todav. Year 1960, Vol. VI, NOj 1, pp. 2—3. "A Hindu child is ushered into the world on a bed of soft straw of the darb (or koin) grass, which has been rendered holy with perfumes accompar.ied by the utterance of Sanskrit mantras*, Lawrence, Va.M±ii.. , p, 258* 34. Madan, T. N., op. cit., p. 80* 35. Pt. Soranath, op. clt., pp. 221--226^ 36. Ibid., 80 The following things too demand noticet- e) Knife or « skull was kept under the pillow of a mother to save the child and the mother from bad and frightful dreamsj b) The lady was not allowed to touch or drink unboiled water. She was not allowed to walk on the ground or floor bare- footedy .37 c) The place around her was cleaned (burshed with clay-water). Trui'—Celebrationst For three days after the delivery the mother would eat but little, but on the fourth day in a Pandit family, a feest called Trui or Panliri was performed. A mixture of sesaraum, kernels of walnuts, almonds end sugar or sugar pieces or sweet meat fried 38 in oil, was prepared and distributed aw>ng relatives aid friends • On this day the mother would take some food in earthen vessel, and on the seme dey the mother's parents would send her presents of roasted meat and unleavened bread* A few packets of sweets were also sent by her parents to her in-laws whic*i the latter distri buted among the near and dear relatives, A little of ghee or oil 37. Ibid,, 33, Ibid., See also Kashmir Today. Year 1960, Vol. W, NOt 7, pp. 2—3, Lawrence, Valley, p. 259, Gervis Pearc a, op, cit., p. 263. "The third day of the birth called Trui is also regarded auspicious. On this occasion near reletives and neighbours are served with raealsH Census of India. 1961, A Village Survey Report, Vol. VI, Part VI, pp. 12--13, 81 was also applied on the head of the baby. The niotner who till date was sleeping on grass was allowed to use the usual bed. But now-a^days her bed-sheet or quilt is changed before she takes 39 to it . The .bed in v*iich the child was born was known as Huruy and near the bed was placed an earthen vessel Xnown as hurli1« Close to the vessel the floor was carefully swept, and a mystic figure was traced on it in lime chalk, and on this figure was placed a stone pestle which was worshipped by some girls of the house. Around the stone and on all the four sides of the bed boiled or xincooked rice was daily scattered (rit). The mother was known as Losq, and if this was her first child, she was celled 40 Sadh piai • The governing spirit of the birth was called Hur-ra»» 41 or Hur Yachini, Child birth produces ritual pollution as everything that comes out of the body causes pollution not only to the woman who gives birth to a child but also to her husband's kin who are su^sposed to pa«s through the period of Honcch(impurity) for eleven days* 39, Pt,Somnath# op,cit,,pp»lO—23; See also Gervis Pearce, op, cit,/ p« 263« 40, Lawrence, JtaHay, p,258; Kashmir Todav^ Year 1960, Vol^ pp, 2—3, 41, Madan, T.N, observes that the ritual pollution is a ritually initiated person's fall from a state of ritual purity and prohibits him from the performance of normal religious chores during this period. Ritual polluticm actually starts at the very moment or a child's birth, op, cit.pp, 80—81, 42, Madan r.N, op, cit,, pp, 80—81; Pt, Soranath, op. cit,^fp4o*^^', Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight & Shade, p, 153,, Bamzai, ^P,N,K. Soci»~Sconoraic History or KashmiyC 1846-1925). p, 27,, Lawrenc«| Valley, p. 259. Kashmir Today, year 1980. Fart V, Nos, 5-6, p, 36; Kashmir Today, year 1960. NOt 7, Vol, V, pp, 2—3, Rose A, op« cit,, p« 22,' 82 This state of Inpurity Is applicable only to a woman's parental home and her-in-law's nearest of kin. In case a woman delivered the child in her natal home, only those ladies were affected who helped at that time. So that they took a bath afterwards and then were restored to their normal state of purity. However, it is no longer possible to observe^ this rule strictly 43 «s the patrilineal kinsmen may not be concentrated at one place • The Pandits believe that pollution begins "when you hear of itr The day's of pollution to be observed are in fact, counted right 44 from the day of birth or death , 45 The accounts of Shran-Sundar ceremony or rite on sixth or ninth or eleventh day arew:? very diverse. Some say that it was performed on the sixth day while others state that it was held on the ninth or eleventh day. The first Senskriti£ rite called Kehanethar whidi Is purificatory in character is also performed 46 on this day or soon after • 43, Madan, T, N, op, cit,, pp. 80—81, 44, Ibid,, p. 81, During the first eleven days in a Pandit family after birth or death outsiders would not eat anything in the house, with the exception of the near relatives, the house being considered Infectious and unclean, its duration was in theory, ten days, but in practice it is eleven days among Kashmiri Pandits, 45, The Shren-Sund^ ceremony w^s common between the Pandits tad the Muslims alike, Infact, *the function on this day was and is still known as Sunder, Biscoe Tyndale, Anand Koul Bemzai end other historians write about the sixth day while Lawrence, Gervis Pearce and others mention that Shran-Stmdar was celebrated on the ninth day after the birth, 46, Madan T.N, op,cit, p,82. Census of India. 1961(A village survey Report), Vol, VI, Part VI, pp, \3—14,'pt SKcjonoraMtLVL 83 On the sixth day after the child's birth, both the mother and child were bathed at an auspicious hour suggested by the purohit (priest), and the ceremony was called Shran-3undar« It was on this occasion that the baby would get Its first bath and was given a name. Oi that day, too, the child was given clothes Zafiru* the mid-wife would throw away the old strew bted and make a fresh one in its place. The child and the mother were bathed in a decoction of herbs and leaves. On this day the mother 47 would also put on new clothes made for her by her husband • Immediately after the bath, a special ritual was celebreted known as ShQk-ta~puna8un (happiness and more children), A piece of burning birch bark was waved over or passed round the heed of the mother and the infant and all persons present and then dropped into a water pot. This was done linder the supervision of the eldest married sister. This ceremony was suppo< ed to ensure the 48 child's safety and the mother's future fertility. 47. Lawrence, Valley, p. 259; Bamzai, Anand Koul, fhe Kashmiri Pandit, p. 77 (App, II), Kashmir Today, yeer M^-.June, 1960, NO* 7, Vol.i^, pp. 2—3,, Kashmir lodav. Vol. V, NOs; 5-7, year 1980, p. 36., Kashmir Todav^ year 1956. p. 18. Biscoe, Sunlight and Shed^ p. 153, Btmzai, F.N.K, Socio—£^conomic History of Kashmir (1846—1925). p. 27. Pt, Somnath, op.clt. p. 3., Madan, T, N,, op. cit., pp. 81—82; Gervis Pearce, op. clt., p. 263; See also Keys to Kashmir, p. 71., Census of India. 1961, (A Village Survey Report), Vol, VI, Part, VI, p, 13., Koshur Samachar. year April, 1980, Vol. XV, NOs 4, pp. 5—6. Census Report. 1911, Part I, (J6J<), p. 143, Alberuni's India, ttr.) Eaward'SachaU, Vol, II, p, 156, It was the ceremony of baptism when the child was named. Pandit names were and still continue to be in most casas the names of Hindu gods and goddesses or abstractions of virtues, 48. Ibid., S'\ After bathing seven vessels either of clay or of bronze* were filled with food. These vessels represent seven deities, and as some were flesh-eating deities and some vegeterian* the food chosen had to be selected with care, Fulses, rice, walnuts end meet were put In different vessels, and worshipped. Seven wonnen of the house-hold had to be present to symbolize the seven deities. After the food had been made holy through religious 49 Incantations it was distributed among relatives and neighbours , Infact, a feast was served to the ladies in the neichbourhood. The relatives were also invited to the feafct, on this day (either sixth or ninth) the mother was allowed for the first time to eat from bronze vessels, and her parents sent gifts of roasted meat, 50 bread, and cash to her In-laws , On the eleventh day a purificatory ceremony, the Kahnethar, would take place, Because the mother was considered unsanctlfied or unholy till this date and on this day she would become purified, she could help in day to day work of the family as before. Till then she ivas treated as Impure or untouchable5. 1 49, Lawrence, Valley, p. 259, 50, Ibid,, 51, Lawrence, Valley, pp. 259—260; Gervis Pearce, op. cit,, 263; Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p. 153,, Ft, Somnath, op. cit,, p. 9. Kashmir (Journal)^ veer 1958, pp. 147—148, Keys to Kashmir, PP. 70—71. »toL;(jfe^ ^-^td'gii^li^oo Customs of the world. Vol, I, p, 494, Madan, r, N. op. cit,, p, 82, Bamzal, P.N.K, Socio-Economic History of Kashmir, (1846«i'-1925K p. 27. Panday, R. B., op. cit., p. 73., Koshur Samachar, year 1980 April, vol. XV, NOJ 4, Census Report, 1911. Part I, J&K, p. 144. 8u On this cxrcaslon was held the ceremony called Kshnether a purificatory religious ceremony. This could be perfor-ned on the eleventh or any subsequent dey or on the follovinc i-tednesdey or 52 Friday • in this ritual ablution a brief religious ceremony was held followed by a feast. The seven vessels were again filled with food, of which relatives and friends would partake. On that day, the mother of the child would leave her place of confinement and move out into the courtyard or cortpound of the house for the first time, would sit down on the same type of mystic figures as mentioned elsewhere and the sun would be shown to the infant, ^he house was swept clean, the bed was again thrown away and remade 53 and everything was believed to have become clean • A havan or yaanve was performed. It was known as 54 Kahnethar., The family purohlt or Brehmln (priest) was called and he would perform the most curious ceremony in which the mother end the infant had to take the five ingredients or products of the cow-milk, curd or butter, ghee, cow-dung end calf's urine, thus purifying herself, Phese products were called pancha-qavla 52, Ibid., 53, Ibid., 54, Kahnethar celebration has been of great importance in the Valley as is evident from the Folk Lore of the Valley. On this day all the clothes that have been used since birth till then were given a wash and the house waa purified, rt, Somneth, op. cit^,pp. 5p--ti 8G and were elso prepared on the occasion of yag^^^opg^J-^ ceremony. 55 Thus, It was the purlfectory ceremony after confinement. Once the ceremony was over, the astrologers of the father and the mother cast the child's horoscope or zatuk ( a scroll of paper shoving the planets that were favourable or lonfavoureble to the bst/y); this was most necessary for the cime of his or net -nerriage. Sometimes on this day, when the child took its first look et the sun# a pen box was placed before the child if a boy end £ st:>ne- pestle if a girl 56• But the following rituels could not be observed in the household till this celebration remained unobserveds- 1. The six-month or yearly shraddha of a deceased, 2, The Vaqneopavit or marriage ceremony of the femily member 57 in that household, vtfien the child was a month old masnethar was celebrated. The child on that occasion received new clothes, and a feast of rice and millc was served to relatives end friends. These first clothes were supposed to be made by the priest's wife wno would use In their making a rose thorn as a needle. Infect, there was a 55, Lawrence, Valley, p. 259; Gervis Feacce, op. cit,, p, 263; Ft, Sheonareyan Gurtoo, op, cit,, pp.,54—55.; Cazi Nazem Sahoor-ul-Haaan, Niqaristaan-i-Koshmil^yl^t'or "a detailed description or discussion on this ceremony, See Dubios, J, A, Hindu Manners, customs and ceremonies^ p. 155, 56, Lawrence, Velley, pp, 259—260; Gervis Paarce, op, cit,, p. 263; Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade* p. 153,, Schonberc, y^^V.jl, m-iaV^..^4^^-ck^V vJ tT V> i^ -1 m Pt. Somnath, op, cit,, PP,3i-\ti4. 87 superstition that tne child whose first clothes were made with a thorn of the wild rose would never handle a sword, or 58 hurt man or beast • The ceremony of clothing a child for the first time was usually called chola (cloak) in other languages. ipeaking generally* the customs connected with this rice were social rather than religious. By the time the child attained maturity, he or she had to undergo a number of ceremonies and rituals, fhe Anna Prasana or Ann Prasnun (First Feeding)i When a Pandit child was six months old, its parents 59 chose an auspicious day to hne Its anna prasana ceremony (solid food eating ceremony). The giving of solid food to the child, usually a son was also a celebration in a Pandit family. It had a social touch. The child was given a few presents, like a ceyp, a plate with a spoon and a quarter plate. All these untensils were generally made out of silver, Bvk these days these are made of stainless steitl. These ere (usually presented by the maternal 58, Ibid,, Lawrence, Valley, p, 260j Gervis Feerce, op. cit ••» p. 264, It was on this day the house-wife would prepare turmeric rice and throw a part of it to dogs end birds after mixing oil and some salt with it, 59. Anna prasna or first feeding was an important stage for a Hindu child meant to wean it.away from the mother's milk« This sagjskara which was initially connected with the satisfaction of the physical need of the bebej later on assumed a religious significance. The ceremoiiy of feeding the child for the first time thus took a rltuelistic shape during the gutra period. Pandtay, R, B,, op. cit,, pp, 90-91/ See also Dubois J, A., op. cit., pp. 156—157, 8G uncle of the child). The child and its mother were also presented with a fresh suit of clothes. All these things were 60 presented by the parents of the mother • On an auspicious day a pudding or porridge ^f rice, sugar, milk celled Idieer was prepared in the house end a bowl °f ^eer was given to the child. Two women opened its mouth while a third poured some of the mixture contained in the dish down its throat. Also some writing materiel (like a wooden teblet celled takhti, an ink-pot and a pen or some writing pajer) were placed before the child. In case the first attempt of the child was towards the writing material— the parents would become very h&ppY as it was considered a lucky omen indicating that the child would be very good at his studies. Then they set down to a feast end the ceremony would end with the distribution of kheer. In case of a girl her ears were pierced for ear-rings 62 at that time* 60« Census of India. 1961, J&K, A Village Report, p. 14,, Lewrence, V^llev. p. 260; Gervis Peerce, op. clt., p, 264, Kashmir Today, year 1980, N0» 5—6, Vol. V. pp. 36—38. Pt, Somnath, op, cit., pp.U'i^-AiiAAft-you f^AH«teNUjfe,it4vva;j^ op, cit., p, 18, Tetople Richard, op, cit,. Vol, 1, p. 494, Census Reports 1911, Port I, (J&K), p. 145, "Feeding the child with solid food after (or before) the teeth appear, generally between five and six months". pp. cit«, p. 18, 61, It, Somnath, op, cit., ap,iH4&>Panday,R,B,, op. cit,, p. 90, DuDOis, op, cit., pp. 157—158. Census of India. 1961 (J£ Tonsure Ceremonv or 2ara-Kasai— (First Halr-Cut)« The first tonsure of e child was an inportant rite, but it was known by various names and celebrated in various ways by different people in different localities. This ceremony Xnown in the Hindu Shastras as Chud^ Karana or Munden* was also known as the Chand else^^ere and Zara-Kasai in Kashmiri language. This rite was performed with reference to the hair# this was the initial hair-cutting ceremony. In a well-to-do family the rite was the occasion for a feast to Brahmans# relatives, neighbours and friends • No definite time was fixed for the shaving of the head of the diild. However, we find some references regarding the performance of tUis rite being postpcMied up to the time of the vyDyiavena (initiation) usually representing vaqneopant (sacred thread) ceremony, and performed with it. This was the practice generally followed among the Hindus, Infect early age was regarded more meritorious for its performance. From scriptures it is quite 63, The Earl of Duiwnore. op, cit,. Vol, II, p. 36,, Lawrence Valley^ p, 260,, Madan, T. N, op, cit,, p. 89; Kevs to Kashmir, p. 71,, Bamzai, P. N, K,, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir (1846—1925). p, 27, Gervis Pearce, op. cit,, p. 264, Kashmir Today, year Nov,, 1956, p, 18,, Rose A,, op, cit,, pp, 3 2—33, Panday R.B,, op, cit., pp. 94—101, Padfield, The Hindu at Home,PP. .82—87,, Sheonarayan Gurtoo, op, cit,, p, 58,, Pt, Somnath, op, cit,, p. 5. Acharya Prasana Kumar, op, cit,, pp, 18—19,, Census of India, 1961, (A Village Survey Report), J&K, Vol, VI, Part VI, N0» 7, p, 13., Albernui's India, (tr.) Edward Sachau, Vol, II, p, 156, ^K" .•'^^ '' ^. - , 90 clear that this rite or sanskar was performed In as early 64 times as the Vedlc period • An auspicious day w as fixed for Its performance. In the beginning, preliminary ceremonies (e,g» SaiTikalpa« worship of Ganesha« Mangala« Sraddha etc.) were performed 65 before the tonsure took place • However, In modem times several ceremonies connected with Mundan are fast disappearing from the society. These are now generally confined to the occasion when the yaqneopgvlt ceremony of the child Is celebrated, but In earlier days, the celebration Incliided offerings to Ganesha and other deities. A perusal of the Kashmiri Folk songs as sung on the occasion of this ceremony would show that the custom Is very old and can be traced 66 back to the Sutra age • 64. Bamzal, Anand Koul, The Kashmiri Pandits p. 17,, Blscoe, Kashmir In Symllqht and Shade^ pp. 153—154., Panday R.B,, op, clt,, pp. 94—99. Padfleld, op. clt., p. 87. Pt. Somnath op. clt., p, 5. People realised the necessity of keeping short hair In the Interest of health and beauty after a long period of time In the evolutlc»i of the processes of civiliza tion. They f el^ a new thrill of joy In cutting the hair by means of an Iron Instrument. They would arold the cutting of hair for fear of Injury while, at the same time they knew Its Insertance from the point of view of cleanliness. As sudi this ceremony of Chuda Karana had Its origin In the necessity felt by people In a practical sphere of life, Panday, R.B., op. clt., pp. 94—99. 65. Ibid., Also See Oensus of India, 1961, (A Village Survey Report), Vol. II, Part VI, p. 13. In this ceremony the following main features could be traced. In the first Instance the head would be moistened to facilitate the shaving. Secondly hair would be cut to the acconpanlment of prayers for non-Injury to the child. In the third Instance the hair would be reserved or thrown away with cow-dung. The fourth feature was the keeping of the tuft of hair, Panday, R.B,, op, clt,, pp. 94—100; See also Rose A,, qp.clt., pp. 33—35. 66. For details on this ceremony, see Pt. Somnath, op, clt,, pp, 27—29, 91 In Kashmir e heven (yagya) was performed on the occasion boy's heed was shaved, leaving the chotl or bodi (a tuft) to grow at the highest point of the slcull or at the top of the head. 67 After the havan the relations and friends were treated to a feast • The day before the ceremony the boy* s hands and feet were coloured with the dye of mendhi (lawsonia inernis) or of a lichen, and a great feast was throvm by the paternal aunt, ihe custom of dyeing the hands and feet with mendhi was known as menzirat, «IB» and was also tibserved on the occasions of assuming the sacred thread end of marriage. The food or feast distributed among relatives and neighbours on this occasion was known as var or wari. There were three kinds or types of wari • The celebration would start early. The barbar would be called into cut the hair of the child. Besides some money, the barbar would get some presents like rice, some clothing and a towel on this occasion. The hair of the child was kept s?fe along- 67. Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, pp. 153—154., Lawrence, Valley p, 260; Keys to Kashmir, pp. 70—71. Gervis Pearce, op. cit., p. 264, Bamzai Anand Koul, Phe Kashmiri Pandits p. 77, Kashmir Today, year 1988, pp. 147— 148, Bamzai, P.N.K, Socio—Economic History, p, 27., See also,The Pamirs. Vol, II, p, 36, 68, Lawrence, Valley, p, 260; Gervis Pearce, op, cit., p. 264, Lawrence writes about three kinds of liar or wari. The first consisted of rice, the fat of sheep or of goats, ginger, carreway seeds, salt and oil, and was known as Wari-bat. The second was made of turmeric/ salt, carraway seed, assofoetide and pulse, end was known as masaladar wari, and the third, which was known as \yari, consisted :»f pulse and rice fried in oil. For her services the paternal aunt received congratulatory gifts (zang) of rice, salt and cash, and all the relatives and friends feasted on the waris. In short, this was and still continues to be an occasion for grand feasts and merry-making. Ibid,, p. 260, 9: with some walniits (fiVe or seven in nurriber) and was either buried in a park or kitchen garden or taken to a place of 69 religious sanctity like Tula Mula, Harl-parbat and buried there • The hair is believed to be the most efficacious medium in the performance of witch-craft, as such the hair of the child is buried under ground. In short, the boy's hair was carefully buried under a tree. In the case of a girl there was no shaving 70 of the head. The Investiture of Jeneo or Yaqneopavita or Sacred thread ceremony* The valneopavitam is a ceremony invested with religious sanctity among the Hindusi it being the sign of the second or /*out spiritual birth and initiation into Hinduism, with/his Cord (sacred thread) the Brahmin is not looked upon as perfect in his caste. Brahmins and the other castes which are entitled to wearing 69, Ibid,, Ft. Soranath, op, cit,, pp. 24—25; Biscoe i'yndale, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade* pp, 153—154. 70. Lawrence, Valley, p. 260., Gervis Pearce, op. cit,, p.264, Pt, Soranath, op, cit,, pp. 4—5. 4^03e,A*3p.cit,, p, 32. Either the child is taken to such places of religious sanctity where this ceremony is celebrated. If the mother has made a vow prior to the brith of her child to observe the rite at a certain shrine or tesitple, it is duly carried out tbere. But generally most of the Kashmiri people observe the rite at home. Ibid., 93 the thread (cord), consider it as very essential and feel 71 proud being entitled to wear it . It is well known that all Brahmins wear a thin cord or thread (called yagnopaistam in Sanskrit also known as jeneo), this ceremony is called the UPanayana (the third-eye opening) which means initiation or introduction to knowledge. By it a Brahmin would acquire the right to study. Severel of the rites performed on this occasion 72 are also performed at the marriage ceremony. The taqadhri was formerly custcmiary among Hindu children to wear the tag adhri before they reached the ages at which the ;teneo could be worn. Tyjadhri was worn round the waist and was 73 made of niAi or (if the parents were wealthy) of silver • The sacred thread ceremony has been of great importance among the Kashmiri Pandits. In Shastras it is known as upanavan or MeWial Sanskar. In ancient times the education of a child was entrusted to a renowied teacher known as Reshi or Guru who had 71. Pt, Sheonarayan Gurtoo, op, clt,, pp. 61—66; Madan» T.N., op, cit,, pp, 91~93. Keys to Kashmir^ p. 71. Kashmir Today, Year 1980, NOsi 5—6, Vol. V,, pp. 36—37, Kashmir Today, 1958, pp, 14—18, -Rose, A., Op. cit,, pp. 33—34. Padfield, op, cit., pp. 69—71; IXibois, JJ^-Op, cit,, pp, 160—169,, Elements of Hindu Culture and Civilization, pp, 20—23,, Ft, Spmnath, op. cit,, pp, 6—10; Qazl Zahoor-ul-Nizam, 72, Ibid,, See also Koshur Samachar, Year 1980, April, Vol, XV, NOj 4, The Pamirs. Vol, II, p. S6i 73, Rose, A. op, cit,, p, , Kashmir Today, year 1980, :i03,, 5—6, Vol. V,. pp, 36—38, Madan, T, N,, op, cit., pp. 9 2—93, o; generally his abode in far off forest known as Reshikul or Gurulcul, The ceremony of sending a cJiild to Gurukul was, probably known as v^anayana* In Gur\;^kul the guru woxild first celebrate the Mekhala ceremony of the child and thus initiate him into Brah- manism • 75 The Dherma Shastras have set forth different age groups for performance of this ceremony for different castes in the Hindu society, except the Shudra who could in no case wear a sacred thread. As it was invariably worn by the three higher or twice 76 bom castes and not by the fourth or Sudra caste • Pandit Kesho Bhatt of Kashmir has given the following 77 age groups for the ceremony in his book Mekhala Pustaks- 1, Seven years for a Brahman's son; 2, Nine years for a Khsatriya* s son; 78 3, Eleven years for a Vaishya's son • 74. Madan, T. N., op. cit., pp. 91~93; Pt. Somnath, op, cit., "PR 3)1- \<>4. 75. Acharaya Prasanna Kumar, op. clt,, pp. 20—21; Kashmir Today, year 1956, Nov., pp. 17-~19. The main age groups are» 1, Eight years of a ge for a Brahmigy 2, Eleven years for a Ksgtriva; and 3, Twelve years for a j^aishva. Pt. Somnath, op. cit., pp7 Jdbc 31—104. 76. Rose, A, op, cit., pp. 33—34; Pt, Somnath, op.cit,, pp. M.-iOlj, 77. However, nowadays these limits of age restriction are not strictly followed. Also Harijans or Sudras and others are being honoured with the use of sacred thread in the modem age of reform after Gandhiji's t'aking up the cause of untouchables, 78. Ft, Somnath, op. cit,, pp.ii—•iO^. 9^u He has also elaborated that after attaining the following age groups the child or the youth loses his caste entirely in case his xjpnavana ceremony is not heldi- 1. Brahmin after attaining the age of sixteen; 2. Kshatriya after attaining the age of twenty two; 3. Vaishya after attaining the age of twenty four. Thus they should get the sacred thread before attaining 79 the said ag<9, The yaqneopavit 80 commonly called yoqi-^ the sacred thread is made of three strands or strings of cotton thread which is further made three-fold or each stradd by nine threads and then closed with a reverse knot known as Qrehm^ Qand, The three strands or strings of the sacred thread are further made three-fold (i.e. nine threads of an approved length— its one end shoxild touch the upper left shoulder tip and the other end shoxald be Just below the right hip with head and right arm-half 81 breast and half of the back being encircled by the thread), The three strands represent the following three stages of human lifei- 79, Ibld.^ See also Rose, A., op, cit., pp. 33—35, 80, Yaqneopavit (wearing of the sacred thread) is the c'>mbination of two words yacfno • upvait which literally mean coming close to holy fire or wearing or the sacred thread in the presence of s acred fire. It w as only after the completion of this ceremony that the guru would enlist the diild anong his student«fold, or "to bring (the child) near the (guru)" for the purpose of learning the Vedas. Quoted in Acharya Prasanna op, cit., p.20; Pt, Somnath, op. cit, pp, 31—104, 81, The poslticMi of the sacred t iread is changed on certain occasions. At the time of performing the annuel ceremony for deceased ancestors the position is reversed in direction. It ijS then pieced in a different direction. It is pieced over the fight shoulder and is hung down on the left side. On certain other occasions or times of religious functiai it is worn as a garland round the neck. Whilst at other times it 9C 1, Brahmacharl (period of celibacy or stage of absolute discipline) 2* Grahaata (Period of the house-holder or stage of married life)• 3, Vana-Prastha (the age for leaving the family and doing meditation)82 Ea^ stage in hxjman life including the teen—-stage cOTprised twenty five years and thus the total ege of a man ran to a hundred years. However, James Dubois in his book, states thet these three strands represent the trinity (a) Brahma, Cb) Veshno, (c) Shiva. Besides, the three strings of the yaqneopavit depicted one's reverence towards (1) the Devas or deities known aa Deva-^-fai ... (2) The Reshis or great teacher known as -R- cont» is used as a rosary type— the worshipper winding it rounds the fingers to keep count as to how often the mentralna, is repeated. As a rule, however, s acred thread is worn over the left shoulder and hung down across the body under the right arm, Padfield, op. cit., pp. 69~71; Dubois, J.4, op. cit., pp. 160—169. 82. Pt. Somneth, op. cit., pp. 31—104. ..lMjMi&.^ *IiA.^ A\> Cit , ^ _ , pp. 160—169, Rose A,, op. cit., pp. JJ~34, Archarya trasanna Kumar, pp. cit*., pp. 20—24., Kashmir Today year 1980, Nos. 5—6, Vol. V, pp. 36—38. 97 It is in view of this reverence that the Kashmiri Pandits offer water to all the three listed eibove while taking bath in the morning • Further more the three strings depicted the three castes (Varna) of the Br«hmans, Kshastriyas and 84 Vaishyar (the Sudras not being allowed to wear the sacred thread). In view of the fact that at present all the Kashmiri Pandits residing in the Valley, are Brahmins, there is no question as to who shell have to wear the sacred thread and who will be debarred from its use. As such, the Mekhala ceremony has gained much in^ortance in Kashmir as compared to other parts of the country. It is the prime duty of the head of a family to arrange the Mekhala ceremony of his child or children at the appropriate 85 age , Nowadays, however, this ceremony is t aking place Just before the marriage ceremony i,e, Mekhala ceremony is usually held a day or two before the marriage, A person cannot initiate any sort of Hawan known as (Peva Kriva) or any sort of Shraddha 83, Ibid., Pt. Somnath, op. cit,, pp. 31~104, Dubois, J., op. cit., pp. 160—69, Kashmir Today* year 1980, Vol, V, Nos, 5—6, pp. 36—'Sa, 84, Ibid., Pt, Somnath, op. cit., pp. 31—104, There is another version regarding the use of the sacred thread, At the age of four the length of the thread (after having been made three fold second time) is ninety six turns on one's hand at the centre depicting ninety six years of human age and thus taking the total age of a man to one hundred years, 85, Ibid,, Madan T,N, op, cit,, pp, .89,91—53, The Hekhal or ritual girdle, made of cotton strands, is ried round the neophyte's waist by his father, grand-father, father's brother or if none of these is alive, by same other close male agnate, who himself has been InitJatedr Madan, T, H,, op, cit,, p. 91, 9C known as (pltri krive) tint 11 he wears the sacred thread. There might be Instances In a Pandit family of non-celebration of the first halr-cxit , name giving or kahnethar ceremonies of a child but there Is not a single instance of not having celebrated the MeWiala ceremony, A person has to complete this ceremony at any cost • In order to cut short the eaqjendlture on the ceremony which has been mounting fast over last several years, there are certain instances of group ceremonies being held at rulamula or at some other places of religious sanctity where such cerenionles 87 are being held by the Pandit families • Kashmir situated to the north of India, was considered a celebrated seat of learning during the ancient times. Many Indian parents sent their children for education and Mekhala ceremony to Kashmir in those days. This practice underwent a change in later ages and the custom of sending the children to the extreme North for learning ceased. Nevertheless, probably for the same reason even today during the-ceremony of Meldiale the child undergoing the ceremony anywhere in India, is asked to 86, Pt, Somnath, op, cit., pp. 51--1«^, Kashmir Today, Year 1956, pp. 17—19, Keys to Kashmir, p. 71, 87. Ft. Somnath, op, cit., pp. 31—104. 99 tread three steps towards north before the actual MeWiala ceremony takes place. That Is why this ceremony has attained 88 such a prestige among the people. Like the marriage ceremony the main celebration of the Mekhal* is held dixring three conplete days which include the 89 Hena night- the Devoon and the Makhala • Generally, the house remains busy for a much longer time than three days. The main sociological functions celebrated in this connection are»- 1, Chopping of the fire-wood; 2, Cleaning of the house/ric«/spices etc; 3, Sending out invitations; 4, Hena night/Myrtle night 5, DevQOry^ a religious ceremony of bathing the groom; 6, Mekhala/ sacred thread ceremony and praysdiit; 7, Koshal Homq/ the closing function. 88. Pt. Somnath, op, cit,, pp. 31—104, 89. *The ceremony lasts for three days. C^ the first day called Menzirat mehandi is applied to the hands, and feet of the c±iild. On the following day known as Devgoq religious rites are performed and vegetarian lundi and dinner are served to friends^ relations and others. The third day is regarded the most important. On that day is performed a Havan. A good quantity of ghee, rice, barley, dry appricots, dates, alms is ccoisumed by the sacrificial fire. The recitation starts at about mid-night and continues till next evening. The child is made to %mar the sacred thread about six hours after the Havan starts. •. Late in the night when the rites are over the assembled gathering and close relations including the child and the priest who observe complete fast throughout the day, are served with Naveed followed by a vegetarian dinner? Census of India, 1961, (J&K), A Village Survey Report# Vol, VI, Part V, Nos. 7—8, pp. 14—15, 10 -J All these celebrations are similar for Mekhala as well 90 as the marriage ceremony • The first three items listed herein inclxode* besides preparation of the special rice ctlled var. The respective ftincticMis as contained in the headings above. The relatives and the neighbours Who come to participate in the function are served 91 with vajr and tea. This ceremony was generally performed before the boy attained the age of twelve years. The sacred thread was put round the boy* s neck by the priest and he would beg alms for the priest from his relations present and they would give him money ranging from fotir anna piece to ten rvflpees as a good omen (during our period of study value of money was very high) • All this money Cwhich might amount to anything like rupees seven hiwidred to one thousand in the case of rich man and just rupees twenty only in 92 a poor man's case) was given to the priest* 90. Kays to Kashmir, p. 71» RJR,., Sncvclopaedia of Religion and Ethics* Vol, -rvix, p. 7 35, Vol. VIII, pp. 433-.450. See for the in^jortance of myrtle night QxfO]^ English Dictionary, Standard Dictionary of Folklore, Standard Dictionary Mytheology and Legend, 91, Ibid,, Census of India, 1961 (J&K), A Village Survey Report, Vol, VI, Part VI, NOj 7, p. 14. Koshur SaTiachar. year 1980, i^ril# N0$ 4, Vol, XV, Schonberg, op, cit,. Vol, II, p. 153. The Earl of Dunmore, op. cit,. Vol. II, p, 36« Buhler, G,, op, cit,, ^, 22, 9 2. Anand Koul Bamzai, The Kashmiri Pandit, p. 77, Lcwrence, Valley, pp, 260—261,, Gerris Pearce, op, cit,, p, 264., Sheonarayan Gurtoo, op, cit., pp. 61--66. Kashmir(Jourqal) 19^8, pp. 147—las. Biscoe, Sunlight and Shade, p. 154, Hergopal Koul, op. cit., p. 95. lOx Deoqun was an important ceremony that preceded the MeWiala. Through the observance of the ritual of Devaaun protec tion of sixty-four deites called voqnis was invoked. Relatives and friends would give the boy's father mone^ (wurbal) and sometimes considerable sura were received. At the main ceremony the boy 93 was conformed as a Brahmen infront of a sacred fire (a small earthen dais was made in the courtyard on v*iich a fire was lighted) into which he would throw almonds and pistachis nuts to the accompaniment of the chanting of mantras from the Vedas by the priests. He was then shown a virgin and a heifer seven times, and the sacred thread of three strings (jeneo) was placed on the boy. This thread was put round the boy's neck by his kulQuru (family priest). Immediately following this investiture the youth wo\ild proceed to ask alms of those present, beginning with his mother and then his father and afterwards the other 93, The youth or the boy was seated on the skin of an animal (deer, sheep, goat etc.) According to Jones Dubois the skin of tiger or antelope was considered extremely pure and used as a mat on v^ich the priest would sit. Then the priest seated the youth or the boy on his left side, and after making him promise to obey the orders he would receive, covered both their (his and his father's) heeds with a long cloth aid v^ispered in his right ear a mantra expected not to be revealed to any-one else but himself. This mantra is known as the Gayatri and runs; *Tat Savitur Narenyara Bhargodevasya Dhimshi dhi yo yo nah prachadpyat? "Let us wor«8lip the supreme light of the sun, the God of all things, yitio can so well guide our understanding, like an eye suspended in the vault of Heaven. Lusted in Rose, A., op. cit., p. 38* 93a. Kashmir, year 1958, pp. 147—148. Keys to Kashmir, p. 71., Lawrence, Valley, pp. 260—261. Gervis Pearce, op, cit., p. 264. Biscoe, Sunlight and Shade, Madan T.N., op. cit., pp. 91—93, Kximar op. cit,, pp. 20—23. Also see Dubois, A., op. cit., pp. 160—169. 10,: relatives or friends. Alms were throvm by them into his Iholi and were offered to the priest. Later the boy would stand on the mystic figure Vyug to the accompaniment of the songs of the women around him. Coins and shells were thrown over his head, and he was then carried in abate down to the river to offer sara » Icalpa or sqndhis (prayer ceremonies) to the souls of his departed 94 relatives , Next day after the vacfye the koshal-homa was performed to mark the safe and pleasant termination of this important event and the invited guest? were entertained to a feast. Then they would retiim to their homes. The whole arrangement was in the hands of women. The eldest paternal aunt played the most iitportant part during the day and received a tip for performing the work. Aunts (both paternal and maternal) of the child would also provide tea to all the participants in the MeMiala. The married girls among the guests were given a rupee each as ateaqat. Their husbands were also presented with a few rtqpees each, and young children of the invited guests were given one or two rupees each. The priests 95 were also given money . 94, Ibid., 95, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade^ p, 154,, Keys to Kashmir, p. 71. Kashmir (Journal) > year 1958, pp. 147—148, Census of India, 1961, (J&K), A Village Survey Report, Vol, VI, part VI, N0» 7, p. 14. "A non-vegetarian lunch called koahalhum is served as an indicative of the conclusion of the ceremoneyj year, 1961, (J5«K), A Village Survey Report, pp. 14—15. lOuu From the above discussion It Is quite clear that it is not by birth that a Brahndn is superior to other people. It is this regenerating ceremony or ritual which gives him a new existence end makes him worthy to be elevated in his capacity as a dvi1> or twice born (his genitus) to the sublime status 96 of his ancestors • 96, Dubois,J. op, cit,, p. 169. Elements of Hindu Qglture and Sanskrit Civilization* p, 21. Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight aqd Shade* p. 154,, Lawrence, Valley, pp. 260—261, ***** *** * * 10 4 'VIVW cat THE MARRIAGE C£REM(aJIE3> The institution of marriage has been foxind to be more enduring than any other social institution, Ihe people in every civilized society are interested in the maintenance of the institution of marriage as it is the foundation stone of society of which family forms an important organ. Thus marital relation ship is very vital as the basis of society* The Pandits regarded marriage the most significant stage in the life of man/ without which the continuance of progeny and the ritual offerings of food and drink to manes through them becomes iiipCssible. The parents are supposed to be morally bound 2 to arrange the marriage of their children, particularly daughters. *inong the Pandits marriage might be looked i;55on as a systematically organized contact between two families and not a result of choice or agreement between the persons to be married. It brought together not only two individuals and two families but also two households. 1, Diwan Paras and Kumar Virendra (£d,)« Law Towards stable Marriages (Select papers presented at the memorable, first All-India Family Law Conference, £±KXIC held in the Deptt, of Law, Pxinjab University, Chandigarh on January 15~17,1982, organized under the auspices of the Indian Society on Comparative Family Law), p. 201; See also Dubois J.A,, op.cit,, p, 205, See alsoAffcto«H» India (tr.) ^asachau. Vol. II, p,154, "The •Vi»aha* is the most important of all the Hindu 'Saniskaras, The 'Grhyasturas* generally begin with it, because it is the original and centre of all domestic sacrifices. They presuppose that every man, in his normal condition, is expected to marry and run a homej Pandey R.B., op, cit,, p,153, 2, Madan, T.N, op. cit., pp. lOl—102; Lawrence,V^fel- •* p.261,, Gervis P. op. cit., p, 265, Kashmir (Journal),year 1958, pp. 147—148, Albertmts India (Tr.) Edward Sachau. Vol,II, p. 154. 3, Madan T, N. op. cit., p. 102; The Gazetteer of India. Vol, I, pp, 587—88. lOu The Pandits would take a lot of care in the selection of the household for their marriageble daughters. The formal proposal would be initiated by the girl's parents though there would have taken place much of the spadework before the actual proposal* The choice of the household depended ij^jon the proper adjustment of the horoscopes of the boy and the girl. As suc*i the initial stage would start with the girl's side getting a copy or out-line of the boy's horoscope before taking any further step in the negotiations. The priest sent for getting this horoscope or out-line would ke^ the identity of the girl's undisclgsed till the compatibility of the horoscopes was verified. After this the negotiations would start and in case the two horoscopes were not cornpatible, the matter would be dropped there 5 and then* The Pandits recognized that marriage was one of the rituals for the spiritual good of the human body, A number of rites were performed in the two families. Various rites were of Sanskritic origin^ %^ile others (non—Sanskritic ceremonies) were also 4, Ibid,, pp, 107,112., See also xSshur Samachar, Vol, XV, NOj 7, pp, 2—4, r>Jylf8o. 5, Ibid,, pp, 109,113,, Kashmir (Journal)^ year 1958, pp, 147—148; Lawrence, Valley p, 261, Gervis, P. op. cit., p, 265, Pt, Sheonarayan Qurtoo, op, cit,, p, 95, Census of Indidg^ 1961, (J&K), Vol, VI, .Part VI, NOj 7, p. 19,, Koshur Sam'achar. Socio—Cultural Monthly, May 1980, Vol,, XV, NOJ 5, p, 2, 10 o performed; "The marriage ceremonies also differ in different localities. But religious and social conservatism is so strong in India that the main outlines of the •SarriLskara' are continued from the Vedic period down to the present time, and its general features are universal throughout the country it6• a We may now describe the more Essential rites and ceremonies concerned with marriage, Infact# here we are concerned with local customs connected with a Kashmiri Pandit marriage. Types of Marriaoet There were tteee types of marriage amCTig the Pandits, The ideal one was represented by marriage with dowry (ornamaits and clothes for the bride, domestic utensils and other §ifts in cash and kind for her relatives-in-law), In the opinion of Pandits such a marriage was unsullied by any elements of bargaining on either side. In the second type of the incidence of reciprocal marriages* had for its basis the principle of give and take of women alongwith gifts and money. The third type of marriage 7 involved p^ments In cash and kind by the girl to the boy's side. 6. Madan, T, N, pp. cit,, pp. 107—108., There were many points of resemblance between the marriage customs of the Pandits and the Muslims of the Valley. However, a Kashmiri Pandit's marriage, abounded in colour gaiety and mystic rites and ceremonies associated with Shaivism. (Kashmir Journal*) year August 1955, pp. 72—77, Vol, V, NOj 8, 6a, Panday, R.B., op. cit,, p. 205. 7. Ibid,^ p. 114., For a detailed discussion on the forms of marriage see Panday R.B,, pp. cit., pp. 158—159., Please see also Vhe Pamirs. Vol, II, p. 36, 107 After the verification of the horoscopes and the decision on the suitability of e house-hold being taken, there would start a formal negotiation from the heed of the chosen household through E priest, a common friend or a reletive or a go-between. The final decision would depend upon the other party to the proposal. There would follow much of enquiry and hearsplitting by the other si#e 3 before the actual proposal would take a practical shape. The horoscopes or teknl of the boy and girl were compered and if the combination «ere found to be benevolent a difficult hurdle was crossed. Even after this the final decision In the matter rested 9 with the parents of the bride and the groom. From now onwards the teth (the standard of exchange of ra^oney or gifts) would come into operation. Generally, the teth would correspond to the material condition and status of the girl's father « A serious consideration was then given to the whole matter. Family antecedents, material condition and the qotra or the original clan, which must In no case be the same ultimately determined the result in the entire contract. If both parties 8, Madan, T, N, op. cit,, p. 109; Lawrence, Valley p, 261; Kashmir (Journal), year 1958, pp. 147~148, Ft, Sheonarayan Gurtoo, op, cit,, p. 95,, Koahur Samachar# (Soclo—Cultural Monthly),J\ily 1980, Vol, XV, NOj 7, pp, 2—4. 9, Gervls Pearce, op. cit,, p. 265; Lawrence, Valley, p. 261,, Kashmir (Journal;, year 1955, Vol, 5, NO: 18, pp. 17 2—177, 10, Kashmir (Journal) year 1955, Vol. 5, NOx 8, pp. 17 2—177, Kashmir Today, (Joxirnal), 1960, l-Iay—June, NOj 7, Vol, VI, pp. 1—3; Pt, Sheonarayan Gurtoo, lt»». XXX» «*» kk# XawBriMot kftftk op, cit,, p, 95; Koshur 38machar. Vol. XIX, NO: 11, Nov,, 1981, (Soclo—Cultural Monthly), pp. 7—9. lOu agreed, an auspicious day for the meeting of some elderly tnen from both sides at the house of some common friend or relative would be fixed for a simple ceremony known drei^aasam or oath- taking. The father of the boy would solemnly xindertake to treat his would-be-daughter-in-law as affectionately es his own daughter. The girl's father would then consent to the marriege and a bouquet of flowers would be exchanged in token of the agreement • After drei-gasam would come the betrothal ceremony. An exciiange of kum kum would take place and the auspicious thread was tied round the wrists of the girl and the boy. The girl's people were e3q5ected to send rich gifts in cash end kind to the 12 would-be-son-in-law or his parents or close relatives « Promise-Giving and Betrothals Prosperous households regarded it a matter of prestigge to announce a forth-coming wedding of bholding a betrothal (qandxjn or binding) ceremony. Poorer classes tried to avoid it. Among certain families a betrothal or the promise-giving wakadan 11. Ibid,, Madan, T, N, op, clt., pp, 119—121; Kashmir (Journal) year, 1958, pp, ^1—148, Barazai, A.K, Kashmiri Pandit, Appendix II, pp. 78—79; Census of Indjau 1961. (J&K), A Village Survey Report, Vol, VI, Part VI, NOj 7, S«unti^ p. 18, 12, Kashmir (Journal), year August, 1955, Vol, V, NOj 8, pp, 172—177. 10 o or drie kesam osth ceremony usually would take piece. But none of these ceremonies were finally bidding upon the two parties* Promise-giving was more common than betrothal. A party of a dozen men or so from the boy's side would pay a visit the girl's house,After the pleasantries were over the leading member of the visiting party formally asked the family members of the girl's household to pronrdse that the chosen girl would be given in marriage to their boy. The promise was formally given and then small gifts, sometimes only flowers and dry fruits, were exchanged between the two parties as a token of the solemn agreement just entered into • Ch the other hand, the betrothal ceremony was m:)re elaborate eccortqpanied by exchange of gifts of money as also celebrated with feasts to relatives and others • The astrologer would fix an auspicious day for the marriage, and information would be sent to the bride's parents Intimating the number of 13, Maden r, N, op, clt., pp, 118—119; Rose A, writes, "Shri Ganeshji is worshipped in a brass dish (thali); rice is thrown on Ganeshji and the boy's party, and some times red- coloured water is also sprinkled over them. The girl's guardian th«i announces that the girl, daughter of so-and-so, is betrothed to the son of so-and-so« This is called wakdan 1, e, the dan or gift by word of mouth, and is the essence of the betrothal contact,.. Once the promise has passed the lips it can only be withdrawn for grave causes? Rose, A,, op. clt., pp. 69—70, 14, Ibid., 15, Ibid,, 110 guests nicely to join the marriage procession, This would be done a few days before the actual marriage ceremoney • The marriage or vlvah ceremonies would also begin like the valnepgvita or sacred thread ceremony with the qara-navai or levun (e general cleaning xxp) of the house, /^fter this the rites of menziraat (hennabandl) and devaqon or deoqun were 17 performed • The ritual of sweeping clean the houses signified the custom of pacifying gods end evil spirits (supernatural agencies) for acts of omission and commission during the ceremo nies of marriage, so that their Interference might not adversely affect the performance of the marriage rituals. In the case of the bride# the ceremony of nine other rites, which should have 18 been ideally performed between her birth and marriage. 16, Walter Hutchinson, Customs of the World {Ed,) Vol, I, pp. 497—498; Gervis Fearce op, cit,, p, 266,, See also Lawrence, Valley^ p, 261, Pt, Sheronarayan Gurtoo, op, cl>t, p, 85, "Such an ioiportent occasion as marriage naturally attracted much attention of the people and many and various ceremonies gather round it", Pandy, R.B., op, cit., p, 156, 17, Ibid,, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p. 155,, Keys to Kashmir, p. 71, Bamzai* P.N.K, Socio—£ con orojc History of Kashmir^ p, 27., Kashmir (Journal) May, 1958, Vol, VIII, N0» 5, pp, 147—148, 18, Madan, T.N, op. cit,, p. 119; Census of India, 1961, J6dC A Village Survey Vol, VI, Part VI, NOj 7, p, 18, The actual marriage festivities would corrmence with the ceremony of levun or a general cleaning up of the house, Panday observes, "some ceremonies are connected with the idea that some danger is attendant on every transitional period of life and it should be averted by proper rites. Because marriage inaugura ted the most in^ortant epoch in. one's life, many ceremonies were performed toward off the evil influences connected with the event. Other featiares of the marriage are essentially religious in their origin. The beneflcient gods are invoked for boons and blessings and specific appeals are sent to unseen powers with definite rites of sacrifice and prayer? op, cit,, pp, 99—loo. Ill 19 With Menzi-raat (the night of Henne) would begin the marriage. But before Menzl-raat< the loosening of the hsir plaits of the bride called Mas-Muchravun would take place. On the eve of Mengi«-raat# ell members of the household end the relatives present would take a bath and during the day an Interesting ceremony of Vyoq woxild be performed with hilarity by young girls and women* The door of the house w as painted in colours. White-washed gates of the house were decorated in gay colours with diagrams and sketches of flowers aid several other creatures* "These colourful patterns would reflect the aesthetic 20 taste of the Kashmiri Pandit women • The next ceremony in importance and precedence was known *" Devaqon (the invocation to 64 yognis). Religious rites were performed in the respective homes of the bride end the bridegroom by the family priest and both would go through a purificatory ceremony after being washed with milk and pula-water* Some of the pu-^ a water was sprinkled on the dowry to be given to the bride* 19, The Menai-raat (henna-night) was essentially a women's affair and Mehandl or henna was applied to the hands and feet of the bride* Other ledies, particularly close female relatives, also would follow suit. Dinner was served to neighbours end relatives who were expected to stay on for the night. In case of the boy, a simple daubing of the palms was enou^t Kashitiir (Journal)* year 1955, Vol. V, NOx 8, pp. 171—7-/, See also Census of India. 1961, (A Village Survey Report), Maheshwarpur, N0» 1, Vol, VI, Part VI, p,18* 20. Koul, Khasta HargopalJ^irLAi-^^<^^ff\vf'.957 Kashmir (Journal) year August, 1955, Vol, V, NO: 8, pp. 172—177., Census of India , 1961, JScK, A Village Survey monograph^ (Maheshwarpur), Vol. VI, Pert VI, NOs 7, pp. 17—16; Koshur Semachar. Vol*, XV, NOj 7, July, 1980, (Socio—Cultural Monthly), pp, 2—4. 112 The bride's initistion into Brahmanism started from the noTient her Deveqon wes performed. At noon, lunch on e huge scale wes given exclusively in honour :if the maternol relatives, 21 rhis ceremony was called Dur->butta , LAGAN OR NUPTIAL CEREMONYt The third or chief ceremony was the last indeed, the busiest one, when the final ceremony of the Lagan or marriage would take place. The performance of rituals on this occasion 22 would take most of the day or an evening and the night. It was on this day, that groom was dressed in an achkan and c^oridar pvlama with a saffron coloured turban. Heavily garlanded; he would proceed from his own house to his bride's home in a procession comprising his relatives, friends and children. Usually the baraat or marriage procession would proceed in the morning or after d{prk depending i^jon the instructions according to the Hindu calendar by the family priest \i^o determined an 21, Lawrence, V^Hev, p. 261> Gervis Fearce, op, cit., p. 266; Kashmir in Sunlight aqd Shade, p, 155, Bamzai, P.N.K,, Socic^'-Economic History of Kashmir (1846—1925), p, 27,, Kashmir CJournal), year 1955, Vol. V, NOj 8, pp, 17 2—77,, Keys to Kashmir, p, 71,, Pt, Sheonareyan Gvirtoo, op, clt,, pp, 86,96—97, 22, Ibid,, Madan, T.N, op.^cit., p. 120, Panday R.B, op, cit,, PT^. 226—227, Koshur Saraachar year 1980, April, Vol, XV, N0«1 TP.^-ij, Census of India> 1961, J&K. Vol. VI, Fart VI, NOj 7, p. 19. The lagan (propitious hour) may be at any time during day or night, and the timing of the baraat (marriage procession) • 11 u auspicious time. The procession would move in a boat or on 23 foot except for the groom who would go on horse-back , Before the procession would start, the bridegroom was made to stand on the YVUQ (a circular pattern drawn on the c round in a dry colours) or a place decorcted with en outline with mystic signs drawn in lime end coloured cley in the compound of his house, At the bride's home too, the Vyuq ceremony was repeated on the arrival of the groom. Back home, the groom 24 acconpanied by his bride had to go through the ritual of Vyuq , As the marriage procession approached the bride's house conches were blown, end a near relative or honoured guest Jf the bride's family would come down to meet the party. Then a procession was formed In the courtyard of the bride's house, where the bride groom before entering the main building would stand on the Vyuq. 23. Lawrence, Valley, p. 261; Gervls Pearcie, op. cit., p. 266., Bamzai P.N.K, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir^ p, 27., Keys to Kashmir, pp. 71—72. 813coe. Kashmir In Sunlight arid Shade, p. 155., Kashmir (Journal)^ .Mgy 1958, Vol. VIII, NO: 5, pp. 147—149. Lawrence observed that four Hindu attendants (three with yak's tails and the fourth with silver cup and shell) accompanied the bridegroom In addition to a Muslim, known as the Shahqasl. who would hold an unnibrella over the bride groom'snTeadTA Potradiaraia (substitute bridegroom) attending the bridegroom would accompany the baraat. He was supposed to replace the bridegroom In case a untoward incident took place on the occasion. However, such occurrences were rare, if any, Lawrence, op. dt,, p. 261, 24, Kashmir (Journal), May 1958, Vol. Vlil, NO: 5, pp. 147—148y Bamzal, P.N.K,, Socio—Economic History of Kash-nlr (1846-19 25) p. 27., Census of India, 1961, J&K. A Vlllaoe Survey mono- graph. Vol. VI, Part VI, NGj 7, Meshwargur, p. 19, See also Keys to Kashmir, pp. 71—72., Koshur 3ama<7har, May 1980, Vol. XV, NO: 5, (Socio—Cultural Monthlyj,p. 2, 114 women would chant blessings and conch shells were blown. Here the bride was escorted to x;he Vyuq to stand on the left of the groom. Cloaked in shawl from head to foot, she would 25 bashfully stand with bent head • The yazmanbai. (the eldest lady of the house) walked in gracefully attired in a pheran, tied at the waist by loongi and starched taranoa would come out holding a thali containing lighted laiT53S made out of kneaded flour, some flowers and a piece of candy in her hand whidi she would pass round the heads of the bride and the groom. She would then ^ffer a piece of candy in the mouth of the bride and groom and would kiss them affection ately on the forehead, The darpuza (worship of the threshold), would take place after which the bride and the groom were led to the sacred fire, A feast was given (dinner or lunch) to the party and the groom according as the lagan would take place in the morning or after sun- set • 25, Lawrence, Valley, p. 261; Bamzai P.N.K. Soci»-Sconomic History of Kashmir, p. 27, Kashmir (Journal) year 1955, Vol. 5, N0» 8, pp. 174—177. Keys to Keshodr, pp. 71—72, Pt. Sheonarayan, op. cit., pp. 100—101, 26, Kashmir (Journal) year 1955, Vol. 5, NOx 8, pp. 174—77; Keys to Kashmir, p. 72, Gervis Pearce, op, cit., p. 266., Lawrence, Valley, pp. 261—62, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade^ p. 155, Kashmir (Journal)» year 1958, pp. 147-148; Koshur Samachar. year May, 1980, Vol. XV, NO5 5, p, 2, lie The party would be served with meal, which besides rice, consisted of a large variety of vegetarian dishes. The party would disperse after the feast and only a few close relatives would remain with the groom till the end of the final ceremony. The stage was now set for the lagana* This ceremony was performed by the family priests of both the bride and the groom, A fire was lit to serve es a divine witness (fire is looked upon as presiding deity, the god Agni)# pvxifying agent end the convey or of food offering to gods. This act atonce would establish the religious character of the rite. The bridegroom was then called upon, by the bride's father, to accept K^yedan (ritual gift of the virgin). This ritual gift of a virgin would bestow ritual merit upon the person who would give her end the person who would 27 gCcept the gift. The girl might be given away in marriage by her father, grand father, if he is alive, father's elder brother, or her own elder brother. In some cases a mother's brother might be called irpon to give away his niece in marriage, if her father and future husband be of the same gotra. After the ceremony the bride's father would add three more strands to the bridegroom* s sacred thread-- a new vaqnopavit of six strings would thus be put around his neck removing the previous vaqnopavit of three strands which the groom had been wearing since his mekhal^ This rite would signify 27. Ibid,, Madan, T.N, op, clt., pp, 120-121, Dogre Sant Ran*, Code of Tribal Custom in Kashmir^ p. 6., The Gazetteer of India. Vol, V, pp, 587—88, Census of India. 1961. J6dC. A Village Survey monograph. Vol, VI, Part VI, NOt 7, pp,19~20. The father of the girl gives to the groom the ^ift of his daughter, in a ceremony called Kanyadan (handing over of the daughter by father to the son-in-law), lie the assumption of the responsibilities of bridegroom towards his wife. After reciting various incantations, (loud chanting of vedic hymn.3) by the priests, the couple w as served with food, 28 which they would partake of in one and the seme plate • The most thrilling moment in the course of the lac an was, perheps the gthwass (hand in hand) or long handshake, but it differ* from it in spirit. The bride and the groom, until then complete strengers, were asked to entwine each other's hands cross ways. It was here that the sweet gentle tussle between her and the groom over the ring worn by the bride would take place under a shawl. Meantime, the bride and the bridegroom would see each jther's 29 faces for the first time in a mirror put before them « Then followed the most important rite called sapta-padj (walking seven steps), seven coins were laid around the sacred fire. The bride and the groom were made to step on th^iti. The bridegroom would then hold the hands of the bride and would lead her step by step over the seven coins. As he would guide her over the seven coins, the priests would make him repeat the mantra %*hich they themselves recited. The bridegroom would t-eke upon 28. Keys to Kashmir, p, 72,, Kashnrdr (Journal)* year 1958, pp, 147—148. Bamzai, R.M.X Anand Koul, The Kashmiri Pandit, pp. 77—79, Madan T.N. op. cit., p. 120. Lawrence, Valley p. 262; Gervis Fearce, op. cit., p. 266., Rose /v., op. cit., p, 88, Koshur Samachar, November, 1981, Vol, Xl}g NOi 11, "(Socio—Cultural Monthly), pp. 7—9, 29, Pt, Sheonarayan, Gurtoo, op. cit., pp. 165—67. Kashmir (Journal) year 1955, vol, V, N0» 8, pr 177, 117 himself the responsibility of performing seven duties by the bride or for her viz., feed her, look after her health, give her wealth, be answerable for her well-being, give her off spring, be good to her at all times, be bound to her in mutual friendship. After this rite the marriage would be deemed as irrevocable . Thus the priests would read aloud from their rel:iglou3 texts the implication of these seven steps, after the completion of which the two were seid to have lost their separate identity and to have become one. Towards the end of the ritual, the bridegroom would give some walnuts to the bride who would give them to her father-in- law, who would bless her, rhis usage was perhaps symbolic of the fact that the children whidi the husband would have by his wife 32 would belong to his father's patrilineage • The most touching or sentimentally fascinating pert of the lagna would be the posh-puza or floral tributes or adoration. The bride and the groom would be invariably covered with a sheet 30. Ibid,, Madan, T. N, pp, 120—121, Bamzei, P.N.K,, Socio— Ec*noraic History of Kashmir, p. 27,, Kashmir (Journal)^year 1958. pp. 147—48, Keys to Kashmir, p. 72, ' i^.Sheonarayan, Gtirtoo, op, cit,, p. 98, The Gazetteer of Ir.aia, Vol, I, pp, 547—48., Census Report. 1911, J&K, Part I, p. 143., Schonberg, op, cit.. Vol, II, p. 153,, The Earl of Dunmore, op, cit.. Vol, II, p. 36,, Koshur Samachar. April, 1980, Vol, XV, N0» 4, p. 9. 31. Ibid,, 32. Ibid,, lie and the parents of the bride alongwith the next of the Xln would shover fresh and fragrant flowers on them to the chanting 33 of the hymns by the priests • Immediately after the lagan ceremony was cjver, the bridegroom with his party would return to his own home. The ceremony of Vyuq was repeated before departure of the marriage party for the bridegroom's house. As the bridegroom would step into the Vyuq a conch-shell would be blown as a slgncl for preparation and also to ward off evil spirits, rhe bride was helped out by her maternal uncle to step O'jct through the window of a room on the ground floor. The father would give away his daughter in gift to his son-in-law and according to the Kashmiri Pandit religious faith, a thing once given away should never 34 return through the portals of the giver's house , The daughter 35 would, however, visit her parents from time from time to time, 33,' Pt, Sheonarayen GiLvtdcfc, op. cit., p. 100; Xash.7^ir (Journal) 1955, Vol. V, NOs 8, p, 177, Koshur Sanachar* Csocio-Cultural Monthly), April, 19 80, Vol. XV, NO: 7, pp. 2—4, ?^ay, 1980, Vol. XV, N0» 5, p. 2. 34. Ibid,, Thus her subsequent visits to her parental home would become possible as she had left the parent* s house not through the front door but through a window in the room on the ground floor of the house, 35, Bemzai, Pandit Anand Koul, The Kashmir Pandit, p. 78; Madan, T.N,, Op. cit., p. l2l., Kashmir(Journal), 1958,pp. 147—148, Keys to Kashmir, p. 7 2, Socio—Economic History of, Kashmir, (1846—1925), p. 27,, Lawrence, Valley, p. 261,,Kashmir(Journal year 1955, Vol, 5, NOs 8, pp, 174—77, Madan writes marriage among the Pandits is looked I^OM as a sacrament rather than a contract. It is an Indissolvable bfind between the husband end the wife after the bride being gifted away by her parents and accepted by the in-laws. The rituals are supposed to be witnessed by God, The Pandits call marriage as nethar which means a permanent bond that can never be changed. Thus Sanskrit term Vivah means carrying away and refers to the bride being carried away to her conjugal home as the wife is gifted away, she can not be taken back. That is why a Hindu bride does not leave her parental home through the front door, but through the window.In this way she is left free to return through the main door afterwards.Madan op, cit,, pp,120—121, 11 o On reaching the bridegroom's house the Wug ceremony would again be performed there and after that the couple would enter their home, rhe couple would be received with full honour by the aaam (the bridegroom's eldest married sister) though maternal or paternal aunt also must serve the purpose in some 36 cases, who would bar the door. The bridegroom must pey Zembrand or money to her. Flowers and coins would be showered and women would sing ell the while. The mother would serve the newly married couple in the kitchen with her QWyi hands from one plate 37 or thali in token of their love and inseparable entity , On the evening of the same day, or the next day (if the laqean had been performed during the night), a feast to which only a ciiosen few were invited, was given to the new son-in-iaw by the bride's father. Younger brothers and sisters of the bridegroom would accompany the couple to participate in the feast, "Hie bridegroom would receive presents from them in cash end kind, while the bride would receive a new dress, The function was kno%m 36, rhe convention would be that Zaam or her substitute would not allow the bride end the groom to pass unless they gave some gift in cash or kind to allow them to pass through the portals of the house. This gift would be called the Zam- brand, 37. Banzai, ^nand Koul, The Kashmiri Pandit, p, 78,, Gervis Pearce, op, clt,, p, 267,, Lawrence, Valley, p, 262, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlicht and 3had^. p. 155,, Kashmir (Journal), year May 1958, vol. VIII. NOi 5, pp, 147—148, 120 S«t»Regt« This was not performed on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, so that there was bound to be a nnodification in the 38 date of its celebration • Late at night the couple would go home where the bridegroom* s mother was waiting again with thali full of curds, candy and special kind of soft bread, which she 39 would t ake to their room • A few days later, (two, three or four deys et the most), the bridegroom's parents would receive roths (sjecially prepared Igrge sized j^aked sweet breada), a few packets of sweet-meats, some dry fruit, a suit for the bride, The Roths were distributed among all neighbours, relatives and friends. This was known as Roth-Khabar, Roth was typical kind of bread got f rej ared by both Hindus end Muslims for special occasions, and Khebar means well- being or message. Therefore, it irdght mean the messaae of good will from the bride's parents to their son-in-law and his house- hold • 38, Bamzai, P.N.K, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, pp. 27--28, Census of India. 1961. (A Village Survey Re}^ ort, Maheshwarpur) Vol. VI, Part VI, N0» 7, p. 20, Lawrence, Valley, p, 262., Kashmir (Journal), Year 1958, pp. 147—148., Keys to Kashmir, p. 72,, Biscoe, Kashmir in Stmllght and Shade, p. 155«, See also Kashmir, year 1955, Vol. V. NOi 8, p. 177, 39, Ibid., 40, f^andit, Somneth, op. cit., pp. 105--157; Census of India 1961, ( J & K), Vol. VI, Part VI, NO: 7, p. 20, 121 It was only after this ceremony that the girl could go to her father's house for the second time. i?he bridegroom was once again Invited by his In-laws to stay with them for a few days and was presented with some cash and clothes. Phis was called Phlrsaal (second feast) and henceforth he could visit his In-laws according to his convlence or without any restrictions of ceremonial protocol. After a few days stay at the In-law'3 house the bride, on en auspicious day, would prepare a special teo and serve it to cill her in-law people~young and old, "The persons, both male and female, after taking the tea, had to offer a tip to the bride; the amount so offered would differ from house to house and from person to person. The mother-ln-lew would settle with all her near and dear relative* a date convenient to almost all and on this day she would open the trunk (boxes) brought by her daughter-in-law. She then offered suits and ciiappals as gifts to her nearest female relations, A couple of the finest suits among all these suits would b4 offered to bridegroom* s mother and sister. The sister's suit was known as Shandakar 42, 41, Ibid,, See also Pt, Sheonarayan Gurtoo, op. cit,, p. 61, 42, Pandit Somnath, op, cit., pp. 105—15l/« 122 The bride's parents «ere ea^ected to pay a lerce sum of money (cash) and gifts on several occasions like birthdays of the bride, bridegroom and his parents or nearest relatives in addition to the important festivals like Shiv Ratri* Nawreh (New year day). This would be in addition to the above rrtentioned socio—religious functions connected with marriage end the marriage anniversary of the bride and the bridegroom. These practices would be followed by both the rich and the poor, though with some difference in the amount of payment or the velue of presents depending upon the status and position of the families* In the month of Poh (December) the Shushar ceremony would be performed. Relatives, friends and neighbours would be entertained to a heavy non-vageterian lunch at tha bride groom's house. The bride once again would receive presents on the occasion • 43, Ibid,, Bamzai, P,N,K, 3ocio-~Economic History of Kashmir, p, 28, Census of India, 1961. (A Village Survey Report). Vol, VI, Fart VI, NOj 7, p, 20,, KashmirC Journal). 1955, Vol, 5, N0» 8, pp, 172—77, Keys to Kashmir, p. 7 2, Khasta Hergopel Koul, op, cit,, p, 96, "The value of these presents goes on diminishing from year to year, but if the parents are still surviving, presents of nominal value are offered to the bride and the bridegroom even when they are of advanced acer (Census of Ir^diip), A Village Survey Report, p, 20, I 44, I-t, Sheonarayan Gurtoc, op, cit,, p. 108,, Sanx xf ijuUa, Census of India, 1961, JSdC, A Village Survey mon:>graph. Vol, VI, Jrart VI, NOJ 7, p. 20, 123 2u1i (Marriage Proper)» This was the ceremony of conjugal union. In the case of grown up couple it was performed on the occasion of the wedding, but in case of minors it would be deferred till they would attain the age of puberty. On this occasion the head-dress of the girl would change, thenceforth the gold-eibroidered c^ was replaced by kalposh, Zu11« taranqa and put si and she would bind a girdle round her waist. On this occasion elso the bride's father would invite his son-in-law to his house sx\d ST end a good 45 aTiount of money on a feast. DowryI Practice of giving dowry seems to have prevailed since time immemorial, Infact the s^'stem of offering doviry was looked upon as a merit or ideal among the Kashmiri Tannics. >ith the passage of time the system of dowry assumed vlrtuelly the force of law. Many parents were forced to incur huge debts at exorbitant rates of interest. In this way, they spent almost half their life in worries and liquidation of debt. Another custoTi also continues to prevail among the Pandits known as prooq. Every time a Pandit father would wish to see his married daughter, he 45. Pt, Sheonarayan Gurtoo, op. cit., p. 108; Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade^. p. 155; Bamzai Anand Koul, The Kashmiri Pandit. CAppendlx II). p. 79, Gervis Pearce, op. cit,, p. 267, Lawrence, Vallev. p. 262. 12-; is expected to pay some money in cash , A Hindu family has to provide for gift-money Cstridhen) now mis-called dowry. And now-»-days people spend lavishly on dowry. In addition to the dowry, there were also several ceremonies to be held at weddings. These involved substantial expenses— the guests forming the wedding party were entertained to sumptuous meal in which the Pod as professional gate-crashers or uninvited guests formed a major poirtion, 3t was a convention that no one's participation in the meal would be challenged even if he be an uninvited guest, The girl's father was expected to prepare meals for as many guests as were present. Any shortage in tne meals would Tieen loss of prestige to the family and would incur the wrath of che groom* s father. In this way the marriage of a girl was a great liability for her parents, who had to incur debts, These debts were virtually li)ce national debt of England which would continue to be paid 46, Koshur Samachar, Kay 1980, Vol. XV, NOt 5, pp, 2-3, 7—8, NOj 11, Vol, XIX, November, 1981, pp. 7—9; Bazaz, P, N,, Pauohters of Vitasta, p. 253., The Ranbir Year, 1940, January 15, Lawrence, Vallev, p. 262, Khasta Hergopal Koul, op. cit., p. 96. Bamzai, F.N.K,, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, pp. 303—304, The dowry system among the Kashmiri Pandits was different from that prevailing among other commxinities of the Valley, Besides a lump-sum dowry at the time of marriage, a Kashmiri Pandit girl was supposed to present to her mother-in-law an amount of Tioney, according to teth. This system known as ataqat was strictly followed for the first year of marriage, but slackened in course of time. Ibid,, 12 u from Generation to ceneretion end crush the life of the 47 small community as if under a steam roller» I. N, Bazaz cotrplains that matters have started taking worse shape so far as the practice of dowry system, is concerned. In his opinion this practice was not very much in vogue till 1931, However, after 1931 this system became dominently prevalent in Kishmiri I-endit marriages. In this respect it may be stated that dowry consideration is common am<»ig all Hindu conimunities in Indie, Though there may be difference in degree here and 48 there • In the early period of the present century child- marriages were largely very much in vogue. But during the later period a significant change took place in this regard as 47, Bamzai, F, N, K.^ Socio—• Economic History of Kashmir, p, 304,, Koshur Samachar Noventoer, ;'^81, Vol, XIX, NOj 11, (A Socio—Cultural Monthly,) pp, Im-.^.. 48, Ibid,, Bazaz F,N.K, Daughters of Vitasta, p. 253,, Khasta Hargqpal Koul, op, cit., p, 95, Koshur 3amecher :^ay, 19so. Vol, XV, NCj 5, p. 2o . "In 1960 Dowry Restraint A^t, came into force in this state under the signatures of 3adar-i-Riyesat, Phis Act made the acceptance and offer of dowry a criminal offence which would be punishable with Imprisonnent or with fine, or both. The Act eleborately states the cases and time limit when the demand of money or value of the dowry either directly or indirectly 9 from the parents or any ofeher person who was the guardian would be looked upon as dowry. It is a cognisable offence and can be dealt with in a court of law and in no way by a person inferior to the position or status of a judicial magistrate of the first class cadre, (Jammu and Kashmir Laws, Vol, V, Act NO; XXXVI of I960, pp. 255—57). 12G a consequence of ban inposed on child'—marri ages In the 49 Valley just as in other parts of the country. Reference msy be made to the enactment preventing infant marriage vrfiich was promulgated within the dominions of the then Jsmmu and Kashmir state. It was an act in the spirit of a similar act passed in British India and represented a full proof document containing many provisions and exceptions to be faced in the daily performance of matrimonial alliances in those days. A mention of this regulation is found in the records 49. Census Report. 19 31, J&K, Vol. XXIV, Fart I, pp. 141—169, Raghvan, G.S, The Warnning of Kashmir, p. 25., Census Report. 1901, J-SdK, Vol. XXXI, Fart I, p. 88, Shsrma B, I,, (Assttj £dltor) Jammu and Kashmir Information, Information Bureau. His Highness Government)(Ed.) March, 1947. Vol. 4, M0» 3. pp. 110—111,, The Gazetteer of India. Vol, I, p. 587, Census Report. 1911, Vol, Xj<; Part I, J&K, p. 147, Bamzei, An and Koul, The Kashmiri Pandit, p. 3 2, Ba5.Vicjss.mSK) Terikh.i» Doqra Desh. p. 862, We find references to tne effect that the early marriages were common among the Kashmiri Fandits just as they were among the Muslims of the Valley prior to the passing of the Infant Marriages Prevention <^>ct. Fandit Anand Koul esq^re^ses his opinion that during the early phase of thi« century- the early marri ere was looked v:^on by the Pandits as a proper and necessar^/ religious duty. It was also considered creditable and prestigeous for the family which preserved the tradition of perfuming marriage at an early sta^e, Bazaai, and others also agree with Anand Koul Bamzei, in this opinicMi. A strong agitation was set a foot by the social reformers in the whole country with a view to stopping the practice of child-marriage. Men like HarbiJLas Sharda played a prominent role in the social reform movement, so that they persuaded the Govt, to enact a law for abolition of the rractice of child-marriage, Maharaja of Kashmir Hari Singh vas also convinced of the necessity of social reform ?s set afoot by several reformers in the country. As such the ::aharaja also imposed ben on. child-marriage on his own initietjve as also due to the incorporation of a similar law in the Statute Book of the Govt, of Indie. This corporation r>± the law had paved way for the local reformers to fight for the emanci pation of womai. Ibid*, 127 available in the Repository at Jammu. This enactment was a necessity as infant widows galore existed in those days, mainly among the Hindu so that these was a necessity to cry a 50 hell to this miserable state of affairs • Amendment to this Act was made later on as the probl^ns cropped up in connection with these marriage alliances already contracted and consummated, These amendments can be found in file available In the Jammu Repository • The following figures, extracted from the Census Report of 1921, throw light on the number oi the narrJed, unmarried 52 and the widowed persons of different ages among the tanditsj- 50. J&K, File N0» 52/J—14* Year 19 27, (General Records), Political Department, pp. 37,69,44, To prevent infant marriages in the Stete "he Infant Marriages Prevention Act was passed in 19 28, Under this act, the age of marriage for girls and boys was fixed at fourteen years and eighteen years respecti^^ely. The mariiage of a girl below fourteen years :>f age or of a boy below eighteen years of age was prohibited under the Act, (Kashmir Trade and Tour), 1946, p, 86, See also roul Gwash Lai, Kashmir Through the Ages, p. 127, 51. J & K File NOt 153/R-4, year 19 34, (General Reords), Political Deptt,, pp, \—27, 51, Census of India. 1921, Vol, XXII, tart I, p. 150. 12C AGE M A. h E S P E M ALES Married Unmarried Widowed Married Unmarried Widowed 0—5 !•«« 2,931 —- 2,746 5—12 33 4,830 2 103 4,831 6 12—15 97 2,369 550 977 54 53 15—20 467 2,261 10 1,558 78 20—40 6.164 4,085 432 6,853 29 1,145 40 and above 4,347 1,180 1,685 1,832 1 3,287 Totals 11,10B 17,707 2,129 90,901 3,662 4,545 Anend Koui writes that the number of widows wes appalling, and so f ar as their wretched condition w as concerned, the less said the better. Many of them were quite young, innocent girls and were cast on this inhospitable world rudderless and helpless, Infact this evil was very much prevalent among the i andit . 53 community • j^olyqanryt In ancient times polygamy was prevalent amona kings, nobles and well-to-do classes. Later, this evil practice had spread to the middle classes also. Infect, it was more common(!i»»w)i9- Muslims, However, some Pandits also were not uninfluenced by this practice, so that they had violated the law of monogamy, 53, Bamzei, ^^and Koul, The Kashmiri Pandit, p, 32, I2r. Polygamy was practically not much known among the Pandits, But Lawrence says Hindus might remarry and they often did teke second wives on the death of their first ones. Remarriage was, however, not looked upon with much favour among ti-e Kashmiri 54 Fandits • Divorce and Remarriage? The Shastrekarss like early Smritikeres disepfroved the rrectlce of remarriage of widows or divorce. They did not allow the women to seek divorce except in rere cases wnere tne man was iTTpotent or he suffered from dreadful disease like leprosy. Thus we can say thpt the remarriage either of widow or divorced women 55 was not approved by the Snuritikarast The detailed study about the concept of Hindu '^arriage from the vedlc times to the- end of Dharmestres would reveal the marriage to be looked upon as a socio—legal institution* It was 54, Gazetteer of Koshmlr and Ladakh. p» 476; Bazaz, t .N, , Daughters ::f Vitgsteu p. 201, Lawrence, Valley, pp, 266~ 67; Gir61e3tQneMfw^Y6}nAi\K], p. 27,, Census Report, 1901, Pert I, p, 93, Census .s-eport, 1911, t-art I, p. 137,, Banzai, P.N.K,, Socio—Economic Hlstorv(From ^eily limes to the present), p. 467, Dubois, J, op. cit., pp. 207—208, "Polygamy is tolerated amongst persons of hich renk, such as Rajahs, Princes, Statesman, end others", Jubois, op,cit,, p, 208. Pandits were monogamous though there woS no restriction to bigamy. 3t was'usually found th rt most of the people had a record of having married more than one wife in succession. Bigamy was rare amonc the Pandits, Madan, T, N,, op, cit., pp. 121—122, 55, Diwan Paras end Kumar Virendra (edli -.J s), op, cit., p, 55; Alberunl's India (tr,) fidward Sachau* Vol, II, i, 154, 130 purely sacramental and indlssolxible. Infact idea of divorce 56 or dissolution of marriage is not referred to in sacred texts « Thus in the Shastralc Hindu Law there is no provision for divorce or widow-remarriage among the Hindus particularly among higher castes* It is due to the efforts of social reformers thet the 57 liberal concept of divorce has been introduced in modern times* The Act of 1955 and its later amendments introduced many changes in the fundamental conception of Hindu marriage. Thus, divorce, remarriage, judicial separation are some of the most fundamental corroleries to this act. These were introduced only to put an end to the indissolubility concept of Hindu marriage; the customary form of dissolution in extreme cases has been replaced by a statutory right guaranteed inspite of the opposition of orthodox Mid conservative sections of society. The exposition to this 58 reform Act (1955) did not die down on the passing of the Act, The practice of divorce and remarriage among women was looked xipon with derision by some Pandits who attached religious and 56, Ibid,, p. 56> See also Rande Ram Keshan, The Hindu Code> 1948, Census Report. 1911, Part I, p. 142, 57, The divorce has attained the sanction of law after the Act of 1955 was passed for the first time. It is common laiowledge that the Hindus considered marriage as a sacra ment an indissoluble union of body and mind to be continued, U^to entemity. The aim of this Act was to amend and modify the law relating to marriage among the Hindus, I>iwan Paras and Kumar Virendra, op, cit,, pp. 25,59, 58, Oiwan Paras and Kumar Virendra, op» cit,, p, 59, 131 moral inhibition to these during the period under review. These unfortunate women victims of social evils remained under 59 male dominetic»i for the whole of their lives* Marriages performed according to the religious scriptures (Hindu Shastras) could not be dissolved at all among the Kashmiri Pandits who followed the identical tradition as that of the Brahmins in other parts of the country. This view is confirmed by the fact thet we find no reference in the religious t ext about dissolution of a Hindu marriage. The Hindu marriage under all circumstances was Indissoluble, Inspite of social reform in so many spheres divorce was not openly encouraged during the period under review, The majority among the Kashmiri Pandits were 60 monogamous. Widow—Remarr 1 aqe» Widow remarriage was strictly prohibited among the Pandits (Hindus), On the other hand according to the Muhammadan Law there is no restriction to widow-remarriage among the Muslims, 59 . Bazaz, P.N, Daughters of Vltasta# p. 201., Census Report 1911, F«rt I, (J & K), pp. 142,147, Albernu's India (tr.) Edward Sachatt Vol, II, p. 154, 60, Ibid,, Bamzai, P. N. K., A History of Kashmir Political, Social and Cultural from the Earliest Times to Present Day, pp, 441—43,, Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaMi. p. 476,, Lawrence, Valley^ pp. 266—67, Parmlu, R. K,, A History of Muslim Rule in Kashmir, p. 441., Madan, T, N. op, cit., p. 42, ^obmy MQcMon^/^e^-iiHkmiisUU K/>.c.Wir^^-^y^ A iJT 13C inspite of this even the Muslim wonnen of Srinagar city look iipon remarriage with disf&vour. Thus they toe the line 61 of their Pendit brethren on this point. In the stages earlier to our period of study the child- widow could in no case resorl; to second marriage. No doubt she had the privilege of adopting a son and for the most part the 6 2 widow lived in her deceased husband's family • It was the persistent effort of the social reformers that led to the passage of the Widow Remarriages Act of 19 33, This Act legalized widow marriages of Hindu ladies (Penditanis) during Maharaja 61. Census Reports 1911, J & K, Vol. X\ Part I, p. 147,, Bamzai, Anand Koul, The Kashmiri Pandits p, 32,, Census Report 1901, J & K, Part I, p. 88,, Alberuni's India, (tr.) Edward Sachau, Vol, II, p, 155, Bazaz writes, "The great social evil among Hindus is the ban on remarriage of widowed women. About twenty five percent of the Pandit women are widows, most of them quite young. Their remarriage was disapproved by society. What was worse, it was not recognized even by the Law of the land. In 19 28 a movement was started to combat this evil. It was very unpopular at the start, and tho&e who identified themselve» with it had to pay heavily. But in 1930, the Law was amended so a s to legalize such marriages? Bazaz, Inside Kashmir, p. 296, 62, Bazaz, P.N, Daughters of Vitaatau p. 252,, Bamzai, Anand Koul, The Kashmiri Pandit, p'. 32,, Alberuni' s India (Tr.) Edward Sechavi, VolJt.p. 155, 13 tj Heri Singh's reignf^ In 1920 A.D., during the reign of Maharja Pretab Singh thirteen percent of young Pandit widows had lost their life partners in early childhood when they were unaware of what marriage meant or what the implications of widowed life 64 were • The Hindu widow's Re-merriege and property Act Saravat, 1989(1933 A.D.) sanctioned by His Highness the Maharaja Bahadur conceded the necessity of enfranchisement of women and removal of obstacles to Hindu widows remarriage. The Act was a coopre- hensive document dealing with several problems in this regard 63. Bazaz, P.N. Daughters of Vitasta* p. 252., The Ranbir« May 29, 19 28, June 5, 19 28», Census Report. 19 31. Part I, p, 141. In 1930, a group of young educated Kashmiri Pandits came forward to fight against all social and other evil customs among their community. This group was known as the Fraternity, The Fraternity was later on changed to the Sanatan Dherma Sabha in 1931, The aim of this Sebha was to safeguard the interests of the Pandit community. The Sanatyi Dharma Sabha set afoot a reform movement in the case of such matters as dowry system and e: and was aimed at ameliorating the condition of His Highness 65 subjects who were victims of the misfortune of widowhood • This Act extending to the whole of the then Jammu and Kashmir State was meant to legalise the marriage of Hindu widows. It covered various points to protect the rights of a widow and her children in respect of her property, maintenance* inheritance and what not, rhe aim of this act was mainly to 66 extend a protective Umbrella to a widow under all circumstances • The preamble to the Act statedj- "Whereas bearing in mind the advance in ideas recently made in Hindu society, the recognition by the majority of Hindus that the incapacity of Hindu widows to contract a second valid marriage is harmful to Hindu society and the progress made all over the world as also in other parts of India towards the enfranchisement of women, we consider that the removal of obstacles to remarriage of Hindu widows in the state will lead to the promotion of good morals and «67 to the public welfare • 65, Jammu and Kashmir Laws, Vol.111^ Act, NO: XXIX of 1989 (1933 A.D, The Hindu widow's re-marriage and property Act), pp. 464—4677 Sharma, B. p. Asstt* Editor,, Jammu and Kashmir Information year March 1947, Vol, 4, NOj 3, TThe Bureau of Information His Highness Government), pp. 10—11, 66, Ibid,, 67, Ibid., 13:; Inspite of strenuous effort of the Arya Samajists and other enlightened Hindu reformers the widow-remarriage did not make much headway at the moment, though it received a fillip 68 some two years later. Ifitil 69 The custom of Sati had been prevalent in Kashmir so that even a great sctiolar like Kelhana mentions this custom as en act of metit. There are references to the heinous custom of Sati in Rejatarangini end some other ancient books. This custom was abolished by Sultan Sikandar while his son also continued his father's efforts. It seems that Sultan Zainu'l-Abidin withdrew the restriction Imposed on the custom by his father. However, it was during Mughal period that the Valley was freed from this inhuman practice. It prevailed in the Rajpura which formed a part of the Mughal province of Kashmir where the practice of Sati seems to hdve been observed during Jahanglr*s reign. When 68. Census Report, 1931, J & K, Vol. XXIV, Part I., p. 141. 69. Widows had to bum themselves on the funeral pyre of their husbands, this was known as Sati. Infact, it was an old custom performed by Hindu widow. However, this custom was not so rigid in Kashmir, 13G Aurangzeb smi some cases of Satl performed In the lower 70 hill stetei, he got it stopped there and then. Thus in ancient Kashmir ve find examples of Sati* particularly in the upper stratum of Hindu society. There are also many documents containing the reference to the SlWi and earlier Dogra period. These confirm the fact that the custom of Seti must have continued even during the reign of Afghans, Even during Sikh period Vigne states that thifc evil custom was resorted to though only rarely in Kashmir, There is a mention of such ceses in that period. One took place in the time of Sher Singh end the 71 other in that of Kripa Ram • Incidents of Sati in Jammu have been reported in 19th century in the political Dieries of Lahore asr also in the work of Frederic Drew, In these there is mention of -4aheraja Renbir Singh having inflicted exemplary punishment on the parties that 70, Parirau, R,K, A History of Muslim Rule in Kashmir, p, 441,, Bazaa, F,N, Daughters of Vitasta* p. H,, Altekar, The Position of Women in Anqient Indi^, p. 126, Stein, Ra-)at, VIII 50,103, and 1571, IV 82, Sqq. Vigne, G.r., op. cit,, p, 86, Vol, I,, a»8hcm# A,L, The Wonder that was India, p. 187, Edward SachaU op. cit,. Vol. II, p, 155, Tarikh~i- Firishta (tr,) Vol, II, p. 341,, Zutshi, N.K. Sultan Zainu* l~Abidin^ pp, 70-71 and 134, Jahanqiri,Tuzk Ctr,) Vol, II, p. 181, for details on Sati system in Kashmir see Z, L. Jala'3 unpublished thesis. Socio—Economic History of Sk*nmua/\ii Kashmir, (18<^6—188S), pp, 443—449, Alberuni's India, rtr,) Edward Jachau^ Vol, II, p. 155, Moorcraft, Travels, op. cit,. Vol. II, p. 131, 71. Ibid., Vigiie, G. P., op, cit. Vol, II, pp, 11—12, Drew, Jammu & Kashmir Territories, pp. 51~52,, Alberuni * s Indie (tr.) Edward Sachau, Vol, II, p. 155, Panniker, KM- bti- (Lit -^ p.134,, Khalil Mirjanpur, Tarikh-i-Kashmir, Persian MJ, f, 176 a, Khanyari, Ghtilam Nabi Shah, waleez-ut- Tewarildi, (MS), f, 59a, Practice of Sati prevailed among the Pandits during the Sikh rule, A Pandit woman became Sati during the reign of Colonel Mahan Singh in 1257 A.H,, Waieez-ut-Tawarilch. (MS), f,6la. 137 had abetted this custom. It Is relevant to state that in these cases It had been the low ceste chewers and not v^per caste Hindus 72 that had performed this cruel and inhuman custom • The widows of the Mien Rajputs supposed to form the first line in Dogre ruling hierardicy perf->rmed Set^ on two occasions. Amonc t^iese there Is the mention of Raja Suchet Singh's (brother of Maharaja Gulab 3ingh) wives and attendants perfonninc Sat4, with his body as well as otherwise after his death. While another case of Sat^i took place at Furmendal, ir*ien Reja Hire Singh (the son of Raja Dhlyan 3inch) was killed. His 73 wld^vMB also connitted suicide «t that time • Drew also mentions certain cases of Sati^ in some of 74 which this custom was inflicted on ladies against their will • However* on the %^ole the cases of Sati were virtually rare so that this custom had ceased in practice during the period under study • 72. Drew* JIWWBU and Kashmir Territories, pp. 51—52, Kashmir fimes (aialish). Article on aati System. Mar^, 6, 1988, p. 10., Vigne, G.T., op. cit,. Vol. II, p.12, 73. Ibid., *These were perhaps the last instances of Sati heving been perfornwd in the Stater Jala, 2.L. op, Cxt., p. 448. 74. Drew, Jamrau end Kashmir Territories^ pp. 51—52. 75. Vigne, G.T., op. cit.. Vol. Jl, p. 12. iiuz Maheraja Ranblr Singh contributed a lot In the direction of public welfere and made many important reforms in social end other allied spheres. His reign was remarkable for various activities in connection with the public life. It vas during his reign that the evil customs of Sati and female Infanticide were prohibited in the whole state. In this regard a proclamation dated 2nd Baisakh Samvet 1916, the Maharaja enjoined upon his heirs and successors as also his subjects to ensure that these evils were rooted out from the precincts of his state , 76, Jemmu and Kashmir Records. File N0$ 215, Notification dated 3 Baisakh, S, 1916 (A.D, 1859), Persian Records, Jammu Repository, See also CJiarak 3. S, Life and Times of Maharala Ranbir Singh f 1830—1885)« pp, 238—39, On the whole the evil custom of Satj and female infanticide was banned during Maharaja Ranbir Singh's rule throughout the %*iole state, so that this practice got eliminated from those areas of the State v^ere it had prevailed iipto that time. Ibid,, 13C DEATH 0BSERVANCE3» *** Antveahtl or the funeral ceremony Is the last secreraent In the life of a Hindu and it marks the finale of his earthly life* Several rites end ceremonies are performed at different stages marking the progress of his life's journey to the next world. The dead men's survivers perform religious ceremonies for the future felicity of the departed person in the next re-incarnation. This Samskar which represents the stage beyond this earthly life is very important for a Hindu as he 2 attaches more value to the next world than to the present one. The rite of cremation or burning of the dead body is the most approved mode of the disposal of a corpse among the Hindus, rhis practice has its origin in the Vedic times and he* 1« Antveshti means the last sacrifice performed at the time of cremating or burning the dead body as well as daily sacrament after cremation until the performance of the first Shraddha. Also daily pindas (sanctified food) is offered to the spirit of the dead (pitra) to lend arms, legs, h«k«ds and other limbs so that the f loat-ing and limbless spirit (butha) may be transformed into a father (petrl) and be fit to be received into the Shraddha. Antyeshti is performed to keep off evil spirits as those %*ho go without its performance remain as preta (evil spirits) and haunt the sapindas (beloved relations), and others. See Acharaya Prasanna Kumar, op. clt,, p. 31, « 2, Panday R. B,, op. cit,, p. 234; Dubois, J, op, cit., pp. 482—500, The Gazetteer of India^ Vol, I, p. 5G8, 140 continued in the same form upto the present age. It. is the most scientific and refined mode for the disposal of the dead and it evolved in due course of time when civilization 3 attained a very high stage of development. However, there are certain exceptions to this practice. Members of a certain segment and orders are buried and similarly the bodies of young infants are also disposed of in this manner. There is also the method of floating a dead body down a stream, followed in certain cases. In all these cases the principle of faith is the sane in the case of the Hindus who believed in reincarnation or redeir^tion (in the most exalted stage of bliss) 4 for a dead person depending on his or her karraas. Most of the ceremonies connected with the death of a Kashmiri Pandit were similar to those performed by the Brahmans (Hindus) ot India— but as far as Kashmiri Pandits were concerned these ceremonies were more elaborate* 3. Panday, R, B, op. cit., p. 241, 4. Rose, A., op, cit,, p. 142, 5. Kashmir (Journal), year May, 1958, Vol, VIII, NOj 5, pp. 147—148t Keys to Kashmir, p, 73,, Bamzai, F« N, K,, Socio~-Econoniic History of Kashmir (1846—1925)^ p, 28; Rubbani G.M, Ar^cient Kashmir, pp, 61»~^^. 141 When a person would be on the point of death a straw bed of koln grass with a sheet over It was spread and the dying person was laid on it, with his feet to the east and his heed resting on the 1^ of his or her eldest son or next-of-kin. The mantras were recited to the dying person. Some Ganges water was very conunonly dropped into his mouth. After death the corpse was covered with a sheet of cloth and its face turned towards 6 the Ganges. It was extremely inauspicious to die on a bed « The Kashmiri Pandits would place the dead body on a kind of grass (Oaras) considered to be holy. It was spread over a spot already washed, and a priest or Fandlt was sent for to recite verses from the Bjshanu Sahasar-nym and Bhaqwat qite. Verses from the Gita would be recited into the ear of the deceased. When he was breathing his last, a lamp would be kept lighted at 7 his head • The dead body would be washed with warm water and then wrapped in white muslin or Icsig cloth (white shroud). It consisted of a loose toga, csp and sranpat (loin cloth— a piece of cloth about two yoJU^ long and a quarter of a yard wlde)^ 6. Dubois, J,A,, op, cit,, pp. 482—83; Census of India, 1961, (A Village survey Report, Meheshwarpur), Vol. VI, Part VI, NOs 7, p. 20. This is Kashmir, p. 269., Rose A,, op, cit,, p. 139, Lawrence, Valley, pp, 26 2«63, Ft, Sheonarayan Gurtoo, op. cit,, pp, 118—126, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethica Vol, IV, p, 416, 7, Census of India, 1961, J & K, 1;A Village Survey monograph,) Vol, VI, Pert VI, NOt 7, (Maheshwarpur), p, 20. 142 would be wrapre«3 round the waist. A brief ceremony celled kriva karam would be performed before the dead body would be carried to the cremation ground or Shamshen bhuml (place of cremation)• There the ceremony would be more elaborate, and would taXe In some cases five or seven hours. After the performance of the krive-keram ceremony, the dead body would be pieced on a wooden plank, covered with shawl etc., and either borne on the shoulders of four men or carried in a boat amidst the chanting of hymns. The men that would accompany the dead body would continue! "Sheo, Sheo Shamboo" etc. ("O God of peace, forgive our sins)? The procession to the cremation ground was led by the eldest son of the deceased. He would carry a basket containing 9 an earthen lamp etc • Before the dead body was put on the t>yre a nirvana ceremony (absolute calm) w^s performed with invocations to the Bharaaes or Barous •- attendants of the god Rudra, the master of death. Also chsnting of hymns end mystic sounds of 10 religious rites would be performed at the moment • If death would take place late in the evening or at night then all the fvineral ceremonies would be postponed till the next morning • 8. Biscoe, Kashmir in Sionlight and Shade, p. 156., Lawrence, Valley, pp. 262—63, 9, Ibid., Kashmir (Journal)* Year May, 1958, Vol. VIII, NOJ 5, p. 148, Gervis Pearce, ZJC>h- Cjil-y ' ', P« 269, Hamzal, P.N.K. Socio—Sconoraic History or Kasnnur. p. 28, Keys to Kashmir, p. 73. 10, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p. 1 57., Bamzai, F.N.K. Socio-—Economic History of Kashmir, p. 28,, See also Keys to Kashmir, p. 73. 11. Rose, A., op. cit,, pp. 146,141, 143 12 The funeral pyre would be lighted by the eldest son of the deceased or any nesr relative, but the work of cremation was done by Musalmans knovm as Kew1i. For this they would receive half of the shroud (kefan, shawl, ornaments) and about rupees three to rupees six during the period under review. In return they had to supply wood for the fuwerel pyres. The other half of the shroud would be burnt with the corpse. After the dead body would be consunied by the fire, the mourners or processionists would take bath in the river, burn e little fire on the river bank, turn round it seven times and then go to their houses. After purifying themselves of the pollution of having carried a corpse they all would return to the door of the deceased's house. Finally every body would take leave of the relatives of the deceased return to their own nouses, where it was usual to sprinkle water upon the clothes in order to cornpletely pxirify oneself. Many would wash their clothe* and 13 bodies • 12, The next of kin or nearest agnate of the deceased was, it might be said ex-officio the dt\±ef mourner and -tester of the ceremony was commonly called Karmj dharmi. On the tenth day he would shave his head end beard to indicate the end of mourning. In theory the chief moxirner would be a Brahmach- arya until all the rites due to the dead had been completed, Also he had to avoid several ceremonially impure acts, such as eating more than once a day and taking medicine and what not. He would take bath at least twice daily end would practise other abulutions. Besides these, he would also avoid sleeping too long and, more especially anywhere but on the groiond and lastly he would abandon secular business for the time being end meditate on God day arid night. Rose, A., op. cit., p. 140. 13. Gervls Peacce, op. cit., p. 269; Lawrence, Valley, p. 263, Banzai, P.N.K., Socio-economic History of Kash nir(1846»l925) p. 28, Keys to Kashmir^ p, 73, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, pp» 157—158, 14; The Kapal Klrva or breaking or smashing of the skull 14 was performed by the chief mourner. As a rule no food would be taken by oxxtsiders in the deceased's house. On the dey of death no food would be cooked until all these fxaneral rites and formalities had been accomplished. The people :>f the house were not allowed to take food as only leteron they would take something as they had taken nothing since the moment the deceased had expired • In short, for ten days the house of the deceased would be looked on as unclean end no one would eat food cooked in it during this period. Rites for the dead would be performed on the river bank. Water would be sprinkled and balls of cooked rice (pindas) would be offered. In the case ot elders, in the evening the priest would read a portion of a book containing a descrip tion of purgatory, heaven and hell and the state of the departed 14, Rose, A,, op, cit,, pp. 137,144, 15, Lawrence, Valley, p. 263,, Kashmir in 5unllqht and Shade, p. 158,, See Ro^e, A,, op, cit,, pp. 145—46, For all days from the very first day the food is prepared by the householders themselves and the outsiders cannot take the food in case it is prepared by the ladies (including daughters-in-laws) of the house. In c?se it is prepared either by the un-married girls of the same house or by their aunties father's sisters or by ladles having no blood relation with the family of the deceased, then it can be »exrved to all. It is considered that all the family members of the deceased's house are impure for first ten days. This is called Honchh in Kashmiri and Ashoch in Hindi, This impurity is washed away when on the tenth dey the son or sons of the deceased gets himself or themselves clean shaved and changes his or their clothes on the tenth day after performing the prescribed rites on the river or spring bank« 14^: soul in the next world before their reincarnation • For the next nine days clothes would not be changed nor any meat taken. If the deceased be an old man Kirva would be performed on all the ten days following his death, but in case of a young person, it would be confined to the tenth day only. This ceremony w«s attended by all r elatives, friends and neighbours, rhe son of the deadman would shave his head and beard on the 17 tenth day which indicated the end of mourning. On the third day of the death, a few bones of the corpse and ashes would be collected and placed in an urn. This practice was universally 18 called Phul chunna , These ashes would be immersed in the river at Shadipur which is the confluence of two rivers—Jhelum and Sindh. The bones after being taken from the place of cremation were kept in an urn or an earthen pot put in a hollow of a tree or wall 16. Lawrence, Valley, p, 263,, Biscoe, Sunlight and Shade, p, 158., Gervis Pearce, op, cit,, p. 269., Census of India. 1961, (A Village Survey monograph MaheshwarpurJ, Vol, VI, Part VI, NOj 7, p, 20, Kashmir Today (Joxirnal). y.ar 1960, Mey—June, NOj 7, Vol, V, p. 3, 17. Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p. 158; Census of Indiq^ 1961, CA Villyge Survey Report Maheshwerpur), Vol, II, Part VI, NOi 7, p. 20., Bamzai, P.N.K, Socio—£conomic History of Kashmir, p. 28, Keys to Kashmir, p. 73, Lawrence, Vi^lley* p, 263, Kashmir (Journal), year 1958, p. 148., Gervis Pearce, op. cit., p. 269, The death of a person in a Pandit family though having a mourning period of nearly a 'fortnight is extended over a period of a year so far as the relevant religious ceremonies are concerned. Pandit mourning lasts one year, during which a large number of ceremonies have to be observed, Jxabios, J. A,, op, cit,, p. 489, 18. Lawrence, Valley, p,263,, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shad^ pp. 156—157; Rose, A, op,cit., pp. 150—151,, Kashndr X^^naii^year 1858, p, l48. Census of India. 1961, J&K, (A Village Survey Report Maheshwarpur;,Vol,VI,part VI,N0»7, 14G of the house till such time as these were flnelly immersed at prayng or a lake at Ganoabal vfliich was supposed to possess 19 the same merit as the Ganges (Ganga) • The Kashmiri Pandits carried the ashes of their departed parents and r elations to Ganqa-bal lake as an alternative to Haridwar due to want of easy means of communications in those days. However, majority of people undertook the journey to Haridwar inspite of the great distance and owing to the hazardous 20 pilgrimage to Genq^al (sacred lake) 21 The Shraddha ceremonies for the deceased and f :)r ancestors upto the seventh generation would be performed on the eleventh and twelfth days* The family which has abstained from the use of flesh since the occurrence of the death would now have no restriction to the taking of meat. The Brehmena would 19, Ibid., Gervis Pearce, op, cit,^ p. 2 69, 20, Bamzai, P. N. K,, Socio—hiconomic History of Kasnmir, (1846»-1925). pp. 3 51--352y Lawrence, Valley, p. 263.. See also Census of India, 1961, J&K, (A Villace Purvey Report),Vol. VI, Part VI, NOs 7, p. 20, "Important pilgtimage whidi has lately become less popular was to Gangabal lake which rests deep end ^ill under the snow-c^ned Hwramnkh* ^omijxx. .?-*i-WLvSocio -geotife*v)ic 21, Saraddhas—. "These on the other hand are considered auspicious (mengala) ceremonies? For a detailed discussion, on several varieties Shraddhes, see Acharya Prasanna Kumar, op, cit,, pp, 32—34, 147 be feasted end would be given clothes and cash in the ryxmL 22 of the deceased • The krlva karm rite would last for several hours and the ceremonies connected with it were complicated and numerous. If the deceased had sons the eldest would perform the kriva-karm« This ceremony was generally performed on the eleventh dey among Brahmans, and the family suffering death would be considered 23 to be impure until the performance of the kriva karm rites • On the thirteenth day or some auspicious day all the family members of the house including the ladies would take a bath and wash the dirty clothes. In case the deceased being a grown up person a feast was held on this day and the near and 24 dear relatives were invited to participate in the feast • After the performance of this rite, fortnightly,then monthly, six monthly and after the first anniversary and ultimately annual 24 a ceremonies would be performed • On these occasions the presence 22, Pt, Sheonarayan Gurtoo, op,cit,, p, 70, Lawrence, Valley* p, 263; Keys to Kashmir,p«73. Biscoe, Kashmliln junltat and shade, p.158,, Bamzai, P.N.K, Socio-Econcxnic History of Kashmir,p,28, Gervis Feecce, op,cit,,p,269, The eleventh & the twelvth days of the deceased see the conipletion of ell the prescribed rites which include a Hawan done for the peace of the deceased, 23, Rose A., op.cit,, pp. 161,165, 24, Pt, Somneth, op, cit,, pp, 160—177, 24a, At the end of the first month, a religious rite known as Massewar would be performed, These rites were also observed every fortnight for the next two months. At the end of six months end the first year religious rites called as Shadmcss and Vohr-Var respectively were performed. On both these occasions priests would be entertained to non-vegetarian diet. Alms In cash and kind were also given to the priest in the name of the deceased. In the case of an old person, a religious function would be performed in the month of Kartlk, Magh or Phalgun (Oct, Nov,, or Dec) when fried fish would be distributed am of son# the performer of the Shraddh would be deemed as essential, water would be sprinkled in a peculiar way in the nane of the deceased, and balls of cooked rice would be offered in religious performance and small fire would be kindled as an 25 indispensable part of the ceremony. Thus ends the first fortnight of the deceased. The other religious ceremonies which include a form of Hawan for the year ares- 1, During the first three months on particular lunar date the fortnight when the deceased had breathed his last a small Hawan was held in memory of the deceased, 2, From the fourth month onwards the function was held after every month on the Seine lunar date. There was a prescribed rite to be held when the deceased completed six month period. F.N.24a contd. again during the fortnight of Shraddhas in the month of Assuj, Census of India.'^1961, (A village Suivey Report, Maheshwarpur), pg, 20—21. See also WaJeez-ut-Tawari) 25a 3, The Annual ceremony was held after one year, A widow mourning for her husbend, end the women of the family mourning for a relative, prolonged their mourning for a year. They would not change their clothes (phirmal) for some months. If, however, they be bidden to a marriage they would be allowed to wear clean clothes and resume the neck thread cut 26 Off at the occurrence of the death. Throughout the year, a lamp was burnt in the evening outside the house. Cooked rice balls (pinds) with vegetables were kept at a place constructed 27 for the purpose in the premises of the compound , As a general rule children would be buried and not burnt, if they died before attaining a certain age, others would, how- 28 ever, set the body of a child afloat on a stream. Though cremation of Children was not usual, it was not the rule to perform a3.1 the rites if they died before the age of ten or even fourteen. 25a, After the lapse of a year or in the year of melamas, the son who performed all the ceremonies of the deceased performed a Shraddh ceremony of the deceased at a place of pilgrimage and after that the anniversary function was held in house every year except the year when a marriage or MeMial ceremony was held in that household, Pt, Soranath, op. cit,, pp. 160—177. 26, Lawrence, Valley, p. 263, 27, Census of India. 1961, JScK, (A Village Survey Report Maheshwarpur), vol, VI, Fart VI, NOj 7, p. 20., See also Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, pp. 158—59. 28, Rose, A,, op, cit,, pp, 165—167, 150 After marriage or attaining of puberty the rule was 29 that the body of a child (whatever its age) should be cremated • Kantoar Pach or the dark fortnight of AssuJ (Septerriber— October) is a period of fifteen days which is entirely devoted to the Shraddah ceremoniesf in which rites for the deed are performed in the houses of the Pandits, A Shreddah is performed in memojry of the departed pitris on the days corresponding to the tithi of the day of his or her death • On the monthly end annual Shraddhas the sons, daughters and daughter-in-law would ^ 31 keep fast throughout the day , Besides these rites, the Kashmiri Pandits held several other ceremonies on many occasions and festivalsj- Khich/Vi Amavast A peculiar ceremony among Kashmiri l-andits known es Khichri Amavas would occur in the month of Poh C December- January) on the fifteenth day of the waning moon, The dey was 29. Ibid., 30. Lawrence, Valley, p. 266», Keys to Kashmir, p. 75. 31. Rubbani, G. H. ch. Cit-^ P» 61, 32. Kashmir is believed to have been the abode of Yakshas in ancient times. The Yaksha spirit was invited to accept and ®^ Khichri (rice cooked with dal and ghee). It was believed thet during the night the Yaksha would come and teste the Kliichri served and placed for him in the compound. Uhar Somnath, *p, cit,, p, 25,, Hamara Adab, (Urdu), Art, 1974, pp. 157—158, The Shareda Peetha Research Series, Feb.— July, 1960, Vol, I, Part III, pp. 78—84. 151 meant for propitiation of the evil spirits. It was on this dey that the offering of cooked rice mixed with pulses would be given to the evil spirits in an earthen tray. The trey would be placed in the middle of the corrpound for the demons. A line was drawn round the whole house with lime. It was believed that 33 these demons h4d no power to over step this line • Pu^ Is another ceremony held In honour of the coddess/ Lakshmi, Bread would be prepared in each household on any auspicious day during the bright fortnight of Bhadon and after performing the necessary religious rites, would be distributed 34 among relatives and neighbours • Worship of Hags (Serpent Worship) t Worship of n^gs is as old as thousands of yeers in Kashmir, The symbol of this worship is fouTid in the hanging tail of the d up at a of the old Pandit women even upto this defy. This hanging resembles the figure of a snake (samp). The practice of making offerings to nags in different forms was contnon among Kashmiri lendits residing in different regions or parts of the Valley, But now the only festival celebrated and associated with n'ag worship is 35 that of An ant Ghaturdashl, It is held in the month of Bhadon 33. Lawrence, Valley., p. 266; Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade., p. 68, Dhar Somneth, c^. clt,, p, 25,, Keys to Kashmir, p, 75, 34. Keys t9 Kashmir, p, 75, 35. Hemara Adsh (Urdu), 1974, p, 157. 15, (i^kugust—September) In memory of the famous Wag Ra1a nailed £vnant. On this day the Kashmiri Pandit women wear a snake shaped thread in their ears. Rich women get gold ornemenr of this shape made for themselves. This snake-shaped An ant made of thread was got by the Guruli (family priest) end was worn as an attach ment to the ear-ring by a lady throughoiit the yeer, .^:>men would sprinkle water over it in the morning after having washed their fece« Lately this festival got confined only to aged .Tien and women , and now it is extinct, Gada Bate 37» The Kashmiri Pandits cook rice and fish during the dcrk fortnight of January. A big bowl full of rice and fish, both cooked and uncooked, would be pieced in the upper most storey of the house, A lamp was kept burning and no ane would be allowed to sleep in that place. This practice would be observed on a Tuesday or a Saturday38, 36, Ibid,, 37, Gada Bate (festival of fish and rice) is otfered in honour of Ghar devta (household deity). It is celebrated in the month of Poh. Initial portion of food Is placed in the upper storey, for the Ghar devta Ind is called Bog (the part meant to be reserved for the deity). After this the meals consisting of fish and rice are served to the members of the family and guests that may have been invited on the occasion. Un this day the kitchen is cleaned with clay and water. The pots and pans are also srubbed clean for preserving the sanctity of the occasion. Hamara Adab, (Urdu), 1974, pi 158, 38, Lawrence, Valley, p. 266; Biscbc, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade^ p. 68,, Efriar Somnath, op. cit., p. 25, 15 ij Kao Punimj This ceremony was generally performed in the month of Febriiary. Cooked rice would be formed into balls and these balls of rice would be pieced in e kind of big spoon mede of twig and grass, and would be put in a prominent plrce in the 39 house for the goblins in the shape of crows* The Pandits (like the Hindus in other parts of the country) kept fast and offered worship on the day ot 30l?r ^r luHc^r eclipse. Pregnant women were not allowed to go out or do any work as the child was believed to bear the impress or m,-rks of their v;ork on its body, Ko tood cooked, prior to t'le eclipse was subsequently vised. It was believed that xinwholesome atoms emanated from the discs of the sun and the moon at the time of an eclipse • C^ birth days it was a usual practice on the part of the Pandits not to wash clothes. Similarly their women folk would not comb their hair on these feative occasions, Phe seme practice obtained during the Shraddhss as well. The Muslims did not believe in the celebration of the birthdays, so thet these 39, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p, 68; Dhar Somnath, op, cit,, p. 25, 40, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p. 160; See ?lso Pt, Somnath, op, cit,, pp, 221—226, 15-; prac±ices bed nothing to do with them, Tahar is being 41 distributed by the Pandits on the birthday • In addition to these customs, the Kashmiri Pandits had a tradition of observing good omens like time, day and Nakshetra* for starting any kind of work. There were certain superstitions which they have entertained since long and continue to persist. The important ones among these having a superstitions colour ere as followsi- If any one were to sneeze before the start of e work or were to leave his house and the first thing in the moraine confronbed by him be an old or ugly woman, or a one-eyed perscwi, or a dog, a donkey, a cow, or cat coming from the opposite direction, the person would have either to retrace his steps or pass the time in great anxiety, fearing some misfortune, rhus, superstitions persons would never do anythinc if someone even sneered*? Barking of a dog in a weeping tone, mewing of the cats, braying of the donkey and the hooking or screeching of an owl, crow or kite were considered inauspicious. Spilling of milk, rice and paddy seeds were also regarded ominous. The spilling of 41. Based on personal talk with Shri 'loti Lai 3aqi, (Cultural Academy), 42, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight end Shade, p. 159; Ft, Somnath, op, cit,, pp. 221—226, 15^u country oil would be interpreted as escape from disease. Galling from the beck when a person left for work was bed. Seeing the face of a person after waking up in the morning 43 would be looked tqpon both as good or bad , depending on the neture of superstitions belief, Almost all these rites and 44 ceremonies are still in vogue among Kashmiri Pandits, 43, Ibid,, census of Indiai. 1961, J&K (Maheshwarpur), A Village Survey Monograph, Vol. VI, Pert VI, NOj 7, p, 21, 44, Biscoe, Kasyimir in Sunlight and_^ade^ p, 68, 15G (Customs of Muslims relating to births marriage and death) 157 Customs of Muslims Reletino to Births Marriage and Deatht •*• The customs of a people are the most Interesting subject as they cover birth, marriage and death of a person. While there is no right of choice in the first and tho last Casey there are some \^o believe that even In the case of marriage man is left with little cdioice. These three categories of customs are coiwuon to all countries, civilized and uncivilized and have been regarded as events of great importance to all the people. The inhabitants of the Kashmir Valley, observed several customs and beliefs the like of v^ich were followed by other people of the state. Some of these customs had their origin in religious scriptures while others came from superstitious handed 2 down from the early generations. In Kashmir Valley, Just as in other parts of the country, social and religious customs formed a cycle like the seasons and 3 were observed with due solemnity. Here society still continued 1. Schonberg, op. cit.. Vol, II, p. 15ly Gervis, Pearce, op, cit., p. 263. Lawrence, Valley, p. 257. Census Report. 1911, Vol. XX, Fart I, pp. 140—144, Kashmir« 1958, pp. 147—148, Census of India. 1961, 2. Census of Indi^. 1961, Vol. VI, Part VI, NO: 8, p. 16. Keys to Kashmir, p. 70; Bamzai, P.N.K, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, pp. 26—27*, Census of India. Vol. VI, Part VI, NOj I, A Village Survey monocreph (Aishmuqam), pp. 18—21, 3. Kashmir Tod ay (Month Iv) Journal, year Nov., 1956, Vol, I, pp. 17-19. The Valley is vast with varying clirnatic, social, economic conditions and differences. The culture of the Kashmiri Muslims too is marked by distinctive features, customs and manners like that of their counterparts in different parts of the Valley. The details of these ceremo nies vary a great deal from place to place. 15o on conservctive lines xontll the beginning of the present century. However, development in the means of cornmunicaftion and transport have had their impact in effecting chances which occiirred in due course of time. The conservative elements, that formed the majority of the population, resisted the wind of change, all the same there was to be found a spirit of readiness on the part of a small minority of people to challenge 4 the old traditions and customs, As already referred to above these customs p^ rtein# by and large, to birth, merricce and death. There are certain differences in the customs of birth, merriage and death in the case of the Muslims and the i andIt5 5 of the Valley, although there are certain points of similarity. Here we may refer in some detail to theae customs and practices. Birth of the child or birth ceremonies? /tfnong the Muslims birth takes place at the house of the pregnant lady's parents, where the expectent Tiotner roes a few months before her confinement if the lady has to beer the 6 first child. Immediately after its birth, the baby wes given a 4, Khen, Isheq, op. cit., p. 84, 5, Kashmir, year Nov., 1956, Vol. I, pp. 17—19; Lawrence, Valley, p. 250., Census of India. 19 61, Vol, Vi, i-art VI, NO: 7, A Villere survey monogr^h, (iMaheshwarpura), p. 12, Keys to Kashmir, p. 70; Bamzei, P.N.K., aocio—i^conomio History of Kashmir, p. 26, Gupta v.J. end Frabhkar N. C,, Socio-"-ii^conortdc Development of Jenrnu St Kashrrdr, pp. 3 2—36, 6, Gervis peacce, op. c.lt., p. 269; Kashmir. Mry. 19 58, Vol, VIII, NOs 5, pp. 147—148; Bamzai, P.N.K., Socio—-economic History of Kashmir, p. 29, Lawrence, Velley. p. 270; See also Keys to Kashmir, p. 75. 150 bath in luke-warm water after which it was indoctrinated, To that end on elderly member of the family or preferr ably a mullah (priest) was sent for without delay. The priest repeated n the words of the Azan (the call to prayer) in the child's right ear and those of the takJbty or iaamah into his l3ft ear. These 8 are the basic and essential pre-requisites of the Muslim prayer. All this is done so that the new bom baby hears the ne^mes of God and the Muslim confession of faith at the very outset of his or her entry into this world. It was also customary among them to place on this auspicious occasion a bit of date or something sweet chewed or tasted by some pious person in the mouth of the child? 7, The Azan or Bang is the basic recitation of the •luslims into the ears of the child. It is expected to be recited five times a day to be a constant reminder to the believers of the Muslim faith. Thus the echo of this cell is heard five times in a day in every.part of, the, Velley, ^4euJl^(i Afxil 8, Kashmir Today, Vol. V, Nos; 5-6, 19 80, pp. 36—38, Census Report, 1911, Part I, Vol, XX, pp. 143—45, Bamzai, P.N.K,, Socio-'-'Economic History of Kashmir#p,29, Nad\Bd. Abdul Hasan Ali (tr.) by ivhmad Mohi-ud-Din, op, cit,, pp. 9—101 Lawrence, Valley, p, 270; Census 3f India, 1961, A Village Survey monoqr^h;. Vol. VI, Fart, VI, Nos 8, p. 17. Gervis Pearce, op. cit., p. 269; Rose, A,, op.cit,, pp. 43--45, Keys to Kashmir, pp. 7 5—76, Census jf Indjau 1961, Vol. VI, Part VI, N0» 1, A Villeca Survey monograph, p. 19, Gupta N. S, and Frabhkar N.C, op, cit., p. 34. 9, Kashmir Today. 1980, Vol. V, Wo: 5—6, pp. 36—38; Nadvii, Abdul Hasan Ali, (tr.) by Mohi-ud-Din Ahm?d, op, cit., p, 9. See also Rose, A., op. cit., p. 45., Nad^*l Abdul Hasan Ali writes "This custom which hes the sanction of the prophetic tradition, is intended to sanctify the newly bom". Ibid., 16G The mullah (priest) received a gift end money on this occasion from the new born btby's family, Phe mother fests for one or two days during that period, she takes only an infusion of certain herbs like kahazeban • The straw-bed which was used during the period under review was called as hur or hoi;; and was changed dally. The delivery usually took place on the floor* In case the delivery takes piece in the parent's home of the baby's mother, her mother in-law pays her e visit personall to offer felicitations and to give her two or three pairs of clothes for the baby. In addition she also presents e large number of loaves of bread, sweets, and mon^ rhis ceremony was known riavf (presents in connection with delivery) in local language • 10, Keys to Keshmir, p, 76, Rose /•>.,, op, cit,, p. 45, C?»^rvis Peerce, op. clt,, p, 269; Lawrence, Valley, p. 270; Census of India, 1961, A Village Survey monocrephCMaheshwar- pur), pp, 1 2—13, 11, Lewrence, Valley, p. 270; KashTdr i^odey. May-June, 19 60, NOs 7, Vol, f>, pp, 2-3, Gervis Pearce, op, cit,, p, 269, Rose, A,, op, cit,, p, 43, This system "ves gr?du?lly being discarded, thanks to the efforts of the nedical missionaries and practitioners who brought home to the people the danger of this insanitary practice" Khan, Ishaq, op, cit., p. 106, 12, Census of Indie, 1961, Vol. VI, Fart VI, NOJ 8, (J^xK), A Village Survey monograph, p, 17, IGl In fact like other parts of the country, there was and still continues to be the practice common among the Muslims of the Valley, according to which garments or other articles of dress for the new born baby are presented for its use by the near relatives, especially from the mother's side. This custom varies from piece to place. These ceremonies and customs with regard to the child-birth depend mostly on local customs and the ' 13 social and economic standing of the family. The message was to be conveyed to the parents of the parturient if the delivery took place at her in-laws. Phis was 14 called zafal^ (to convey the news) • The period of confinement varied among the Pendits and the Muslims. For the Pandits it lasted eleven or twelve days and with the Muslims it continued for forty days irrespective of whether it be hot or cold season. The mother of the baby remained in confinement during that period, Muslims regard the women as unfit for the performance of religious duties like the 15 daily worship atleast for these forty days • 13, Ibid,, See Nedtd. Abul Hasan All (tr.) by Ahmad Mohl-ud-Dln Ahmad, op, cit,, p. 9, 14, Census of India. 1961 (J & K) A Village Survey Monograph, (District Baremulla), Vol, VI, Part VI, NOj 10, p. 19, 15, Census mS. Report. 1911, J & K, Part I, pp. 143—144, Rose, A,, op. cit„ p, 4^. P^Yr,^]j^MoA^CLh^CL\i>aS)r, 16L During pregnancy* hesvy and heating food was and still continues to be avoided. Also cool and sour things were not allowed for sometime after child-birth or during the period of confinement. The mother was made to fast for three to five days after delivery and was then given nutritious yet easily digestable food in liquid form. Boiled or tepid water was used for drinking purpose as long as restricted diet lasted. Two or three baths were given during the course of the period of confinement. But the baths on the seventh day and the last one were occasions of feasting and rejoicing. Even the presents were exchanged among close relatives and friends of the family. Thus the mother and the baby were purified after having remained unclean for forty days. In this regard no distinction was made on account of the sex of the child1, 7 ^ioa CtCTiaure) of the Chjldt The Aqioa 18i s a Muslim religious rite. It was celebrated by shaving the head of the child. Also there was the practice among the well-to-do families to offer two goats or sheep as sacrifice to be slaughtered on this occasion if it be a male child 16, Census Report. 1911, Part I, (J&K), p, 144. 17, Ibid.« Ahmad, Al-Haj Khawaja Nazir, op, cit,, p. 312, 18, The meaning of the word Agioa is not so clear. It seems to signify the hair-cut of new born child like Zara-Kasai. It can also mean sacrifice if we take its derivation from the root ag to cut or sacrifice. Rose A., op, cit,, pp, 49—50. 16 ij while the nxiniber of sheep or goat was one or helved in the case of a female child. Thus two goats or sheep were sacrified for a boy and one for a girl. Generally this ceremony was known as taism». It was performed within seven days of the birth of 19 the child • The heir of the child were buried carefully in the earth. If under certain circumstances this ceremony could not be performed on the seventh day, it was celebrated on the fourth- eenth or some other convenient day fixed for this purpose. The mutton was distributed among the relatives, neighboxurs and the poor in cooked form orelse they were feasted on it. The bones of meat remained intact while these were buried in the ground, Infact, it was conmon among the Muslims to invite the relatives 20 and friends on the day appointed for the Agjaa ceremony. On this occasion an infant was given a name by an elder member of the family or by a priest revered for his piety. Usually Muslims would prefer to give Arabic names to their children like 19. Census Reports 1911, Part I, J&K, pp. 143—145, Rose A,, op, cit., pp. 49—50; Kashmir Today* 1980, Vol. V, NOS, 5—6, pp, 36—38; NadwL, Abul Hasan Ali (tr.) by Ahmad Mohi-ud-Din, c^. cit., p, 10. 20, Ibid,, "The AgiQa is, however, neither obligatory (fardh) nor essential twajab), nor is the sacrifice a duty incumbent on the parents. One can forgo the ceremony if one's means do not permit it? Nadvl, Abdl Hasan Ali (tr,) Ahmad Mohi- ud-Din, op, cit., p, 10, IG; the Muslims elsevAiere. Those nanies which signify Islandc denomination were adopted in this connection, ^parently there 21 was no bar to its consumption by the members of the family. On the seventh day of the delivery another important 22 function would take place whicii was known as the Si^dar-dav » The mother and the baby were given a bath on this day. The water for this bath was boiled for hours elongwith some herbs end grass. The grass which was put in this water w as called Los a qassa. The practice was based on the belief that these herbs protected 23 the skin of woman from becoming coarse and rough. The mother took the second bath on the completion of forty d^s, signifying 24 that the period of convalescence was over • 21, Ibid,, See also Lawrence, Valley^ p, 270; Gervis Pearce op. cit., p. 269, Gupta N. S, and Brabhakar N, C, op.cit,, p. 34, Keys to Kashmir^ p. 76, A great feast was given to the relatives, neighbours end even to the friends on this function, 22, *The first ceremony the child goes through is called Sunder by Hindus and Muslims alike". Kashmir Today, Nov., 1956, pp. 17—19, 23, Keys to Kashmir, p. 76. Lawrence, Valley, p. 270, Gervis Fearce, op, cit., p. 269. Census of India, 1961 J&K, A Village survey monograph. Vol, VI, Part VI, NOs 8, p. 17, Kashmir Today, May—June, 1960, UO% 7, Vol, VI, pp. 2->3, Census Report, 1911, Fart I, pp, 143—145, Ahmed, Ali-HaJ Khwaja Nazir, op. cit., p, 312, Ahmad Aziz, pp. cit,, pp. 134—135. 24, Census Report. 1911 (J&K) Fart I, pp. 143—145; See also Census of India, 1961, (J6eK), A Village Survey monograph Mohalla Telian, Sopore), Vol, VI, Fart VI, NOJ 8, pp. 16—17. 16:u We have seen that the first hair cutting ceremony is performed on an eleborete scale. It was generally called 2ara- Kasai in local language and was inportant aiiong both the Pandits and the Muslims of the Valley, Some people made e will that their child would receive the first hair-cxit at a certain shrine. As already said above the relatives, neighbours and friends were invited to a dinner on this occasion. But, those who could not afford to serve the meals to the invited guests served only tea and specially prepared breads to the invited. This rite was 25 followed in the case of both the male and the female children • Khatanhal or Khutna (circumcision)» The most Important ceremony observed in the case of a Muslim male child was known and is still known as Khatanhal 26 or Khutqa (circumcision). It was usually performed within the four or five or seven or twelve years of a child's age. Infect, it was an obligatory practice according to Islamic law and had to be performed by the rich aa well as the poor. It was an 25, Kashmir Todav, Nov,, 1956, pp, 17—19; Ahmad Al-HaJ Khawaje Nazir, op. clt., p. 313; Rose, A., op, cit,, pp, 64—65; Lawrence, Valle^/* p, 270; Keys to Kashmir, p. 76,, Bamzal P.N,K, Socio—Economic History of Kashnalr, p, 29,, Gervis Pearce, op, cit,, p, 269, 26, The ritual of Khutna or circunKiision comes down from Ibrahlmic tradition according to which a child must undergo (after aglga) circumcision which has also the sanction of the practice followed by the Holy Prophet, The Arabs have always observed the ceremony of Khutna, Thus, it is a primitive rite and is held to be sunnat^ (religious sanction) l,e, founded on the Islamic traditions. The Muslman, pp, 14-15; Rose, A,, op, cit,, p. 1, 16G 27 occasion of rejoicing and festivities* Lawrence writes that the feet and hands of the child were dyed with mehndi dye (henna) before the day of this ceremony. 28 Formerly the circumcision operation was conducted by the barbar with the help of his instrunient. It was generally performed at the child's home before dawn. On this occasion relatives and friends were invited to participate in the auspicious event. rhose invited offered presents to the parents of the child in cash end kind. This was called Dastbos or aulimvut (meaning kissing 29 the hand of the child) in local language. The Ceremony of Bismillah or the rite of initiation* Soon after a diild was able to speak and gain under standing of things around hira or her# a pious elder was invited to initiate the child in the basic tenets of religion. Thus the 27. Kashmir Today, 1980, Vol, V, NOs; 5—6, p. 37., Lawrence, Valley^ p. 271i Gervis Pearce, op, cit., p. 270; Keys to Kashmir, p. 76. Bamzai, P.N.K., 3ocio-Economic Historv of Kashmir/ p. 29. Census of India, 1961, Vol. VI, Part VI, NOj I, p. 20, Nadui, Abul Hasan Ali, (Tr.) Ahmad Mohi-ud-Din, op. clt.^ pp. 14—-15. Roae, A. op, cit., p. 61. Kashmir Today, Nos. 1956, p. 17., Kashmir godav May-June, 1960, N0i7 Vol. V, pp. 2-3. Census Report, 1911, Part I, (J6tK) p, 145, Ahmad Al-Haj Khawaja Nazir, op. cit., p. 313. Socio-Economic Development of Jammu & Kashmir, p. 35. 28. During our period of study it was normally performed by a barbar. But nowadays people get the circumcision operation performed by the doctors at private clinics or at hospitals where adequate medical facilities are available. 29. Lawrence, Vgllev, p. 271; Gervis Pe^ce, op. cit., p. 270; Census of India, 1961, Vol, VI, Fart VI, NOs 8, p. 18.Keys to Kashmir, p. 76.. Bamzai, P.N.K, Socio-Economic History of Kashmir, p. 29., Kashmir, May, 1958, Vol. VIII, NOt 5, pp. 147—148., IG' elder who acted as the spiritual mentor asked the child to repeat Blsmillah-lr-Rahmen-ir-Rahlm (In the name of Allah or God, the Beneflclent, the merciful) from the holy Quran* This ceremony was known as Bisitdllah, and it was the child's introduction to his religious education, After this the child was blessed by the elder and formally taught a few words from a primer of the holy Quran. All those present on the occasion invoked the blessings of God for the child. After the conclusion of the ceremony, sweets vere distributed end the guests were 31 entertained to light refreshment, Byjinnlnq o^ the Teaching and Coitpletion of the Holy t^ran or The initiation into the reading ar^d completion of the holy uurani In addition to the above mentioned ceremony of religious initiation, there were also two other ceremonies performed in connection with the religious education of the child, at the outset and conclusion of a child's religious education of the holy Curan, However, these ceremonies seem to have fallen into disuse mainly due to the cdianges that have taken place in the system of education and ctLrriculum in modem times3. 2 The final stage of the 30, NadwL, Abul Hasan Mi (tr.) Ahmad Mohi-ud-Dln, pp. cit., pp. 15-16; Kashmir Today. 1980, Vol, V, NOs, 5—6, pp, 36—38, 31, Ibid, 32, Nadul Abul Hasan All, (tr.) Ahmad Mohi-ud-Dln, op, cit., p, 16, 16o completion of the Qxxranic education was celebrated In a slnple manner. Sweets were distributed or sharbat was served to those present on the occaslcn. Also garments were offered 33 to the teacher mullah (priest) • In case of the female children next to Zara Kasaif there was the ceremony of piercing ear-lobs to enable them to wear ear-rings. This was usually done between the age of four end five years. On this occasion relatives and friends were invited and entertained to dinner or tea depending mostly on the 34 status and resources of the family. 33. Ibid. 34. Census Reports 1911, (J&K), Part I, p. 144> Census of India. 1961< (JStK)« Village Survey monograph (Maheshwerpur), Vol. VI, Fart VI, NOx 7, p. 14, 163 II — Marriage Ceremonlest • • • Marrlsge is not onJ.y a social bindinb but a conunendeble step in the eyes of the religious canon or Shariat. It is also one of the most engrossing events in the life of a Muslim attaining manhood. It is a subject that deserves detailed description. It is the one of the most significant occasions for which the groom the bride and their parents keep waiting in right earnest. It is on this ceremony that the old grievances are forgotten and new relations develop. Ceremonies or rites were and still continue to be very important pert of marriege end they show great variation from one region to another, and also in a single region. These variations are very much influenced by such factors as local beliefs in religion, sect, caste, rural or urban dwelling in addition to the economic status of the 2 person entering into matrimonial alliance. Just as in other parts of the country, in the Valley also it was the fond desire of all parents of both the comoiunities to get their children married as early as possible, (especially 1, Nad^wt, Abul Heson>)(;(tr.) Ahmad Mohi-ud-Din, op. cit,, pp, 21—23; See also Kashmir TodaV. Nov,, 1956, pp. 17-19, 2« The Gazetteer of India. Vol. I*, pp. 537—38; Koshur Samachar. July. 1980. Vol. XV, NOj 1, pp, 2—4, 17 CJ daughters) who were disposed of as soon as possible and when a suitable match could be found. This was accentuated 3 by the belief In the general uncertainty of life. Marriage among Kashmiri Muslims llXe the Muslims elsewhere is a contract through which a man and woman enter Into a mutual consent. However, formal rituals are performed on the auspicious occasion 3f marriage. The most vital of all ceremonies concerned with the life of a human being is the marriage ceremony and forms a very important occasion for all concerned. As regards marriages bachelors and virgins did not enjoy the freedom of selecting their partners according to their own choice. This right was the exclusive privilege of ].erents or the guardians among Muslims and Fandits alike. As it wes believed that the children, hoever, grown vp they micht be, would not, because of their immature judgement, be able to meke appropriate selection or correct choice . As mentioned earlier, there was and still there is no restriction to merrlece among kinsmen in the case of Kashmiri Muslims, In this matter, the consent of the boy or girl was 3. Census Report^^ 1941, Pert 1, pp. 36—37; Kashmir (Joxirnal), May, 1958, Vol. VIII, N0» 5, pp. 147—148; Census Report 1911, Part I? J&K, p. 147. Saini, B. -^. /c>h^Ti¥T P-^^-• 4. Ibid., 4a. Perbway, Florence, The Qnerald Set with Pearls^ p. 67, Petrocokino, A,, Cashmeres CHiree Weeks in a House-boat^ pp, 84—85, Census of India, 1961, CJ&K), Vol. VI, Part VI, NOj I, A Village Survey monocraph (Alshmuqam), p. 21. 1 /a. generally tel«en for granted, Hius the marriage in Kashmir Valley was not a concern merely of two individuals but was meant to weld the two families into closer bonds of relationship. ?he Islamic Confcept of Matrimonial Ceremony; Islam considers the nikah (the contract of merrlage) and the other connected ceremonies particularly the marriage as a matter of religious duty to be performed in a very simple and frxigal manner* According to it marriage is a social obligation which should be observed solemnly and with full devotional 6 reverence* In Islam marriage meens contract based on mutual consent between two persons possessing the capacity to enter into it* They are expected to enter into this contract in the presence of two witnesses so that the marriage mcy not be a secretiUe or clan- desive affair. It should be a matter of public knowledge* Also a husband is expected to treat a wcxnan with due consider at eneas also pay her the taehz or the dower-money. He must support and 5* Kashmir Today, Year May, 1958, NOj 10, Vol, 2, pp, 33—34, 6, Nadvd Abul HasaniM^op, clt., (tr.) Ahmad Mohi-ud-uin, p. 3,, Koshur Samadiar (Socio-Cultural) Monthly, April, 1980, Vol. XV, NO* 4, p. 9* 17 Z maintain his spouse in keeping with his resources and social standing. The only requisite points recognized in Islamic marriage are these injunctions. All other rites and ceremonies are adventitious and have nothing to do vdth the essential ceremonies 7 enjoined on in the Muslim religion or society. In the strict sense of the term, there are no marriage ceremonies among the Muslims, except the few which a re allowed or prescribed by their sacred law. The main ceremony of Muslim 8 marriage consists of nikah which is based on the nttutual consent. Marriages within the relation circle* Among the Pandits marriages were and still continue to be solemnised outside the circle of their relations. But it is contrary to the Muslim custom of inter-marriage within the family circle, only barring a few prohibited degrees of relationship. Among certain families preference is given to the marriages between the cousins i.e. the sons and daughters of uncles or 9 aunts. But nowadays this practice is being discarded to a great extent due to various r easons. Thus the preference that the Muslims gave to marriage between the cousins stood on quite a different 7. Ibid., 8- WJ[h-rHukk££Mj^-<^^-/^^''^ vol. I, p. 501, 9. Census Report, 1911, J&K, Fart I, p. 139; See also Nad^^l, Abul Hasan, (tr.) op. cit. Ahmad Mohi-ud-Dln, pp, 21—23, 17 i^ footing. It was based on the desire to keep the family pure and free without the mixture of foreign blood as far as possible and that is why cousin marriage is still in vogue among most of the families. The Muslims generally married their daughters to some near relation^ and if this was not possible the korimol (father of the girl) asked some msn of his own class or tribe (who had more sons than noney) for a boy whom he took into es Khai^^- damad (a reiident son-in-law who stayed at his wife's house for the r est of his life). This custom was generally prevalent among cultivetors end Hanlia (boatmen), But this practice has been given up end now marriages are arranged even oxitside the circle 12 of ueletions and this is gaining more and more ground • 10. Ibid,, 11, It may be mentioned here that among the Muslims eech class would limit its preference to its own class in matter of marriage £,g# a iayyid would marry a Seyyid t^ile a Hanii would marry a Hanjl. However# in case they did not ^Ina a suitable match within the fold of their class, they would not hesitate to marry in other classes. In the case of the Hanjis (boatmen) and the watals (scavengers), they wer4 looked vqpon as the lowest in the social set cp. They would marry only within their own respective class. Beyond the Pir Panial^ p. 83,^ Knight, E. i\ ^i>- CiV-^M,.^^ „ __• p, 22, See also Drew, op.cit,. 179, r -•'-~>-- p. Lawrence, Valley, p. 267> Keys to Kashmir, pp, 76—.77, Knight, E. F. „ OpCttj ' -, p. 22., Keahmir Today N:>v,, 1956, pp, i7--19; Banwai, P.N.K,, Socio---Ecoomic History of Kashmir, p. 29, For the Khanadamadi system Please see for details, Lawrence, Valley, pp. 267—68, and Ganjoo, N, K,, op, cit,, p, 6« 17; Again If a marriage with a near relative and khanadawad woxild not be ajrranged* then the services of the Menzin>»vore or the middle man wo\ild be engaged to find a suitable matc^ for the marriageable girl. This nan would relate highly exaggerated stories of the nagnlflconce and goierosity of his client. At the same time* he would keep in v*ew the social statua "if the girl's parents. The negotiations would continue for some time during that period. The two parties to the alliance conducted secret enquiries about the dispositicm and general behaviour of the boy 13 and the girl end their family status , When a sulteble matc^ had been finally decided uqpon* the marriage proposals would be finalised. Then followers drei» Xasam. an oath-taking ceremony. Soon after th«t, the Tiidf51e man was called in and through him was conveyed the message of acceptance and the date of Nishani(Nishan) or betrothal ceremony, when both sides were satisfied as to the suitability ?f the match* a day wes fixed for the ainouncement of Gunman or the engagement. It 14 wes also called wanqni or Kurrjjei. On that day the boy* s father alongwith some close relatives visited the gixf s house, itiey 18. Ibid., Gervia Fearca. op. cit,, pp. 270~71,, Gen sua of India 1961, I-prt Vl» Vol, 8* p, 19,, iU Biscoe, Keshmir in 3unliqht and Shade, p, 161., Kashmir Today. :iay, 1958, Vol. 2, NOi 10, p. 33,, Senyal, Shanta, Boats and Boatmen of Kashmir, pp. 85—88. ""— 14,Keys to Keshntd-r^ p, 77,, Kashmir radey. May 1958, JO-, id. Vol. 2, pp. 33—34., Gervls, Fearce, op. cit., p. 271,, Lawrence, Valley, p. 268,, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight arid Jhade. p. 161, 17o carried with them a few ma 1 mas (treys) containing sugar candy, dry-fruits especially dates, sweets, ornaments, clothes end cash. The mentoers of the pairty were served with tea and dinner. After this the nishan or engagement was announced, thereby giving the final touch to the formal acceptance of the relation ship. This function was known as Gundan (signifying the acceptance 15 of relationship) • It was by far the most important function. It was more then the betrothal ceremony among Kashmiri i^uslims. It was important because mo t of the essential formalities involved in marriage were accomplished on this day. Among certain families there was also the practice of signing the nlkah^narna(marriage contract) on that very day. This document was generally written or signed In presence of the Qazl (religious layer) by the two parties. But it was not always binding to do so. This docu-nent might be written on actual marriage day also • But as far as these auspicious occasions were concerned, the Muslims tried to avoid the celebration of these ceremonies of Nishan, Nikah or marriage during the months of Moharam and Safer 15, Ibid,, Bamzai, P.N.K, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir^ p, 29., Gxxpts, N.S, and Prabhakar, N.c,, Soc^jo— Economic Development of Jammu and Kashmir, p. 35,, KashiTili Todav« Nov,, 1956, pp, 17—19, Sanyal Shanta, op, cit,, pp. 85-88 16, Kashmir Today, May, 1958, NOj 10, Vol, 2, pp. 33—34; Gupta N. S, end Prabhakar, N.C, op, cit,, p, 35,, Ke/s to Kashmir, p. 77, Lawrence, Valley, p, 268,, Biscoe, Keahmir in Sunlight and Shade, p, 161,, Gervis Fearce* op, cit,, p, 271,, Census of India. 1961, JScK, A Village Surv^ raonogrephr (Maheshvarpxir), pp, 14—15, 17G (the months of mourning) which were looked upon as ineusplcloas. They would elso avoid celebrations during the month of Ramzan for it being the month of fasting and as such inconvenient for gala- feasting, and also interval between two Idds was and still is considered as inappropriate. Besides, certain dates such as 3,13, 17 S3 are considered unlucky for performance of merrlaoe formalities • After some time the father of the girl accornpanied by his two or three near relatives would cell at the house of tne bridegroom. In the seme manner as on the Nishani day, many articles which included presents, and money were offered to the 18 bridegroom. This function was called Haziri in local lencuege • Apart from this function, on all important religious festivals till the day of marriage namely Id-i-Milad-un-Nabi, :iira1-i-3harif, Id-ul-2uha and the Id-ul-Fjtar, the boy's parents sent presents (especially ornaments, clothes and money) for the girl. And in tne seme manner the girl's parents also sent gifts or presents for the would-be-son-inlaw. These ceremonies were celled Baed-doh, 19 in Kashmiri language. 17. Census Reports 1911, Part I, p. 142., See elso Kashmir Today. May, 1958, Vol. 2., NOj 10, pp. 33—34, 18. Census of India. 1961, Vol. VI, Part VI, NO; 3 i3&cK), A Village Surv^,VWu^^Telian Sppore, p. 19; Kashmir Today. Mey^ 1958, Vol. 2, NOj 10, pp. 33—34. 19. Ibid,, Lawrence, Valley, p. 268, Keys to Kashmir, p. 77, Gervis Pearce, op. cit., p. 271. 3emzai, P.N.K,, Socio— Economic Hjstoiry of Kashmir, p. 29; Census of India. 1961, JSiK, A Villcce Survey Report, Aishmuoam, Vol. VI, Part VI, NOx I, p, 21. 177 After Njghanl* the formal practices of give and take were kept up till the marriage, and there was no time limit occurring between engagement and the wedding. Besides betcothel or nisheni various social ceremonies were celebrated. However, very few of them had any religious or ritualistic sanction. The interval between the nishanl (engagement) and the actual marriage 20 would extend to a year or so in general. The specific date for the performance of marriage was fixed directly between the two parties concerned after m\ituel agreement and consultation. After a couple of days of this verbal agreement, regarding the fixation of the date of merriage, a formal comnunicatlon on a prescribed printed document called Saat^Namah, was sent to the bride's father who r etained the seme and that way inpllcity confirmed that the date was acceptable to him . Immediately after the exd^iange of the Saat-nameh, preparations for marriage started, Infact the actual marriage 20, Rose, A, op. cit,, pp. 99—101. 21, Keys to Kashmir, p. 77; Lawrence, Valley, p, 268, Gervls Peerce, pp. cit., p, 271., Kashmir Today, November, 1956, pp. 17—19,, Census of Indja^ l'J61, (J & K), A Village ciurvey monograph, (Mattan), pp. 21--22; (Aishmiaqara), pp, 21—22, Census of India. 1961, J & K, Vol. VI, Fart VI, NOs 8, p. 19, 17C 22 ceremony was preceded by a series of other functions. Here elso we find a peculiar practice prevailing among the Kashmiri Kuslims, The members of the family also called at the house of relatives to announce the date of marriage and ask for their rertlclration in it. On such occasions^ they were entertained by the relatives to lunch or dinner. This was fnd still continues 23 to be the practice and is taiovm as Dap an Bata» When the date of marriage drew near, several ceremonies were performed in succession. These started with whrt Is celled Hass-Mucharavun or loosening of hair plaits which was followed by Mglg'~men2. On that eve, females of the neighbourhood were invited and served with tea, close relatives and women from neighbourhood asserribled ancV§(ome of them combed the heir of the bride, while others sitting around would sing songs in chorus. It 24 was essentially a woman's function , The second item following 22, Ibid,, On the auspicious day fixed for initietlon of procurement of several articles like food stuffs, fuel and similar other items a formal celebration was held to whlc relatives, neighbours and intimate acquaintances would be invited. On that occasion consultation* were held in regard to Various ceremcmies associated with marriage, 23, Census of Indie« 1961, J & K, A Village Survey monograph, (Aishmuqam), p. 22,, Lawrence, Valley, p, 268, Sanyal, Shanta op, clt,, p. 86, 24, Ibid,, Kashmir Today, May, 1958, NOj lo. Vol, 2, pp, 33-34, M>i3-Miif7h«ravun — A few days prior to merrlage the bride's heir would be properly adorned after loosening them and massaging them with oil so that the bride may be in proper trim end presentable on the day of marriage. 25 the next day was known as Menzirat (henna-night). Henna, symbol of marital bliss, in the shape of henna^ was spread over the palms and feet of the bride. Generally in the case of the boy his palm or finger was daut>ed and the function was performed with equal zest and merry, making Just as in the bride's house. F^-3tivity started largely with the manzirat. Ch that eve neighbours, relatives end close friends were invited to sing special songs. ;>hile henna was applied on the bride's hands and feet • i'he henna that was left was applied by the participting ladies to their own hands and feet but precedence here was given to the unmarried rirls, as it was believed that they too would get married soon. The boy's father sent a quantity of henna or mahendi to the bride's hou e. It would be taken in a smale procession of sinoing women. From the henna night relatives kept on pouring into the house of the bride and stayed there till the conclusion of the marriage. Phe merry—making would consist of playing on Tumtoekneri (a 27 proverbial Kashmiri musical organ) and nont (an ennpty pitcher) . 25. The ceremony of Mehndi (or hennabandi) is partly a form of initiation, pertly protective against the evil e:^ e end evil spirits and partly stimulating or fertilising? Kashmir Today. 1980, Vol. V, NOs, 5-6, pp. 36—33. See also Sh^i^ P. 111. 26. Eiscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, pp. 161—162, Gervis Pearce, op. cit., p. 271; Bamzai, P.N.K., Socio— Economic History of Kashmir, p. 30. Kashmir Todey, Nov., 1956, pp. 18—19; Keys to Kashmir, p. 77, La.v?rence, Valley p. 268., Gupta M.S. and Frabhekar U,C,, op. cit,, p. 35., Sanyal Shanta, op. cit., p. 86. 27. Ibid., For few days before the actual narriace ceremony both houses would be places of mecry-makinrj ouring day and night. 180 The following day venlvole Cthe day on which the bride was given away), was considered the most important and busiest occasion. Almost a day before the arrival of the marriage procession, the suirptuous feast was prepared which w as served in the evening to the bridegroom, his p arty of invitees and 28 other guests • A peculiar aspect of marriage custom among Kashmiri Muslims was that the guests paid cash gifts to the bride and the bridegroom in their respective homes. This was knwon as Gulimeath 29 (cash gift to kins) in local parlance • The close relations of the bride or groom's parents brought in gifts of sheep, blankets end fjod grains to relieve them of a little burden on the auspicious occasion of the marriage of their daughter or son. This practice was given the name of pooh» On the other hand, the tandits would also lighten the burden of their kith and kin by providing them with small amount of money on the occasion called it as Gulmuth end Pur bat a. 28, Biscoe, Kcshmir in Sunlicht and Shade, p. 162., Kashmir 'rodey, y&y, 1958/ pp. 33 — 34., Vol. 2, ;JOt 10, Census of Indie, 1961, J & K, Vol, VI, lart VI, nO» 8, p. 21. 29. Kesnmir Todev, Nov., 1956, pp. .17—19. "Based on personal talk with 3hri Moti Lai Saqi, (Cultural Academy, Srineger)? 181 It was on this eve that the bridegroom prepared himself for going to the bride's house alongwith his relatives end close friends. During the day the boy would get himself ready for the occasion. He would have a hair cut and after bath wear new bright gaudy dresses, shoes to make himself vqp in finery like a Heharsie (or the conquering hero of the occasion). Usually an elderly person of the family would wind a silken turban on his heed, After J roper triirmings the bridwyroora first of all would be taken to some neighbouring shrine to offer prayers. It was also usual to go to ancestral grave-yard to invoke the blessings of ancestors especially father or grandfather for the happy union of the couple and thus it was an occasion to offer reverence to the graves of dead relatives • An hour or so before the departure of the marriage party a palangulp and some presents were despatched to the house of the bride. Four or six peraons c&rrie<3 on their shoulders a palanquin \n which the bride was carried to the home of her in-law's. .3 1Whe n the whole party assembed and the groomves reedy, the marriage procession started for the destination, generally late in the evening 30. Lawrence, Vallery^ p. 269, Keys to Kashmir^ p. 77., Kashmir Today, May, 1958, Vol. 2, NOj lo, pp. 33—34, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlioht and Shade, p. 162., Bamzai, F.N.K., Socio—Economic HI story'of Kashmir, p. 30. Gervis, Pearce, op. cit., p. 271., Kashmir (Journal), pp. 147—148, Gupta N. 3, and Parbhakar N.G., op. cit., p. 35, Census of India. 1961, J&K, A Village Survey Report, (Zachelder), p, 21, 31. Ibid,, 18J In case of shorter distance the party proceeded on foot. While In case of longer distances Journey to the bride's home would be negotiated by boats, or some other vehicles like tongas with 32 bridegroom riding on a fine horse • During our period of study the marriage procession was illianinated enroute by torch bearers (Meahel) j women singing songs of joy also followed it# returning after going for a little distance. If the procession passed through a bridge the horse- keeper demanded Keltay (the ferry charges). He was gifted with 33 some money on the spot. Even at present this practice prevails even though Joxirney is undertaken In a car or in a bus. The bridegroom has to pay something to the driver or to a person driving at that moment the symbolic charges of corssing the place. As the party arrived at the bride's hou»e, women of the house would come out to welcome them while singing songs of joy and merriment, h peculiar kind of folk dance, the rof (women standing in a half circle singing songs of welcome and wan-woon or praising the bride and the groom's qualities would be performed 32, Ibid., 33, Kashmir Today, May, 19 58, Vol, 2, N0» 10, pp. 33—34, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade* p. 162,, Census of India, 1961, J & K, A Village Survey monograph, (Maheswarpur), pp. 16—17, 18 u On this occasion. Thus the whole occasion was very colourful, sherin (soft crystal candy pieces) and ground nuts were showered 34 \jBpon the bridegroom while entering the welcome arena • A senior member at the house of the bride's fa-nily or a close relative received the bridegroom end his party and helped him to dismount the horse, A masnand (cushion) specially decorated and supported by pillows on either side v;as reserved for the bridegroom who sat on it. Then the religious rite nikah (if not already performed) was first performed to solemnize the marriage. Some people would celebrate nikah as a separate function some time before the wedding. While others held the ceremony a day before 35 and many others in the afternoon of the wedding day. The Islamic law provides that the nikah be performed in the presence of both— the bride and the bridegroom, if they are grown up. But according to social custom, neither bride nor ijroom ^peardi before the mullah (priest) and each is represlited by a close relative such as maternal or paternal uncle or brother v*io obtains the consent individually from the bride and the bridegroom 34, Lawrence, Valley, p. 269> Keys to Kashmir, pp. 77—78, Gervis Pearce, op. cit., p. 271, Kaahmir (Journal), pp, 147—148; Bamzai, P.N.K., Socio-~Bconomic History of Kashmir, p. 30, 35, Ibid.^ Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight etnd Shade, p. 162,, Census Report, l9ll. Part 1, CJSK), p. 143. Kashmir Tody^ May, 1958, Vol, 2, N0» 10, pp, 33—34, Gupta, N.S. end Parbhakar, N.C., op. cit,, p, 35« 18', 36 in presence of two witnesses end the attorney . The namds 36a Of all six persons are entered In the document of Nlkah • The representatives from each party consisted of three persons one designated as Vakils (attorney) and the other two known as witnesses. The members of the bride's family representing that side at the Nikah ceremoney would go to the bride to inform her of the marriage which was contracted in lieu of a stipulated dower or mahr and she would be asked to give her consent. In the Valley, like that in other parts of the country* the bride would usually keep silent which was takai for her tacit approval of 37 the proposal made to her • After obtaining the bride's consent the party would return to the Qazi or the person performing the 36. Census of India, 1961, Part VI, Vol. VI, NOj 1, (Aishmuqam), pp, 24—25> See also (Mattan), pp. 22—>23; Biscoe, Kashmir in gunlight and Shade^ p. 162, 36a, It is an elrfx>rate document covering all the important details concerning the bride and the bridegroom, amount of mahr, than and ornaments specified in it. This document was signed by the Vekils and witnesses, one copy of it was handed over to the representatives of the bride and the other to thcxse of the bridegroom. Census of India, 1961, Vol, VI, Part VI, (M. Tebin, Sopore), NOx 8, pp. 21—22, 37, Census Report, 1911, Part I, (J&K), p, 143; Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p, 162., Lawrence, Valley, p. 269I Bamzai, P.N.K,, Socio—-Economic History of Kashmir, . p. 30; The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol, I, pp. 548-49, ;i<»^^lAbul Hasan Ali :, (tr,) Mohi-ud-Din Ahmad, op, cit., pp. 26—27, Thus the Muslims usually bound their couple in wed-lock through Nikah ceremony. 18;u 38 nikah« He would then recite the Wiutba Ca sermon) in Arabic consisting of a few verses from the holy Quran and traditions of the Prophet, and close the discourse with an invocation of divine 39 blessings for the couple. Thereafter followed what was called i1ab-o^cabul or the offer and acceptance. Subsequently, the Gazi and ell those who were present there raised their hands to offer prayers for mutual love and successful married life of the co\;5)le, A preyer followed and then the Vakjl would go with two witnesses to the 40 women's charriber where the marriage was confirmed • After Wiutba (sermon) dates and large sized sugar balls were distributed among 41 the people comprising relatives end others • This kind of nikeh 38, It is interesting to mention here that the address delivered on the occasion of nikah was generally given in Arabic. At present, however, it is made up of Curanic verses recited in Arabic followed through a speech in Urdu delineating the duties and obligations of the married couple. The khutba (sermon) was ernployed to instil a sense of responsibility in the couple. Also the moral spiritual character of the Nikah was brought home to those present. The Muslim. (Urdu), tr. pp. 28~32, 39, The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. I, pp. 548—49, See also Nadvi Abul Hasan Ali, (tr.) Ahmad Mohi-ud-Din, op.cit., pp. 26—27, 40, Dogra 3ant Ram, op, cit., p. 6; Nadwi Abul Hasan Ali (tr.) Ahmad, Mohi-ud-Din, op. cit,, pp. 26—33, Fayzee A.A,, Out lines of Muhammedan Law, p; 91, Guptas Sarkar, op,cit., p. 27. 41, Nadvtd, Abdul Hasan Ali, (tr.), Ahmad Mdhi-ud-Din, qp.cit., p. 3 2« 18G is popularly called as vyakalatan or through attorney. Besides 42 this there are two other forms of nikah one is knovm as Assalatan 43 end the other Vilaitan or Willgvatan> Power or Mahrt The mahr or the dower-money paid by the bridegroom or husband to his wife is an essential requisite in the Muslim marriage. No marriage is valid according to Islamic law withoxit the payment of mahr and than by the groom. It represents the amount in cash offered by the bridegroom to the bride in lieu of her accepting him as her husband. In nikah-nama there is mention of a defined amount known as mahy and kind called as thyii consisting inter-alie of jewellery, clothing end other 42, A nikah in vdiich the bride or bridegroom or both are present personally before the priest and affirm their willingness for the marriage end acceptance of the conditlois sud^ as myhr called Ass al at en or by personal attendance. Census of India, 1961, CJ&K), Vol. VI, M.r,, Part VI, N0« 8, P» 23, N^SX^iA^n^ h 43, There is another procedure of performing the nikah ceremony called vilaitan or will av at an or tOfxausk through guardian. In case the bride or the bridegroom be a minor, approval to the marriage and to the conditions regulating it is given by their guardians. Census of India 1961, Vol, VI, Part VI, N0$ 1, (Alshmuqam), pp. 24~25, 187 44 articles of a specified value • Normally one third C33%) mahr is to be paid Intnediately with the balance being deferred to a future date depending on the choice and discretion of the bride or wife. The fulfilment of these conditions form the basis 45 on which the proposal is accepted by the bride's side • The minimum specified dower fixed by the Hensfi Lew is no fewer than 46 10 dirhems. There are two kinds of dower in Islam or Dower may be divided intot- (a) Specified Dower ( al-mahral-musamma) ; and (b) Unspecified Dower, or proper Dower (mahr-al-mithl). 44, Nadiii, #03ul Hasan Ali, (tr.) Ahmad Mohi-ud-Din, op. cit., pp. 3 2—33J Pyaee A,A., op, cit,, pp. 132~140, Dogra Sent Ram# op. clt.# pp. 28—29| Lawrence, Valley, p. 269; Kashmir Today, 1980, Vol, V, N0» 5-6, pp. 36—38; Customs of the World (ed.) Vol, I, p. 500; Gervis Pearce, op.cit., p. 271; Censuw of India, 1961, (J&K), Vol. VI, Part V, N0$ I, (Aishmuqam), pp. 24—25, Frfimi Showqat Ali, Muslim Mu'ashrat (Urdu), pp. 82—84, Hussani Ataullah, Islami Nizamej. Zindhqj (Urdu), pp. 236—37, Verma, B.R., Islamic Personal L^w, pp. 140—141, Mahmood, Tahir, Muslim Personal Law, pp. 72—74, Sanyel Shanta, op. clt,, p. 89, 45, Ibid., 46, "As regards the quantum of dower, the Hanafi Law fixed ten dirhams (equivalent to a few rupees in the present Indian currency) as its minimum limitj? Ahmad, K. A., op., cit,, pp, 72—74, A dirham (Persian, word derived from the Gteek) is a silver coin which stands for a coin 2,97 grammes in weight,,. In India it has been held that the value of ten dirhams is something between rupees three and rupees four, Fyzee, A. A,, op. cit., pp. 134—135— Vide Encyclopodja of Islam, I, 978 according to Wilson's Glossary, "a silver coin 45—50 grammes in weight r«iher than heavier than six pence? 18o Specified dower or mahr (is fixed at the time of marriage or later). Unspecified dower (that is not dependent on any contract between the parties, but is a legal responsibility on the part yf the husband). The proper dower of a woman is to be fixed with reference to the social position of her father's family end her 47 own personal qualifications. Specified dower may be further sub-divided into»- (1) Prompt dower— Mahrm'uajjalj (2) Deferred dower-- Mehrmuwajjal, Pompt dower is payable immediately after the marriage if the vyife so demands. On the other hand, deferred dower is payable on the dissolution of the marriage, on the death of husband or the 48 occurrence of some crucial event • Nowadays the large amount of JH[)alTif stipulated in the nikah is looked upon as a determining factor of exalted standing or high status of the parties concerned. It is also regarded as a guarantee of the stability and continuity of the marital tie or relationship. Sometimes the mehr fixed, according to the modern practice, is a fabulous figure which Is seldom paid. However, people now tend to be more realistic In the fixing of mahr, Islam has not fixed any 47. Fyzee, A. A,, op. clt., pp. 136~137; Verme B, R. op. cit., pp. 143—151f 48, Ibid,, Dogra Sant Ram, op. cit,, pp, 28—29, 18?, particular amount of the mahr. It Is silent on this Issue which It leaves to be determined according to the social and 49 economic status or position of the husband • Nevertheless, Islam Is in favour of payment of a moderately reasonable mahr. Lack of payment of mahr would render nlkah virtually adulterous and 50 Illegal and make it Invalid at the very outset* Thus the reasonableness of mahr depended on the amount 51 being fixed on a moderate scale • Ireland J, B, who visited Kashmir in 1859 writes in the travel diary that during Gulab Singh's reign for a -nerriage the tax was one rupee • Zur-1-nlkah (fee for registration or celebration of marriages) were taken by Qazees, bVery iiarriage contract needed to be registered before the Qazee on a stamp peper of three rupees value, A marriage contract could not be made the subject of litigation after this registration. This amount 49. MadMd, Abul Hasan All, (tr,) Ahmad Mohl-ud-Dln, op.ctt, pp. 32—33y Fahmi Showqat All, op. cit,, pp. 82—83, 50. Ibid. 51. Ibid., 51a. Ireland J.B,, Wall-Street to Kashmir, p, 397, 190 "turned to accoiont by the Maharaja who farmed the tax for 52 rupees 5, OOO", We have the reference that during Maharaja Ranblr Singh's time the marriage tax was remitted. He got remitted the marriage tax levied on the Muslims residing in the Valley,5 3 Marriage tax would be increased sometimes and at other times reduced during the rule of the Dogres, A tax of four or ten annas was imposed on a marriage. During Maharaja Fretap Singh's reign, marriage tax was fixed at the rate of two annas, Maulvl Naswer-ud-Dln was appointed for this purpose. Both the Hindus and the Muslims had to pay five annas as tax on their marriages. However* during the days of famine these taxes were remitted in the case of both the cocnmunites. It was proposed thct the document 54 of marriage should be written on unatarnped paper. In this way marriage tax would be increased and decreased from time to time 55 during the Dogra rule , 52, Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ledakh, pp. 114—115; See also Bamzal, P» N. K,, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir< p,16l, 53, File N0» 215> p, 29, (Persian Records), State Archives Repository, Jammu, Cherak Sukdev Singh, op. clt., p. 240, 54, Mirjanpuri, Mull a Mohammed Shah Khalil, Tarikh-i~ Kashmir^ Vol, II, Ace, 800, p, 307; Wa1e6Z~ut~Tawarikh, f, 64a, Saif'-Ullah Mir, Tarikh-^name Kashmir, Ibn-i-Mahjoor's transcript, (it is neither foliod nor page marked), 55, Ibid,, Id However, certain Persian sources have stated that instead of remitting the tax it was sometimes enhanced end sometimes reduced during the Dogra rule. Therefore, they do not give much credit to Dogra rajas in the direction of such social reform* #^fter the performance of nikah ceremony the bridegroom and his party were entertained with Qahwa and Bekir-khani , (specially prepared breads) • But nowadays they are served with milk and cakes, buscuits, pastries and sweets, 57 After this dinner was served in lerge size copper plates (called trami),each of which was shared by four persons. The dinner consisted of a variety of mutton preparations, vege- tables and curds. From bride's side nonejjoin the wazwan (the dinner given in honour of the bridegroom), Instead chey considered it a privilege to be of any service at that time. The dinner finished, the guests departed. Oily bridegroom and a few of his close relatives and friends stayed back until the bride was prepared by her people. It was lete in the night that groom started 56. Census of India, 1961, J&K, Pert VI, Vol. VI, NOJ 1, (Village Survey monograph—Aishmuqara), p, 24, 57. Among the Muslims the major item of expenditure on marriage was the one on the Wazwan (feast). Special cooks were engaged to prepare the feast. Khan, Ishaq, op, cit., p.110, Sofi Mohi-ud-Din, op. cit., p. 294. Oipta, N. S. and Prabahkar N.C., op. cit., p. 35, ID: advancing homewards elongwith his bride, who was carried in a zauan or doolv (palenquien) while the bridegroom would go on 58 the horse-bade • One of the bride's close relatives (rarticulerly brother or uncle) accompanied her. This person was entertained to tee before he returned, A female called dode-mol (foster-mother) also accompanied her who was usuelly an aunt or sister. 3he wes expected to be en expert in the formalities which had to be observed in the bride's new home. Doda-moj (foster mother) stayed at the bridegroom's house for about seven days, rhe inoment the bride put her foot on the threshold of her new house C in-law's) home a sheep 59 v;as slaughtered in her honour. There she was escorted by her uncle or brother to the seat reserved for her in advance by her- In-laws, Here the bride sat under a veil for sometime until her mother-in-law would come and put it away from her face. For this act the mother-in-law received from bride's side some money or ornament which was her prerogative. The present so offered was popularly known as Hash-kanth in the local language, while the removal of the veil was called Mohy-tulan or 3uth-wuchhven (face showing) ceremony, 58, Lawrence, Valley, p. 269; Census of India, 1961, Village Survey Monograph (Mettan), p. 23f Kashmir Today* ^lay, 1958, Vol, II, NOs 10, pp. 33—34; Qureahi Aziz, Asraai- Kashmir* pp. 6 2—64; Gupta N. S, and Prebhaker, N.C, op. c.-i.t., p. 35, 59, Gervis Peerce, op. cit., p. 271; Keys to Kashmir, p. 78, Lawrence, Valley, p. 269; Bamgai, F.N.K,, Socio---Economic ^/^•.w•a<<>^.4..»>j6S.History of Kashmir. p.30i Kashmir (Journal).; rr. 147—148. "' Census of India. 1961, J&K, A Village Monograph (ZeAeldar) p. 22; Vol. VI, Part V, N0« 1, (Aishmuqam), p.26, Sanyel Shante, ops cit, p, 87, 60, Ibid, .19 tj The next ceremony was called walima or Wathal. This ceremony was celebrated with a feast served at the house of the bridegroom to relatives, neighbours end friends. Some of the 61 bride's people were also invtled to dinner on that occasion • The bride stayed at her husband's house for seven days. During this period some of her close relatives visited her turn by turn and offered presents in cash and kind to her-inlews. This wes the practice still prevails among the people and is celled 62 Khebar, On the seventh day the groom's father invited some ntar relatives of bride to dinner. On that occasion the bride was brought beck to her parental house. The bride's relatives as they came got alongwith them» cooked meet end specially prepared breeds. Before they departed, Doda«»mt>it received present (clothes shoes etc), as remuneration for her attending on the bride, 61. Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p, 16 2, Kashmir Todfy, Me(y, 1958, Vol, 2, NOx lo, ppT'S'a—34; Lawrence, Valley, p. 269; Gervis Pearce, op, cit., p. 272; Sanyel, 3hente, op.cit., p. 87, 62. Kashmir Today^ Nov,, 1956, pp. 17—19; Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight end Shade, pp, 162—163, Lawrence, Valley, p,269; Kashmir (Journal), pp. 147—148; Gervis Pearce, op. cit.,p, 272, Keys to Kashmir, p. 78, Census of India, 1961, Vol. VI, Fart VI, NOx T^ (Aishmuqam), p. 26. 63. Discoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, pp. 162—63, Census of India, 1961, A Village Survey Monograph, Meahwapur, p. 17. (Mattan), p, 24,, Among the Muslims there prevailed the custom of keeping the bride in the bridegroom's home for seven days in the initial stage. Daring that period she had the constant corrpany of the foster mother to share her secrets end keep her cheerful» 19; The next function celebrated after the merriege was Tcnown ss Phlr-saal (the second invitation). This function was held after a time ranging between months to a year after the marriage depending iqpcm the circumstances of the two parties. On this occasion the bridegroom, his close relatives and friends were again invited by the bride's parents. Except bridegroorrv all others returned home after dinner. However, the bridecrDom stayed there for two or three days, The bridegroom was looked efter with crest care and was served with sumptuous meals. After three c5?ys stay he was given a formal send-off ana presenteri wjth rifts which consisted of eatables such as sweets, breads aiid Bakshish (the present meant exclusively for his personal use), This was offered in the form of a Pushale (a superior woollen blanket) or a suit piece for his personal use. Thereafter, bar to his coming was virtually lifted and he could visit his in-laws whenever he pj.eased « The Kashmiri Muslim marriages like those of the Muslims in other parts of the country, have become the occasions of festive rejoicing and costly ceremonial functions, Infact, these have become a means of showing off one's status and pomp. In course of time the simplicity of the Islamic way of marriage became 61, Bamzai, P, N, K,, Socio-Economic History of Kashmir, p, 30; Kashmir (Journal), pp, 147—148; Gervis Pearce, op, cit,, p, 27 2; Census of India, 1961, JS*C, Vol. VI, Part VI, NOt 8, p, 25,, Maheswapur, p, 17,, Lawrence, Valley, p, 270, Keys to Kashmir, p, 78, 19 tj conspicuous by its absence. These have also often brought in their wake xintold misery to the families which show off their riches far beyond their actual means. Thus the Kashmiri Muslims have far surprised their co-religionists in other parts of the 65 country in the practice of lavish spending on these occasions • In the words of Ishaq Khan "Dowry was practically non existent among the Muslimsr Btit at present the Muslims of the Vglley consider daughters a co'^tly phenomenon as they are expected to give dowries to their daughters. And this social evil is eating 66 into the vitals of the Muslim families year after year • Remarriage and Divorcex Divorce was recognized and the remarriage of widows approved in Islamic law. The remarriage of the widows end divorced women was and still continues to be neither looked down upon by 65. Khan Ishaq^ op. clt,, p, 110; See also Nadvd# Abul Hasan Mi (tr.) Ahmad Mohi-ud-Dln, op. cit., pp. 24—25, Sofi, Gulam Mohi-ud-Dln, KaohTilr K-^a oemajl Aur ^kefeti Tabdilian (Urdu script), pp. 291~94. 66, Koshur Samacl>er« /vpril, 1980, Vol. XV, No. 4, p. 9; Khan Ishaq, op. clt,, p. 110» -See- OJL6O Soti Mol\u~^~I>i^, The Muslims of th<^ Valley hiewe develo^sci the evil practice Of lavish spending on the occasion of marriage, i'his prodigal expenditure has added to the bitter tale of woes in the form of indebtedness among them. The guest control orders passed by the government against excessive spending on number of guests are obeyed only in their non compliance. It may be stated that treating of these guest control orders with indifference has the blessing of even the authorities who issue them, Ishaq Khan, op, clt., p, 110« V3Z Islam nor hes it been held with contempt by custom or ussee of the lluslim people. Inf act in certain noble and respectoble femilies even widows were given in marriage for the second time 6*7 by the members of their family • However, inspite of the sanction of religion, the Muslim women in Kashmir Valley did not look with much favour the practice of re-marriage, though conditions seem to have undergone a perceptible chenge in the modern times, iMo doubt, some of them were re-married. Divorce, by end lerge, was rare among the Kashmiris, It was mostly to be found among some people in the lower stratum of community. Islam r rovides the go right of divorce to both m«n and women • There ere so neny writers (both in the west as well as the ecst), who neve viewed it in a different light. These writers, inspite of difference of opinion, have ultimately agreed to the remedy of divorce in extreme case of strained, matrimonial relationship. Infect, talaq. 67, Nadv^, Abul Hasan, (tr,) Ahmad Mohi-ud-Din, op. clt,, p, 53; Dogra 3, R,, op, cit,, p, 7; Sidique M, iM, ^at is Islam, pp. 69—70; Ganjoo N, K,, op, cit,, p. 305; Hussani Atta- Ullah, op. cit,, pp. 224, 296, Fehmi, ohowqat Ali, op, cit,, pp, 84—90; Diwan Far as and Kumer Virendre (ed.) op. cit,, pp, 152—161- 27—28, Ahmad K, N,, :^uslim Law of Divorce, pp, 1—7; NiJift^aoa taliiV , „<>^'Cit- > P« Si«# Verme, B, R,, isx&ngc Personal Law CGolden Jubilee Edition), p, 189; Ali Firasat and Ahmad Fur^ian, Divorce in Mohammedan Law , pp. 9—25. Census at Report/ 1311, Part 1, Jf^K, p. 142,, Census Report, 1941, Part I—II, Vol, x;«vll, p. 13., Che Gazetteer of India, Vol, 3, p, 542, Sanyel Shanta, op, cit,, p. 88, 68, Ibid,, See also Sanyal Shanta, op. cit,, p. 88. 197 is only discouraged and its option is expected to be exercised only in extreme cases. If there be no legel cause for talaqj divorce cannot be exercised. It has been said that the genuine necessity of divorce must be examined by an expert, Prophet Muhammad (Peace be \jpon Him), himself expressed the view that talaa is the most detestable of all permitted things before the Almighty God, It can not be ignored that women are v-^eker then men. As such they should be treated with consideration. They should not be divorced without any reason • However, when husband and wife lead a constant cat and dog life or when one partner continues maltreating the other, divorce becom s neicessery 70 to save the couple from constant cause of irritation • "A Muslim husband cannot divorce his wife and take her back as he pleases, Similarly, the Muslim lew prescribes definite procedure and proper 71 time for divorce* • In case the dissolution of the marriage tie is initiated 72 by the husband it is called talao # on the other hand when It originates from the wife or it takes place at the instance of the 69, Ali, Firasat And Ahmed, ru^o^^n, op.cit., pp. 9—10,21; Diwan Paras & Kumar Virendre, op. cit,, pp, 151—67, 70, Gupta &£ Sarkar, Over View of Muslim Law, pp. 49—50; Dogre S.R,, op, cit,, p, 7, Diwan Far as ^ Kurner Virendra, (ed.) op, cit., p, 162; Sidique M.I!,, op, cit,# pp, 69~70, 71, Ali, Firasat and Ahmad Furaan, op, cat,, p, 14, 7 2, *'Talacj"(Repudiation) or divorce is an Arabic word which means "undoing of or release from a knot" quoted in All Firasat & Ahmad Furgan, op, cit., p, 19; It may also be defined as breaking of any tie or restraint. In fact it means the release from the marriage tie that blndx the two matrimonial parties, Gupta & Sarkar, op. cit,, p, 49; See also Verma B.R,, op, cit,, pp, 202—203, Overview of Muslim Lew, p, 49, IOC 73 wife. It is known as khula> When it takes pl?ce by mutual consent so that both the sides (or spouses) desire sepf-retlon, 74 it is called Mubarat. Thus the contract of marriage under Muslim Law rnay be dissolved. There is no specific form of words prescri^ed for effecting a talao. The words should be expressed in such a :nanner by the husbena as to meen the dissolution 'if lerrlage in cleer-cut terms, rhe dissolution may take place throuch or^l expression or written instrument. A telec:-ne>me Cdeec"! effcctinc the divorce) may be presented to effect divorce betv.-een the 75 parties concerned, l^der the Is] amic Lew, talag can be of two 7 3, "A divorce ty khula is a divorce with the consent end at the instance of the wife, in which she gives or acrees to give a consideration to the husbend for her release from the marriage tie. It signifies an arrangement entered into for the piirpose of dlssoMng a connubial connection in lieu of compensation paid by the wife to her husband out of her property? Quoted In Oyer-vlew of Muslim Lgw, p, 55; For literally meaning of Khula, see Fyzee A, t\,, op. cit., pp. 162—163, /vhmad, K, N., op, cit., pp.T^, 219» ' '. 74, The main difference between Khule and Muberet— that in the case of the Khula proposal of dissolution enanates from the side of the wire. While jn the case of Mubarat there is mutual consent for separation. One makes an offer of dissolution; the other accepts it, ^.11 Fira?at and Ahmad, Furqan, op, cit,, p. 10; Over View of Muslim Lew, p, 56; Fyzee A, A., op, cit., p. 163, 75, Gupta and Sarkar, qp, cit., pp, 49—64; Ahmad K, hi,, pp. cit., p. 28; Hussani, Atta-Ullah, op, cit,, pp. 224— 226, 19C types, Ralai i.e. vjhidh permits the husband resuming conjugal relations while Bay an or Bain i.e. which separates. The former is usually said to be revocable and the latter as irrevocable 76 or absolute. Different types of divorce or talao may be effected in any of the following waysj- -'here are two types of talagt 1. Talao-ul-Sunnat (approved forms) 7 pnd 2, ralea-ul-Biddet or Bid a (Disapproved forms). Telaq-ul-3unnat is recognized as one of the •^ost appr :ived form of talag. It can again be classified into two forms i.e. ralaq-ul-Ashan and Talaq-ul-Hasan. r al eg- ul-» Ah s an s This method of divorce or talag is considered most approved as the companious of the Prophet approved it. This form of talag or divorce consists of one single pronouncement in one sentence 78 in a period of tuhr (state of purity) 76, Ali Firasat and Ahmad Furqan, op^ cic, p. 78; Diwan Fares and Kumar Virendra, op. cit., p. 153. 77, Fyzee A, A., op. clt,, pp. 152—154; Ahmad K, W., op. cit,, pp. 63—92, Verma B. R., op. clt., pp. 202—203, Diwan Pares and Kumer Virendra, op, cit. (ed,), p, 153. 78, Ali Firasat and Ahmad Furqan, op, cit,, p. 21,, Fyzee, A, A, op, cit,, p, 152, Gupta 'and Sarkar op, cit,, p, 52; Diwan Paras and Kumar Virendra, op, cit,, (ed.), pp. 153— 154, 28, Wimad, K. N,, op, cit,, pp, 63—67, 20^ '2 Blac^nl-Hasam This is elso en approved form. It consists of three successive pronouncements during three consecutive periods of purity or tuhr« The husband successively pronounces the formula of divorce three times during three successive tuhrs. When the last pronouncement of the formula is pronounced, the taleo becomes 79 irrevocable, Talaa-ul-Biddat or Badai—Bida (Disapproved I^orms) j Telaq-ul-Biddat is also called Talao-ul-Mughalle Zshbaina (triple declaration or talaq). It is the most ccwmon form of pronouncement of talaq. In this form three pronouncements ere made in a single tuhr (state of purity) either in one sentence, i.g, "I divorce thee thrice" or in three sentences, "I divorce thee I divorce th^^e, I divorce thee? Such a talaq is lawful although sinful, in Hanafi Law. This is called irrevocable divorce. This form (Mugballazah) become? effective as soon as the third pronoun cement is made. It breaics the marriage tie and no revocation is possible • 79. Fyzee, li. A., op, cit., p. 153; Mi Firasat and /vhmed Fuhqarv, op. cit., p. 21., Gupta and Scrkar, op. cit., p. 52, Diwan Faras and Kumar Virendra, op. clt,, pp. 153,28. 80. Gupta and Serkar, op. cit,, p. .52; Fayzee A. A., op. cit., p. 154, All Firasat and Furqan Ahmad, op. cit., pr, 21—22, 86. Diwan i eras and Kumar Virenabre, op. cit., pp. 154, 28 Ahmed K. ;^., op. cit., pp. 67—69, Hussani Atta-ulle^^, qp.cit., pr. 224—225. 201 Infect divorce, dissolution or termination of marital tie is looked upon as an important remedy in the case of marriage problems in almost all the legal systems prevailing in the ,^81 modern world • At the ssne time it must be affirmed without any fear of contradiction that divorce leaves behind it a trail of suffering for the children v^o are the result of such matrimonial relation- ship , 81, Diwan Paras and Kumer Virendra (ed,) op, cit, p, 167, 82. Ahmad K, N., op, cit,, pp. 1~7, 20C III — DEATH RITUAL> Everybody bom In this world has to die one day or the other. Obviously the inevitable draught of mortality has to be tasted by every one. The occasion of passing away of a person was followed everywhere by religious practices. At the same time local customs played a great role in the performance of these ceremonies. As far as the Muslims of the Valley were concerned their death ceremonies were and still continue to be simpler 2 than those of the Kashmiri Pandits, When a person ^proached his end he was advised to pronounce or repeat the name of Allah (God) and was sometimes given his or her l«st drink-- a Sharbat 3 made of honey. The strict followers of Muslim law recited the 1, Gervis, Pearce, op, cit.# pp. 274—275; Nadvd Hasan Ali, op, cit., English (tr.) by Ahmad Mohi-vid-Din, pp, 34~ 39, Kashmir Today, Year Nov., 1956, pp, 17—13. 2, Keys to Kashmir^ p. 78; Bamzai, P. N, K,, Socio— Economic History of Kashmir (1846—1925), p, 30; Kashmir, Year, 1958, Vol, VIII, NOx 5, pp, 147—148. 3, Ibid,, Lawrence, Valley, p, 271; Gervis Pearce, op,cit,, p. 274; Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p, 163; Census of India. 1961 (J&K). (Zachaldara) A Villace Survey Report, Vol, VI, Part VI, NOx 10, pp. 23—24; Abi-zam-zam or water from the well at Mecca was applied to the lips of the dying person. In case of its non-avallability, fruit juice or drink of honey was given to the dying person in order to provide relief from agony. Because the water from the well of zam-zam (the well within the precints of the mosque of Kaaba) is considered most sacred. Rose, A,, op, cit., pp. 180~181; See also The Musalman^ pp. 34—39, 2or. Sxira-i-Yasln or other verses from the holy Quran for the benefit of the dying person. They (relatives) or kinsfolk also asked him to recite religious verses himself if it be within the mental and physical capacity of the person to do so. This was based on the belief that by doing so the last moments of his or her life would get spiritual relief and thereby suffer no difficulty at the time of death. It is interesting to mention here that every Muslim aspired to die with his or her faith in 4 Kalima-i-Sahadat> Immediately after death, the dead body was prostreted and the face of the dead body was turned towards the direction of Kftobe or Qibla. Besides this, the other duty of his or her near ones was to straighten the linibs, close the eyes, and the 5 mouth and to keep hands one over the other on the breast of the deceased* 4, Keys to Kashmir, pp. 78—791 Gervis Pearce, op. cit., p. 274., Bemzai, P. N. K., Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, p. 30; Kashmir, 1958, pp. 147—148, Rose, A., op, cit., pp. 180—181; The Musalman, pp. 34—39; Lailaha-illallha ^o-Muhamroad-ur-rasul-allahai "There is no god, but God; Muhammad is the apostle of Allah",, op. cit,, pp. 34—39, 5. Ibid., See also Census of India, 1961, (J&K), A Village Survey Report ( Mc*ialla Teli'an, Sopore), Vol. VI, Fart VI, NOj 8, pp. 25—26; Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p. 163, 2o; Ceremonies Regarding the Burial of the Dead: Soon after the death, preparations started for the washing (ghusl) of his or her body and the provision of a shroud (kaf an) vjhlch was always of spotlessly white cotton cloth undeflied by any pollution. The shroud of the male consisted of a seamless shirt (kamla), a tahband or wrapping and a covering sheet. While In the case of a female, a heed- cloth end a breast cover were the additional Items of the shroud • Before the deed body was wrapped In white shroud, the Muslim was given a hot water bath, ^d before bath it was surrounded by all the relatives and neighbours who wept In high 7 tone and recalled the good and virtuous qualities of the deceased, The near relatives preferred to perform this lest service to the departed soul themselves, and It was considered preferr able to entrust the Job to those who were fully familiar with the rules of the ghusl (washing the body). But generally professional 6, Blscoe, Kashmir In Sunlight and Shade, p. 163; Census of India. 1961 C J&K). CMiiheahwarpur) ^ A Village Survey Report, Vol, VI, Part VI, N0» 7, p, 20; The Musalman, pp. 35—-36* 7, Ibid., Bamzai, P. N. K,, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, p, 30; Lawrence, Valley, p. 271; Gervls Peerce, op. cit., pp. 274—75, Kashmir. 1958. pp, 147—148, Keys to Kashmir, p, 78; Rose, A., op. cit., pp. 180—181, 8, NadwL, Abul Hasan AH, op. cit. (tr.) Ahmad Mohi-ud-Dln, pp, 35—36, 20- washers or qhusals were engaged for this business. Here the professional male washer Is called Sranqor or Sranch Guru while the female is Sranch Gaer. It is obligatory to have male and female professional washers respectively for the deceased 9 male and female* For the bath hot water with various herbs boiled in it, soap and sweet scented things such as rose water, and canphor, were used. When the hot water for the deceased was ready— the wooden plank or board and a wooden box celled Tabut-or Taboot which were always in readiness at a nearby mosque were procured from there. Besides these, the Taboot was covered with a black cloth or pall from a shrine nearby. Then the professional washer male or female depending on the require ment was called In. The deadbody alongwlth its bedding was then carried by a nurnber of male relatives and placed on the wooden plank. The bedding was removed and the body was laid on the wooden plank. Only the washer (either male or female as the 9, Ibid,, See also Census of India^ 1961, A Village Survey Report, (Monella Telian, Sopore, Vol, VI, Part VI, N0» 8, p, 25, Biscoe, Kashmir in Svmliqht and Shade, p. 163* 10, Lawrence, Valley, p. 271/ Gervis Pearce, op, cit,, pp, 274—75; Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p. 163, Keys to Kashmir, p, 78; Kashmir. 1958, Vol, VIII, pp. 147—148, Census of India, 1961, (J&K), Zachaldara), A Village Survey Monograph, Vol, VI, Fart VI, N0» 18, pp, 23—24, Rose, A., op. cit,, p. 184,, The Musalman, pp, 35—36, Bamzai, P. N. K,, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, p. 30» 20G case might be) and the nearest of kin remained Inside, After washing the dead body thoroughly with soap and hot water, towels or white napkins were used to dry It well and some wood (aloe) was used to produce sacred fragrance. Meanwhile the shroud (kafan) was made rea^ Sranguru bathed the body three times In Irnmedlate succession. Camphor was painted or pieced on every joint or under each armpit and on other parts of the body. The well-to-do people aos used scents, Earthen jugs of small size were supplied to the washer who bathed the dead body. The dead body was then dressed or wrapped In shroud, scents were sprinkled over the body. Before the shroud was handed over to the Sranguru some verses from the holy Luran 12 were written on It by the priest • "For this purpose the sacred clay Imported from Medina was dissolved in water and used as ink «•' The deadbody was completely covered from head to toe with the v^lte cloth and knotted in three places-- on the head, on the waist and over the feet. It was also customary to show 11, Ibid,, Hutchinson, Walter (ed,), op, clt,. Vol, I, pp. 504—505, 12, Ibid,, Census of India, 1961, (J&K), Vol, VI, Fart VI,, NOt 1, A Village Survey monograph (Aishmuqam), pp,27~28, 13, Census of India^ 1961, J&K, Vol, VI, Part VI, No» 10, pp. 23—24, 207 the face of the deceased for the last time to the r eletlves 14 and neighbours, friends and others before it was finally covered. The dead body was then placed In the Taboot (wooden box). Another piece of black cloth or pall was spread over the coffin. The bier was then carried on the shoulders by four persons mostly nearest male relatives and the bearers were constantly changed by relays of four men. The funeral procession proceeded to the nearest mosque where the coffin was laid on the ground end prayers were offered for the peace of the depari:ed soul. This Is still known In the Valley as the namaz^1-1qnaz^ 15/(prayers) . The funeral prayer was very brief and lasted for about five minutes • The Imam (priest) was paid some money according to the position of the party concerned. The prayer consisted of four parts. The first part of it contained a reference to the holiness 14, Ibid., Keys to Kashmir, p. 78; Rose, h,, op, cit., pp. 184—188> Kashmir, May, 1958, Vol. VIII, NOj 5, pp, 147-148. 15, Blscoe, Kashmir In Sunlight and Shade, pp, 163—164; Hutchinson, Walter, op, cit,. Vol, I, (ed.), p. 504; Keys to Kashmir, p, 78, Ahmad, Al-HaJ Khwaja Nazlr, op.clt,, pp, 315—3 7; Gervis Pearce, pp, cit., pp. 274—75; Kashmir, year May, 1958, Vol, VIII, NOt 5, pp. 1 47—148, Rose, A., op. cit,, pp, 180—192; Census of India. 1961, J&K, Vol, VI^ Part VI, NOj 1, A Village Survey monograph (Alshrauqara), pp, 26—28, Lawrence, Valley, p. 271,, Nadvi, Abul Hasan All, (tr.) Ahmad Mohl-ud-Dln, op. cit., pp, 35—39; 16, It was (Mamaz-l-Janazah) offered In congregation but unlike other prayers, genuflection and prostration were not performed in this case. The prayer was presided over by the priest (Imam) who stood before the Taboo^ (coffin) followed by other worshippers who themselves lined \3p in rows of odd nuntoer— three, five or seven depending on the number of participants. The coffin was placed in front «./, • 20 o of God; the glorification and the praise of His attributes, the second part contained the benediction on the Prophet, The third part was an ^peal for the forgiveness of the sins of the deceased and the fourth was a Salam (salutation) to all present. 17 This prayer was concluded by the Takbir-Alluha»Akbar> The cropse or dead body was then lifted and taken to the mazar (grave-yard) where the professional grave digger known as Mala-khesh (sexton) had prepared the grave as he was summoned 18 immediately after the death was announced to dig the grave • By the time the corpse reached the cemetry the grave was almost ready and the mourners were not required to wait for long. There were two types of graves— one on the lahad system (tunnel) containing side sepulchre for the body, and the other a pit dug deep in the ground with an enclosing wall of stone or brick Contd, of the Imara leading the prayer service af^er consulting or obtaining permission of the legal heir or the nearest kin on the occasion. For a detailed discussion on the Nimaz-i-1 anazah. See, Nadvi, Abul Hasan All, (Tr.) Ahmad, Mohi-ud-Din, op. cit., pp. 35—39; Rose, A., op, clt., pp. 180—186, Census of India. 1961, (JStK), Vol. VI, Fart VI, NOj 8, pp. 25—27, 17, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, pp. 163—164., The Musalman, pp. 35—39; Bamzai, P. N. K,, Socio-Economic Hlstoiry of Kashmir, p. 30; Keys to Kashitiir. p. 78, 18. "A grave is usually 7*5 feet deep, about 3% feet long and 2 feet wide? (Census of India, 1961, J&K,), A Village Sxu-vey Monograjjh, Zachaldar, Distt, Baramulla, Vol. VI, Part VI, N0» 10, pp. 23—24. 20?. about 4 feet. A grave was and is still always dug from north to south. It had two chambers, the lower called lahad in which the body was placed. On the way to the grave-yard they recited sacred verses, the Kallma and prayers for the deceased • The corpse or deadbody was then taken on hands end pieced or lowered Into the grave. In the lah^ the heed of the corpse was put in the North direction and the face of the body was kejjt M towards the oibla. The grave was closed with wooden planks and in such a way that clay would not find wey therein. The grave was filled in with earth or mud by all the mourners who were present at that time. When filled in, water w as 20 sprinkled over it , After burial, prayers (fatiha) were offered once again. Then the party of the mourners would disperse. Oi their return most of them condoled with hairs going to the house of the deceased in order to console the members of the fandly. 21 They then departed for their homes. 19. Ahmad Aziz, op, clt., pp. 178-179/ Blscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p. 164., Nad'Al, Abal Hasan All (tr.) Ahmad Mohi-ud-Dln, op. clt,, pp. 37—38; Rose, A,, op,clt., pp. 180—201j 1907.n. Census of India. 1961, Vol, VI, Part VI, NOj 7, A Village Survey Monograph (Meheshwarpur), pp. 17-20, Jesus in Heaven on Earth, pp. 315—317, Hutchinson, Walter, op. clt,, (ed). Vol. I, pp. 504-505, Keys to Kashmir, p. 78. 20. Ibid, Lawrence, Valley, p. 271, Gervls Pearce, op.clt,, p. 275, "Generally, the grave is dug Just below the feet of the father or mother of the deceased. If they have already passed away, as it is believed that those who are burled under their parents feet find easy access to pmradise*. Census of India. 1961, J&K, Part VI, Vol. VI, pp. 27—28. 21. Bamzai, P.N.K., Socio-Economic History of Kashmir, p. 30> Rose A., op. clt., p. 189; Census of India. 1961. Vol. VI, Part VI, N0» 7, p. 20. 21G The professional washer and grave-digger received remvmeration in calBh and kind. Besides these things, the Mala wi ash (sexton) was also given the clothes worn by the deceased 22 St the time of death* A lamp was kept burning for some days, mostly upto the fortieth day at the place where a person had es^ired end also 23 where the washing ceremony had taken place. On this occasion the family which suffered bereavement was normally provided food (meals and tea) by the near relatives, friends and the neighbours for three days. During this period kins-folM and the deceased's heirs performed fatih»'khwani and oul-khawni i.e. they recited the verses of the holy Quran for the benefit 24 of the deceased's soul • In urban areas Muslims moiirned till the following Friday v^ile in rural areas on the fourth day diahruro a final send off ceremony for the deceased was performed on that occasion. People were served with tea and in some cases with meals after fatiha 22, Ibid,, 23, Rose, A,, op, cit., p. 183, 24, Ibid., p, 192; Lawrence, Valley, p. 271., Gervis Pearce, op. cit., p. 275. NadvA, Abul Hesan Ali, (tr,) by Ahmad Mohi-ud-Din Ahmad, op, cit,, p. 38; Hutchinson, Walter, op. cit. Vol. I (ed.^ p. 504; "This is a custom having the sanction of the practice followed during the life-time of the Prophet, since, it is considered that the members of the deceased's family w^uld be too grief-stricken to make culinary arrangements themselves*. The Muaalman, p, 38. 211 or prayer. On the Friday following the demise all male relatives, friends, and neighbours assembled in the afternoon 25 at the grave-yard to offer prayers or fatiha for the deceased . After this ceremony, all the participants would proceed to the house of the deceased. Here the priest again recited verses from the holy Ouran and blessed the departed soul. They were then served with light refreshment, in the shape of tea end breads. The people in turn paid generally, in cash to the bereaved 26 family. It w«s a fine social security measure • After Friday the state of mourning was over end the members of the family resumed their routine work. Other post- mortality functions performed after death included recitation of prayers on the fortieth day, on the first death anniversary 27 and on certain Muslim holy days viz., 5hab-i-Barat. The 25, Lawrence, Valley, p. 271; Kevs to Kashmir, pp. 78—79; Biscoe, Kashmir In Sunlight and Shade, p. 164., Kashmir, 1958, Vol. VIII, NOt 5, pp. 147—148, Banzai, P. N. K., Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, p. 30. Gervls Pearce, pp. cit,, pp. 274—75, Census of India. 1961, Vol. VI, Part VI, N0» 8, (J&K), A Village Survey xMonograph, Mohella Telian, Sopore, pp, 25—27, Kashmir To^ay, year Nov., 1956, p. 19. 26, Ibid., 27, Lawrence, Valley, p. 271; Gervis, Pearce, op. -it., p.275, Ahmad Ali-HaJ Khwaja Nazir, op. cit,, pp. 315—317, Rose, A. op. cit., pp. 19 2—199, NedwL, Abul Hasan, (tr.) Ahmad Mohi-ud-Dln, op, cit., pp. 38—39; Bamzai, P. N. K., Socio—EccMiomic History of Kashjnir, p, 30, Census of India, 1961, Vol. VI, Part VI, NOs 8, pp. 25—27, "Shab-i-Barat is an auspicious night. It precedes Id. Prayers are held the v^ole night long and blessings Invoked. It is believed that any wish piously wished and asked for is fulfilled on this night*. Kashmir Today, NOV., 1956, pp. 17—19, chall8wan#(fortieth d«y) rite waa performed ten days before the actual day. On this day the neighbours and relatives were again invited to dinner. In some families this custom was observed differently. Early in the morning priests (Cazis) were invited to a session of the recitation of Quran for the benefit of the 28 departed SCMJI i • For forty days prayers were offered for the deceased and food was served to the priest and to the poor. And for a year or two the mullah (priest) received alms from the house 29 of the departed on certain specified days . Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaXh we are told that in some parts of the Valley it was customary to deck the graves of the departed relatives and friends 30 with flowers on some specific day in June • However, the custom of visiting the graves of the dead relatives and throwing fresh clfiy over them on certain festivals is fast dying out among men of the modern age who are very indifferent to it. 28. Ibid., 29. Keys to Kashmir* pp. 78—79; Lawrence, ValleVii p. 271,, Rose A,, op, cit., pp, 192—199; Nadwl, Abul Hasan (tr.) Ahmad MOhi-ud-Dln, op. cit., pp. 38~39; 30. Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaWi. p. 477; Rose A,, op.cit,, p. 201. Among the Muslims of Kashmir there prevailed the custom of going to the burial place of their ancestors and distributing loaves of bread to people in those places. They would also throw flowers on the graves of their near ones. ^1 Kashmiri Muslims like the Muslims in other parts of the country have adopted various rites relating to the prayer for the dead and funeral banquet. These rites seem to have had their origin in the local customs and have no religious 31 sanction behind them • The Sunnis and the Shias were basically the same in the performance of ceremonies ccxinected with birth, marriage and death* riowever# there were slight differences in the performance of these ceremonies in case of the Shias and the Sunnis of the Valley. These ceremonies in general, and marriage ceremonies in particular vary between the two sects here and there« These differences might be detailed as undert- Birth Cereraoniest The message of the birth of a child was conveyed by sending loaves of bread or some other eatables to the in-laws 32 Inf act birth ceremonies were sane among the two sects. Marriaoet Among the Shias the marriage was mainly an internal affair contracted peeferably among relatives. There was not the practice of employing professional go-betweens for marriage negotiations. The practice of sending )diabar message accompanied 31, Nad-vil, Abul Hasan (tr.) Ahmad Mohi-ud-Din, op. cit., pp. 38—39, 32. Based on personal talk with Mohammad Qasim Khaja K.c.S. (Judicial), 214 with gifts was In vogue among the Shies, Nab at (sugar can<3^> and rock salt, being regarded as tokens of good omen and constlt\xted an Indispensable part of the gifts which exchanged hands between the parties prior to marriage. Between the two Nabat and rock salt, the latter was considered more essential* No article of sour taste was sent from either side. On the other hand the Sunnls did not said salt at all In khabar. The Shi as fixed an auspicious date for marriage In consultation with the 33 Mull a (priest) who advised them c»n this point, Deatht The Shias would not touch the body of the deceased till the performance of Ghusal (bath) loiown as Ghusal-1-May«t (bath of the dead body). After wrapping the dead body In shroud. Its face woxild be shown to his or her relatives by opening the shroud before the start of the last Journey of the deceased to the graveyard. This practice was not to be found among the Siainls, The Shlas had also the custom of performing Fatlha (prayer) on the fourth day (early In the morning before sun-rise) with the proviso that Fatlha should be performed on Monday, Wednesday, and Friday only. On the fourth d«y morning Fatlha ii—lilii would be performed by usually going to the graveyard. There the relatives and friends would arrive before the sxjui-rlse and would -l-» -.-.- - 33, Ibid, 21 r- recite the holy Qiiran near the grave. They would read the Fatiha \ihilB sitting i^ile contrariwise the Sxmnis would read it standing. They would also keep the fingers of their right hand on the grave • On the day of the Fatiha people after going to the graveyard tn the deceased for the purpose of fulfilling the formalities of mourning. However, presence at the graveyard was more important and appropriate. Those vho could not go to the graveyard before the sun-rise would go to the house of the decemsed and observe the custom of reading Fatiha there. Also there was the custom of reciting Marsyaldiani among the Shias the moment death occxirred and this continued till the deadbody 35 was taken to the graveyard . Conclusively, we might observe that many rituals and ceremonies connected with birth, marriage and death have under gone reforms in consequences of modern socio-economic necessities 36 among both the cofonunitiea . 34. Ibid. 35. Ibid. 36. Kashmir, May, 1958, Vol. VlII, NOt 5, pp. 147—148; Bamzai, P. N. K,, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir. pp. 26—27f See also Keys to Kashmir, p. 79, 21G Chapter -— VI (Habits of foodfdre83« opiaments and language) "No life can exist without food. Thus nature has made provisions for all living beings and things. The animals by some Instinct live on vegetables and other living beings mostly on the principle of local supply aad svqperior force. This siipply of food is not changed by cooking, with the dawn of civilization the selection of food and their cooking and mixture with spices appear to have been discovered by repeated experiments. The improvements in the taste and the quality of food to increase vitality and str«ngth degree of culture in matter of food". The habits manifest themselves in food, clothing, omanttents and other aspects of human behaviour. Thus, under the Dogras the food habits of the people of the Valley did not undergo much chSnge. 2 The steple food of the common masses consisted of rice and 1. Achareya, Prassanaa Kumar, op. cit., p. 52, 2, Neve, Ernest, Ihinqs Seen in Kashmir^ p. 154; Lai, Munshi Ganesh, Sivehat-i-Keshmir. p. 3 2,, Bruce, C. G. Kashmir, p. 37, Beyond the Pir panial* p. 79; Tuguk-i-Jahanqiri" (tr.) Rogers and Beverldge, p. 146., Singh, G.P,, Pictorial Kashmir^ p. 11, Parimu, R.K, A History of Muslim Rule in Kashmir, p. 448; Khasta, Hargopal Koul, op. clt., p. 73; A Note on the J&K State, 1928, p. 54., From ancient times rice has been the staple food of the Kashmiris. Rice produced those days was of many varieties. Hasan gives in his Tarikh 96 varities but does not menticxi them properly. Rice may be roughly divided into two varities the white and the red. As food the v^ite rice was the more popular among the people. According to Jahangir they (Kashmiris) did not eat warm rice but cooked it thoroughly till it absorbed all w ater and then ate it cold. "Infact there is hardly any ritual in Kashmir, from birth to death, in which rice cooked or uncooked does not figuref Raina, A.N. op.dt., p. 59; Hasan, Tc'AVX.\M&%(U^ Vol. I# pp. 185—186. 21 o 3 vegetables. They also took such other varieties of food stuffs as shol (setaria italica), ping or china (panicum railliacura) barley, wheat, maizi and similar other food grains. The leaves of the dandelion, plantain, marrow, catkins of the walnut and s^eral other plants were also eaten by the poor. The stem or riot of the lotus called 'nudroo' was also eaten. It is a plae straw colour, cylindrical in shape and about 3 Gervis, Pearce, op, cit,, p, 88> Laurence, Provincial * Gazetteer of Kashntir^ p. 59; Lambert Cowly, A Trip to Kashmir and Ladakh, p, 22, Maneck, Pithawala, op. cit., p. 92> Hasan, op, cit.. Vol, I, pp. 177—179; Vegetables of all sorts were extensively used. The coirmon vegetables were karam sag, turnips, radish, cabbage, knol-Wiol, spinach, lettuce, pumpkin, egg-plant, carrot, sponge, bitterground, lotus-root, cucximber, lady's finger, cauli flower, trigonella, tomatoes, patatos and several others. Thus the people of the Valley ate several vegetables which grew on wild hilly areas and in meadous. They used them profusely as food, particularly during the days of saarcity. These wild vegetables included such varieties as among others panibahak (Rheum), tsok ladder (polygonum) polysta- chyturn, aib 1 (Rianex). Cheri hak (campanula sp^) wan pran (wild onions), wapal h"ak> (Disspsaens mermins), mushroom, hedur (Agricus sp,) kanaquchi (Morchella sp) and Fungi, Besides these various herbs like wild asparagus and ruhbarb were also consumed by the poor people, Bamzai, P, N. K,, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir^ p, 337; Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, Bates, op, cit,, p. 35, Kirpa Ram Dewan, Gulzgx«"i-Kashmir> p, 328, 4. Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh, pp. 67—68; Bates, op, cit., p. 3 5,, Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, p. 59; In tqplands of the Valley maize bread with ghee, butter and milk was the common food Knociq the gujjars. Whenever famine raged in the Valley, people would take (Ggr^ar). Singhara, sochal, millet, shole, maize end wheat. Rice and wheat would not be available in the earlier stages. People would consiime jungle grass and vegetables. During su<^ a period tax would be remitted from shawl weavers. TariMi-i-Kabir-i-Kashmir. Vol. II, ACC N0$ 2044, f. 125b. 5, Hasan, op. cit.. Vol. I, pp. 183—185, Lawrence, Vallev. p. 254, Bates, op.cit., p.35; Kripa Ram Dewan, op,cit,.pp. 291—295^ 21C ten inches long end an inch and a half in diameter. When boiled and f lavoiured it was considered to be highly nutritious. Even the beans of the lotus were also eaten unripe* Fruit also formed an important article of food in the Valley, Fruits were consi^ed by the poor and the rich alike^ The fruits which were common in the Valley werej epple, pear, apricot, grapes, qxiince, cherry, mulberry, black-berry, hazel, plun^j, peach, raspberry, gooseberry, currant, strawberry, pome- 7 granate, almond, walnut, melon and water melon etc« Dried fruits and dried vegetables were extensively used in the Valley during the winter. Fruits as well as vegetables of all sorts especially turnips, egg-plants, tametoes, punrpkin and apricots were dried Mp in the sum-ner sun and reserved for the lean months of winter* Besides dried vegetables, various kinds of 6, Bates, 'jp. cit,, p. 35> Moorcroft, op. cit.. Vol, II, p. 137. • , - 7, Bruce, C,G,, op. cit., pp. 80—81; Singh, G.F, op, cit., p, 11, Morison* Margaret, A Lonely Suniner in Kashmir, p. 259 Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladaldi, pp, 64—65, Jahanqir*^ India, Ctr,) Moorland, p, 35, Lawrence, Provj,nciql Gazetteer, of Kashmir, pp. 59~63, Lambert Cowly, op. cit., p. 22., Parimu, R.K,, op. cit., p. 448; Tikku, Somnath, Kashmir Speaking, pp, 100—103; Harvey, Mrs., The Adventures of a Lady, Vol. II, p, 120. 8, Bates, op, cit,, p, 4 5; Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh, p, 48; Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, pp. 59-63. 9 0>.; >^ (-^ KJ pulses were taken by the Kashmiris dxiring the winter. But pulses were not considered of nnich importance by them. The conmon verities were Lobjau (Dollches Sinensis), Moth (Dhascolus Aconitifolus)/ HoanQs (Phaseolus Mungo), Rezm^h^ (Phaseolus vulgria), Baola. (Vicla Faba)# Peas and beans were also taken 9 by them. Thus pulses also figured in the daily fare of the Kashmiris end provided a luxurious diversion to the people in their daily monotonous routine of food stuffs# Ghee (clarified butter) was not consmed by the Kashmiris because they considered that it irritated theic throats in the cold weather. Lawrence says that it was on some special occasions that ghee or fat was 11 used for mutton and vegetable preparation* Salt 12 was considered an essential article of diet as the people consigned in greet sizeable ciuantity. Infect it pro- fusely taken by the Kashmiris1. 3 9, Hasan» op, clt,. Vol, I, p. 186; Kashmir Todav^ June-July, 1954, Vol. W, NOj 6, pp. 138—139, See also Provincial Gaaetteer of Kashmir, p. 53, 10, Lawrence, Valley, p. 253; Knight, E.F. op. cit., p. 73,, See also Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir^ p. 53., Ghee was used in small quantity for cooking, but generally sesamum or caa linseed oil was preferred to it. E)uring our period of study the people used vegetable oils for lighting as well as for cooking purposes. Thus the Kashmiris did not use ghee in their diet for fear of contracting CQ14. 11, Lawrence, Vallev, p, 253. 12, Ibid,, p, 254,, Salt wes of two kinds, X^e better quality of salt came from the Punjab end was people's favoArite, while inferior quality of salt was brought from LadaWi* Ibid, 13, Ibid., 221 Various kinds of spices especially black-pepper, ginger, garlic, turmeric, red-chillies, mint, corriander, ZirgCcarrarway seeds) and saffron continued to form principal ingredients in the Kashmiri cooking. But the comnon masses, however, took simple salt vegetables with a little oil added to it. Fish also formed an important item of the food of Kashmiris who used it as a sort of luxxirious delicacy. Those who dwelt near the lakes as also the floating population of boatmen depended mostly on the prey of their nets. The fish were taken fried with 14. Hasan, op. cit.. Vol. I, p. 178> Kapur, M. L. Kincdom of Kashmir^ p. 355; Lawrence, Vallev^ p. 67, Forster, George, Travelsrrav , Vol. II, p. 20, Gervis, Peerce, op. cit., pp. 129-- 1317 Koul, Gwash Lal,fet^iy'T^eH.^idiKtojp. 38; Thomas, P., On YUBP Chang's Travels in Inale (tr.) pp. 262—63., Wilson, Andrew, The />bode of Snow, PP. 376 ~ 77, Vigne, op. cit.. Vol. I, p. 335; Vox, II, p. 33; Tikku, Somnath, op. cit., pp. 28-29, Kashmir Sceace. Vol. I, NOs 2, August 30, 1966, p. 7., Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaMi. pp. 53—55., Saffron is called kggig in the Kashmiri language. Infect, the Valley is famous for its saffron (kesar) throughout the world. The saffron a bulbous plant is much like the crocus flower and is usually grown on the plateau (karewa) of Pampur and its adjacent areas. Each flower has six stigmas, three of which are yellow with the other three red or :>f sammaf. orange colour. All of them possess red tips. The whole flower is dried. Saffron has been always a very valuable plant and is still largely used by the Kashmiris on special occasions. It is used for many purposes in cooking and medicinal uses. The Hindus use it as a pigment for marks (Tilak) on their foreheads. It is also an important ingredient in preparation of dishes. It is soaked in water for about a couple of hours then slowly rubbed with a wooden pestle to extract the dye. It is an excellent natural dye to dye dishes for flavour and taste. Punjab Government Records^ (Piarv). 1847—49, Vol. VI, p. i89. poo •-^ <^ (^ oil and salt. These were also dried \xp and kept for use in winter.^ Still fish is served in abundance on festive occasions like Shivratri and Gadabatta Cfish and rice) ceremonies among the Pandits of the Valley. Inf act, both the Pandits and the Muslims eat fish with great gusto. The muttcwi of sheep and goats was taken both by the 17 Pandits and th« Muslims of the Valley • The Pandits would not 18 19 touch poultry or eggs « garlic and onions , but fowls and the 20 eggs of the lake birds were eaten by them • The Kashmiri Brahmins (Pandits) were ard still continue to be r.jeat eaters. They usually declared that the custom of eating meat was based on desaquna 21 a virtue of the country. Beef was unknown in the Valley as it was strictly against the Law to Kill Cow or Ox, beceuse these animals were considered sacred by the Hindus, Thus the cow-slaughte- 15. Kart>mir, July, 1958, Vol. VIII, N0» 7, p. 185., Torrens, op.cit., pp. 306--307> Forater, George, op.cit.. Vol. II, p. 3277 Vigne, G,T., csp.cit.. Vol. II, p. 117, ^ils vas regarded a crime during our period of study and involved 22 capital punishment . Writing in the reign of Maharaja Pratap Singh Knight observes* "Until recently, the killing of the sacred animals, the cow, was pxinishable with death. Imprisonment for life is now the penalty and many an unfortunate Mohammedan, I believe, is living imnured in Hariparbat because that in time of of famine he has ventured to kill his own ox to save himself -23 from starvation". 22. Lawrence, The India we Served, p. 135., Knighc, E.F,, op, cit,, pp. 15—16; Dugsal, Letters from India and Kashmir, p. 172., Throp, Robert, Kashmir Misqovemment, p. 3 2., Mlrza Saif-ud-Din, op. cit.. Vol. VI, ff. lOlb, 102a, Vol. VII^ f. 85b, Dunmore, The Earl of^ of. dtv Vol. I, p. 35., J&K. File N0» 168/T7^> ^oenejiox is.ecord&>, Pol. Deptt. Ysar 1931, p. 1., J&K. File NQ» 23/22, Year 1932, pp. 2.26. In^ort of beef as well as its preparations into tiie state territories of His Highness, M^araja of Jammu and Kashmir, was strictly prohibited and offenders were to be liable to punishment xinder the provisions of the law inforce in the State. On the basis of the same resolution a notice was published in the State Diary as given unders- "It is hereby notified for general information that the importation of beef in any form or any preparation thereof into the territories of His Highness the Maharaja Sahib Bahadur of Jwimu and Kashmir state is strictly prohibited undir State Council Resolution dated, 9th, June, 1902, offenders shall be punished under the law inforce in the State? Jaromu and Kashmir, File NQ> 282/ r>»39 of 1908. (General Records), Political Depertm«it, pp. 1—5« 23. Knight, E.F., op. cit., pp. 15~16; Cashmere Mjsqovernment. p. 32., See also The Hindustan Times. June 2. 1946. The Singhare or water nut (trapa bisplnosa) was widely used and was considered valuable food stuff. It was largely eaten by those residing near the laXes, The nut was eaten raw, boiled, roasted, fried or in various other ways. It was also 24 dried and then grotmd into f loxir of which bread was made • It was produced in abundance in all the lakes and the Dogra rulers ^ 25 derived a considerable amount of revenue from it. The Kashmiri Pandits usually observed fast for two days in every month, and on these days they ate nothing but took little flour made out of water-nut, which was called oaruwugra 26 or phallar. Bates refers to phalhar as the term applied to this 27 sinple dish prepared on these occasions. 24. Hugel, B.C., Travels in Kashmir and the Punjab^ p, 163,, Moorcraft, op, cit,. Vol, II, p. 136, Bruce, C.G., op,cit,, p, 81; Knight, E,F., op. clt,, p. 86. .ichonberg, op,cit.. Vol, II, p, 103, Bates, op, cit,, p, 35, Temple Richard, op. cit,. Vol, II, p, 55., Norris Dermot, op, cit,, p. 60? Doughty, i erion, op,cit., p. 137,, Koul, P»N, op. cit., p. 51; Gervls, pearce,. op.cit* p. 30; Wilson, Andrew, op. cit., p. 3 12. The Romantic East, pp. 90—91; The water nuts are hard sh^ed black nuts with curved hard spiked shells. These form the cnief article of food for the poor and common people. Their shells are also utilized as fuel by the poor, 25. Ibia., Cashmere Misqovernroent^ p. 33,, Temple Richard, op. cit.. Vol. II, p. 55; Vigne, G.T., op. cit., p. 156, Harvey Mrs,, op. cit.. Vol. II, p. 105; 26. Bates, op. cit., p. 50; Khasta Hargopal Koul, d>-ot 'J' V. 94. 27. Ibid., T«nple, Ruchard, op, cit.. Vol, II, p. 55,, Hasan, op. cit.. Vol, I, p, 454 f,n. >^ C tj The Kashmiris, the rich and the poor very much relished the tea?® of which two kinds found their way Into the markets of 29 the Valley. These were known as Suratl and Sabz • The Surati was like English tea and reached the Valley from Ladaldi and the Punjab. The same tea, was the famous brick tea, which foxind Its 28, Torrens, Lt. Col. Henry, Travels In LadaVh. Tartarv and Kashmir, p. 308/ Bates, pp. clt., pp. 38-.-.39; Lawrence, Valley^ p. 254. Sbonberg, op. clt.. Vol. II, p. 127, Honlberger, Thirty Five Years In the East^ p. 181., Kashmir 1954, Vol. rv, NOj 6, p. 138, Koul, P. N., op. clt., pp. 50—51; Todhunter, C.G., Trade Report of Jannmu and Kashmir* (1900—1901), p. 6., Lai, Munshl Ganesh, op. clt., p. 32., Khasta, Hargopal Koul, op, clt., p. 37., Kashmir, August. 1958, NO? 8, Vol, VIII, p, 210. Tee is an essential article of such corwnon consuniption throughout the Valley as to be considered a necessity of life. Infact for a Kashmiri a day's routine is Incomplete— unlejs he has had his morning and after noon tea— salty (shlrl chal) or 'kahwa' (sweet tea without milk) with loaves of bread. It was and is still conmon among them. During the ancient times only rich people consumed tea due to high costs but during the Afghan period it became die^ and people started drinking it in large numbers. It is not easy to determine the origin of tea in the Valley. Tea was introduced into the Valley by the traders who came to Kashmir from Central Asian countries vXxa as also by the Kashmiri traders vrtio w ent over and partook of it in those countries. Mirza Haidar Dughlat of Kashgar la also credited with having introduced this beverage into Kash.nir, although its use was not common till 1978. However, it became more popular among all classes of people in villages and cities during the period under « review. And with the dawn of present century the use of Lipton's tea and Coffee became commcwi among the upper class people. Hi skin, Mv^i-ud-Dln, op. clt., ACC. NOj 2045, f, •7b. 29. Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaMi* p. 476, Bates, op, clt., p. 38. 22G way Into the Valley through LadaWi • There were various ways 31 of preparing tea In Kashmir Valley . Two types of preparations of tea— salt tea (shlrl»chal]f and sweet tea (2^n*fi)were In vogue 32 ariKXig the Kashmiris « The Kashmiri Pandits abstained from the use of taraatoes, the red fleshed kabull vegetable marrow* carrots, red beans, leeks and onions, but gradually they over-came their 30. Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh. p. 476, Lawrence, Valley* p. 254., See also Tarlkh-1-Kablr-l-Kashmlr (ACC. NOi 2045), f, 476» "There Is no local production but a large Inport of suratl tea from Karachi and Bombay, and of Kangra tea (locally known as paharl tea) from the Kangra Valley and the neighbourhood? Tea was Imported from China In the form of bricks. Thus tea was Imported from other parts of the country. Todhunter, C. G., Trade Report of Jammu and Kashmir. 1900—1901. p. 6. 31. Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh, pp. 476~77> Jacquemont, Victor, op, cit., p. 212, Vlgne, G, T., pp. cit. Vol. II, p. 87. Lai, Munshl Ganesh, op. cit., p. 38. 32. Torrens, op, cit., p. 309> Lawrence, Valley, p. 254., Census of India. 1961, Vol, VI, Part VI, NOj 8, pp, 14-15, The people of the Valley are very fond of taking tea salty tea, the constituents of which are dry tea leaves, milk, soda bicarb and salt. The process of preparing tea is to pour a measured quantity of water In a samawar (tea kettle) or In a vessel. Dry tea leaves are then poured into water after adding a small quantity of soda bicarb to it. It is then allowed to boll for quite some time. After which more water Is poured Into the vessel. It is boiled until the leaves are thoroughly moistened. Again more water is added to it. It is then boiled again and mixed with milk and salt. After boiling It for a while the preparation of salt tea is completed and it acquires a rosary pink colour* Sweet tea without milk called Qahwa Is prepared from dry tea leaves sugar, sp4.ces and water. It becomes much tasty >^en cardlmom, clnamon seeds, saffron and almonds are added to lt» These preparations are made In samavars (peculiar tea kettles) with furnance Inside). It is a coimion article of use In every household of the Valley. It is a tea-urn used for preparing tea. Use of Qahwa started coming into fashion in Kashmir In the 13th century. Prior to this period, this type of tea was being taken only by the upper class nobles and aristocrats. However, it Is now being used by the rich as well as t)» poor. Mlskln, Mohi-ud-Dln, op. cit., ACC N0» 2045, f. 47b, 33 prejxxiice against the use of these vegetables, Lawrence* says# by 1899 they were seen taking frequently ganhar, vegetable 34 marrows and red-pepper on fast days • During the hot season varioxis kinds of cold drinks (sharbats) were frequently taken by the Kadimiris. These drinks 35 were prepared by diluting water with milk, sugar and rose water • "toiong the cold drinks kanda sharbat (sweet drink) is very common and popular. In hot season and during the days of Ramzan (month of fasting for muslims) people add quilbeol and bebribeol (seeds of two flower plants) to the drink to give it the coolest 36 effect attributable to these seeds". Milk and its products like / %37 curd* cheese and mil)c-bread (meshkrari) constituted the most important items of food of the. Kashmiris, 33, Lawrence, Vallev# p. 300, 34, Ibid,, 35, Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh, p. 783; Honiberger* J. M,, op, cit,, p. 179; 36. Jala, Z.T-., op-Cit-; >? hG>i 37, It is made with condensed milk which is shaped into loaves, sliced, fried and served with salt and pepper. These milk bread loaves were considered favourite and popular item of food among the Gujjars, Bamzai, P. N, K,, Socio~-»Economic History of Kashmir, pp, 337—338; Kashmir, June—July. 1954, Vol, IV, NOj 6, p. 138, 22 u In the case of wedding feasts the services of professional cooks (waza) were much sought for preparation of delicious dishes 38 by the Kashmiri Muslims and the Pandits alike • The conmon dishes 39 40 41 were taethimaZa charwan, l<;abab. rista, rooanlosh, aurma. 38, Lawrence, v^^ifiVr P. 253; Census of India* 1961, Vol, VI, Part VI, NOt 8, p. 15, 39« Rista is a very favourite dish of the Kashmiris, It needs much of elaborate preparati(»i. Fibrous muscular strands of mutton are beaten with wooden hamners on flat polished stone, A small proportion of animal fat is added to it and salt spices are further inserted into it. The process of beating the meat strands is continued till the semi-solid mass spreads out, in waves, from under the stroke of the hanwer. Every fibre of accidental, nerve, or membrance or cartilage is dismissed off in a ruthless manner. The dough of meat is turned into small balls which get boiled in water. Then the cooks meticulously add pinches of spices with little extracts of saffron and mowal or (cocks comb); a plant by the cnus celosia, is a rich natural source of an excellent maroon dye. Its flowers are boiled and squeezed to extract the dy used in cookery)? In addition to these ingredi&its fried onions beaten and rubbed into a paste and very hot oil plus a little of glsee are introduced into it. The preparation is boiled till the sox:?! gets fairly thickened. 40, Roqhan Josh is another favourite dish in the Kashmiri wazawan, it is made of stewed steaks of cartilaginous mutton. These steaks are gently fried in ghee in a cauldron. A paste of saffron and fried onions is inserted into it alongwith salt and spices. During the process of boiling measured doses of water are poured into the preparation and it is then allowed to boil off on gentle heat. After it reaches the final stage of its preparation powdered chillies is added to it. Like Roqan-losh, Handi-Roqan 1 osh is the same from the point of view of preparation. However, it is distinguished from the above only through curds adlded to it during 9 frying after it is whisked, emulsified with oil on slow, gentle heat, 41, Qurmat'Imili* water is added to fine cutlets of stewed boneless mutton. Theae are slightly fried. These are richly spiced end vigorously boiled. Then these are given a lovely dye in roowal and saffron. Dher Somnath, op. cit., p, 13; Kashmir Today. October- November, 1977, Vol,II, N0» 2, pp, 26—28, The points in the article have been verified by me after enquiries made from Mohd Stxaban a professional cook (waz§}« ^-^ c if Aj 43 44 ablghoaht , tabakmaz» pulao , goshteba , These dishes arc famous, throughout the world end the Kashmiris have a reputation for their culinary art* These dishes were frequently prepared on marriages. The use of honey was common among the Kashmiris. They ate It raw, or mixed with various articles of food. The rich 45 people substituted It for sugar In preserving fruits • 4 2, AblQhoshtt This dish Is best prepared from the shoulders and tails of sheep or goat. The pieces of meat are stewed hard that the little flesh between the process of preparatlcai falls off with a little shaking due to Its softness. The sot?) Is milky, and creamy as concentrated milk Is added to It In liberal quantity. It retains Its own natural colour. So that chillies, saffron and mowal extracts are not found In It. Cardamom and cinnamon add to the fascination of this dish which Is easily digestible, 43, Pulao Is basmatl rice cooked In a systlmatlcally propor tionate amount of meat or chiken soup. Spices, ghee as also fine pieces of mutton are intersed into It. Almcaids, dried grapes, coconut filings are added to the preparation in an appropriate measure. This dish finally becomes mildly saltish and has the mild shade of saffron colour. It is called Pulao and is very much liked by people for its taste. 44, Gushtabai Its preparation Is formed on the same lines as that of rista. Its balls are made far larger than those of the latter and swell to an awesome size through rigorous boiling. Curds is thoroughly whisked and amulslfled without oul for a long time on slow heat, and the qushtaba is boiled in it. Qiillies, saffron and similar other things atre not Introduced into this preparation. Instead of these aniseed, salt, ginger, cardamom and mint are introduced into it. Vigorous boiling is continued till the sot^ becomes thick syrup which is known as vakhen. while the ball is given the name of Gushtaba. Ibid,, 45, Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh, p. 7 , Moorcraft, op.clt.. Vol, II, p, 161., Lawrence, P3^ov'ln9lal Gazetteer of Kashmir* p. 64, " 230 During the period under reference smoking was popular among pec^le, Also Naswar (snuff) was In vogue among men and women In the rural as well as the urban areas. The use of the latter became very popular among the Kashmiris and was borrowed from Peshawar • sometimes villagers tooX to opium and chewing 47 of tabacco was also very common among the people • Before Maharaja Ranbir Singh's time there were no liquor shops in the city. But with his accessicxi to the throne, 48 the number of wine shops was seen to increase • According to 46, Hasan, op, cit.# Vol. I# p, 456; Lawrence, Valley, p. 346,, Imperial Gazetteer of India^ Vol, XV, p, 163, Kashmiri farmers and landlords would use snuff during the SiWi rule. However, people used Peshawari snuff during Maharaja Gulab Singh's reign, Miskin states, some peasants were also addicted to the use of opium, Tarilch- i^Kabir^Kashmir, ACC NOj 2045, f, 47b, His Highness Maharaja Bahadur's government took serious note of Juvenile smoking, As such it issued regulations prohibiting smoJdng by children. These regul». tions wsre issued in Urdu, Hindi and English in posters, hand-bills and also in government gazettee. The file ^ich deals with these regulations is known as *Introduction xxxx of the juvenile smoking Regulations in the State". Jemrou and Kashmir^ File NOt 127/J-3 of 1929. (General Records), pp, 1—7» 47, Ibid,, Bamzai, P,N.K,, 3ocio»'-Economic History of Kashmir, p, 338, 48, Hasan, op, cit,. Vol, I, p. 456; Lawrence, Vallev. p,281, Biscoe, Kashmir in Symlioht and Shade, p. 127., Provincial Gazetteer of Kashmir, pp, 61--62. On Maharaja Sahib Bahadur's birthday the sale of country liquor in the whole state was prohibited Y>ecause his birthday *as considered an official festival in the State, J&K. File NQ» 912/02-13. Year 1922. (General Records) P Blscoe the drinking of wine was becoming more and more common 49 among the people • Thus slowly and imperceptibly changes were talcing place in their food habits* 49, Doughty Marioi, op, cit,# p, 166> Lawrence, Valley^ p. 281y See also Hasan op. clt«. Vol. I# p. 456« 23: II — DRESSs One's physiognomy is often indicated by the type of dress that one wears. It can not be easily stated v»hen the human beings started using garments for their bodies. The dress came to acquire a symbolical significance, over the ages v^ile its genesis is concealed in the dawn of civilization. Dress acquires different valuations with different people who use it either for protection of body or beautifying their external get-\5> and what not. There was very little difference in the dress worn by the Kashmiris during the period under review. Of course, there was slight variation in its fashicwis in the case of the two principal communities (the Muslims and the Pandits). The dress of the Kashmiris underwent a change after 1931 owing to the pioneering efforts of certain modern minded social reformers. However, the dress of common people did not undergo any very marked change even during the changes in political sphere. The change in climatic conditions produces a corresponding change in the dress of the Kashmiris. Viewed in this context Kashmiri dress can very easily be divided into two categories— a winter wear and a summer were. 1. Jamila Brij Bhusan, The Oostumes and Textiles of India. p. 5, 23o According to Wakefield and Blscoe, every country has Its own peculiar national dress; and the Valley is not behind others in this respect. The Kashmiris too have a national dress 2 peculiar to themselves. This national dress of Kashmiri is called pheran. It is a xmique type of cloak not to be found in other 4 parts of the coxantry. There was only a marginal difference betweai the garb of a man and a woman. Both male and female of all classes and comnunitles used pheran with slight variations 5 here and there. Pheran is ft Icmg loose garment with wide sleeves which covers the body and the arms and falls below the knees. It is generally closed at the neck by strings or by a button. 2, Wakefield, The Happy Valley, p. 105; Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade^ p. 138. 3. Pherant The origin of the terra pheran is uncertain. It is claimed by some that the word cane from the Persian Pairahan (garment or a long shirt) • It is also said that it was introduced in Kashmir during Mughal rule by Qnperor Akbar to control the turbulent and warlike Kashmiris after they had repeatedly risen in revolt during the early part of the alien rule. Inf act, it had tak«i the place of the national costume. However, this long, loose gown type of wear was considered an indespensable article of dress among all classes of the Kashmiris, irrespective of age or status and it continues to be worn by the masses even today. Its use is much commcM during the winter season when it provides people with effective means of combating the unbearable chill, 4. Kashmir Today. 1960, Vol, 4, NOj 7, pp, 2—3. 5, Wakefield, op. cit., p. 106,, Bazax, P, N, Daughters of Vitasta> pp. 199; Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh. p,472. 23- Thus, the dresi of the Kashmiris consists of pheran and 6 trousers. In winter these garments were made of wool and In surwner of cotton. The sleeves of the i?heran were loose and wide in the case of the Muslims, while in the case of the Kashmiri Pandits 8 (Hindus), these were long and harrow with ends turned up* The pheran c The Pandits (Kashmiri Hindus) of the Valley wore tight drawers or trousers. For head-dress turbans or paqris worn by them were of narrow white Muslin or of a long piece of cloth of narrow widths Uhder-neath these paqris were worn smooth skull— 6, Gazetteer of Kashmir end Ladaldi* p. 472; Wakefield, op.cit,, p. 106; Doughty, Marion, op. cit., pp. 124,131, Knight E,F,, op. cit., p. 26; Schonberg, Vol. II, p. 100; Knowles, Indian totiquarv^ Vol, XIV, Oct., 1885, p. 266, Moorcraft, op. cit.. Vol. II, p. 131,, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade. pp. 138—139; Hasan, op, cit,. Vol. I. pp. 452—54.. Beyond the Pir Panlal. p. 240,, Bates, pp. cit., pp. 35—36,, Dermot Norris, op. cit,, p. 10; Parbway, Florence, op, cit,, p, 64,, Adams, w, L,, wanderings of a Naturalist in India, pp. 295-96,, Koul, S. N. Kashmir Economics, p. 397. KpiilL , J« L,, Kashmir Through the Ages, p. 249."Tawrence. Vallyy. pp, 250-253, In addition to the pheran male and female wore some other i^per as well as lower garments, A pviama or shalwar was generally worn under the pherai>» 7, Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaMi. p. 472, Lawrence, Valley, p. 251, 8, Lawrence, Valley, p, 251,, Kashmir in Sunlight aid Shade, p. 139 9, Pochh is a replica of pheran which is worn under it. IJ caps • The Muslims, on the contrary, wore loose trousers (pyjama) and turbans or dastar of nnuslln or broad pieces of white cloth (seven to ten yards In length)• Under the turbans were worn skull-caps with raised pattern • Pandit Man Mohan Nath, one time Governor of the Kashmir province, tried to reform the customs and sartorial ways of the Kashmiri Pandits, He also advised them to tie their turbans like those of the Muslims unlike 11a previous custom of wearing turbans in round shapes • The Muslim males (especially the villagers) put on skull caps. However, turbans were generally used by the rural Pandits, They also used woollen leggings while travelling on long journeys during winter. This habit was also shared by their Pandit (Hindu) counterparts. It was a peculiar sort of woollen bandage about six indies wide and 4 yards in length wound around from the ankle i9>to just below the knee, (or wound around the calf of the leg)_- 10, Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladaldi, p. 472; Blscoe« Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, pp. 138—139; Lawrence, Valley# p. 251,, Koul, P. N, op, cit., (Urdu), pp. 50—51., Tuzkl-1' Jahangirl (tr.) Rogers and Beverldge, p. 148., Hasan, op. cit., (Persian), Vol. I, pp. 252—254., PcXimm, P— K,, pp. cit., p, 447; Khasta, Hargopal Kaul, op. cit., p. 73., Skull-caps are still in use in the rural areas. 11. Lawrence, Valley, p,252; Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade* p. 138,, Knight, E. F,, op. cit., p. 75., Vlgne, G. T., Op. cit.. Vol. II, p. 140. Ha, Shahdad Moulvl Mohd, op. cit,', (Diary), p. 630, 23C and then fastened by a long string attached to the upper end* which was lightly wound many times round the leg. It is 12 called pat aw a • It helped in keeping the legs warm and muscels in properly tiftht position. It provided great si^jport on long Journeys especially on a mountain ascent and it was a mu The Pandit and Muslim males were not usually in the habit of growing their hair. However, the elderly people among the Muslima as a rule and also among the Hindus, to a great extent, reared beards as a symbol of respectability and elderliness. The Muslim males were also in the habit of shaving their heads aid wearing well-trimmed beards. Muslims wore beards more often and their beards were of a distinctive cut. 14 12, Drew, op. cit., pp. 174—175., Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaWij pp. 472—73., Lawrence, Valley, pp. 251—52., Gordon, J. D,, Work and Play in India and Kashmir, p. 232, Mirza Saif-ud-Dln, AXhbarat (Persian), Vol. VI. 1847. f, 180a, "This practice died fast when the necessity of undertaking long Journeys on foot ceased to exist due to the availability of vehicular transport. Also the new generation of educated people regarded this as a clumsy apparel. Khan, Ishag, op. cit., p, 88. 13, Lawrence, Valley, pp. 251—252., Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh. p. 473, 14, Imtlaz Ahmad, Ritytal and Ralidion Amcaiq Muslims in India. (ed.), p. 24,, Vigne, op. cit,. Vol. II, pp. 142—143, 237 womai's Dresst The pherans worn by Kashmiri Panditanls were slightly different from those worn by the Muslim ladles. The pherans of the former were shorter In the size than those worn by their male counterparts, An Inch wide ribbon of red colour called dur 15 was stitched all aroxjnd the collar and the bottom of the pheran • The Pandit ladles also stitched a piece of printed cloth (chintz) or brocade zarbaft round the cuffs of their pheran» It was called narlVar and was used to indicate that the wearer's husband was alive. The old ladles used simply the printed pieces while the younger ones used brocade or zarbaft for their narivar. Besides this distinguishing feature the other one that differentiates them from their Muslim counterparts is the use of long sleeved cuffs which have more folds than those of the Muslim ladles. Thus the pherans of the Muslim women were generally embroidered with fine cotton and sometimes with silk thread. The embriodery covered the front of the collar and the chest. Contra** 17 wise the Pandit ladles used plain pherans with embriodery • The 15, Bruce, C,G,, op. clt,, p. 34,, Lawrence, Valley, p,252. Knight, E, F,, Op. cit,, p, 39; Dhar Somnath, op, clt,, pp, 13—14., Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade* pp» 138—1391 Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaWi, pp. 47'2»»73,, 16. Census of India. 1961, Fart VI, Vol. VI, NOj 7, (A Vlll?oe Survey Report), p, 9. Jala, Z. L, oj;> Cit-jp T? 4'^3. 17. Char, Somneth, op. cit,, pp. 14—15; Neve, Ernest, Things Seen in Kashmir, pp. 153—154,, Bruce, op. cit,, pp. 35—36,, Kashmir Today, Vol, V, May-June, 1960, NOj I, pp, 2-3, Pandit ladies wore dresses of darX maroon, blue and crimson colour. They wore no drawers, whereas the Muslim females used drawers (shalwar). Uhmarried girls wore small slcull-caps. After marriage, however, a Muslim lady would have a thick turban like red-cap (aasaba) studded with innumerable pins, A peice of cloth was thrown over the gas aba which worked as a veil and always covered 19 the entire back , The iMuslim women of well-to-do families wore slightly different type of aasaba a taller aasaba called Idioanda- gasab. The Muslim women changed their headgear af^er marriage,• 20 The Pandit women's head-dress or head-gear was called taranqe (white round t\jrban), which \es tied to a hanging bonnet and tapered down to the heels from behind. Brightly pressed linen 18, Lawrence, Valley, p. 251? Things Sean in Kashmir, pp. 153»r 154,, Bruce, C, G,, op, cit„ p. 34, 19, Bazaz, P.N, Daughters of Vitasta. p. 198; Doughty, Marion, op. cit,, p. 124,, Dugsal, op. cit., p. 117. Koul, P. N., op. cit,, p, 50; Bamzai, P.N,K,, A History of Kashmir, Political, Social and Cultural From the Earliest Times to the Present Day, p. Sll.s / . . . Koul, 3. N. Op, cit,, p. 39; Wakefield, op, cit., p. 106,, Dhar, Smonath, op, cit,, pp, 14—15,, It is locally known as pvia (a piece of white cotton or staple cloth) v^ich covered the head and back, 20, Wakefield, op, cit,, p, 106, Otosus, 1911, Part I, p. l06,, Bazaz, op. cit,, p, 199; Mari» folds of this tapering garment were fastened to red coloured and brocaded skull-cqps end would fall beck at the sides of their shoulders. The Panditanls called their skull-caps kalaposh (a 21 woollen or pashmlna cap, the top of which is brocaded) • Besides, these Paadit women wore a long piece of cotton or sometimes woollen cloth belt or girdle called Ixangi around the waists over the pheran» A Panditanl never moved about without this girdle , Also Bohra Pandit ladies did not use waist band lunoi 23 like their counterparts of the upper class or caste Pandits, 21, The Pandit women also used zool^ a white piece of muslin embroidered with golden thread wound many times round the )Osh. Th«i a long piece of heavily starched and polished cloth was tied over it. In aidition to it Shish-lath^ a transparent glassy roll would be used by the ladies to add to the grace of their headgeer, Infact, it was a fashion able way of making themselves charming in their looks. It was a special feature of the head-gear of the Pandit ladies. The most distinguishing feature of the Pandit ladies head dress which added to the grace was the manner in %*hic*i they put on the puts on the head. The top of the puts was infact the cover of the head-gear of a married Pandit lady. The put^f was serpentine in shape and appeared like two snakes hanging in the folds on the two sides of their taranga, fi It was peculiarly twisted near the lower ends, culminating near the ankles into two tail-like pieces* It was called pooch (puts), Jala, Z.L,, pp. clt., p. 473. See also Census of India, 1961, Vol, VI, Part VI, N0» 7, JScK, (Masheswarpur), A Village Survey km. Monogri^h, p. 9, 22, BeycMid the Pir panlal, p. 240; Wakefield, op. cit., p. 106; Oensus, 1911, Part I. p. 106, Gazetteer of Kashmir & Lad^kh, p. 472; Bazaa, P.N. Daughters of Vitastau p. 199. Parmu. R.K., op.cit., p. 446; Vigne,- G.T., op. cit.. Vol. II, p.143; Lawrence, Valley, p.252. A v^ite rolled cloth tied loosely round the waist was known as (lungi) girdle. All primitive peoples, even those who used no clothing, wore girdles... The modern version of the girdle is the best used to keep the skirt or pheran or trousers up or there was the string used for the purpose of holding up the lower garments, Vhile the girdle was used for its own sake. Jamila BrlJ Bushan, The costumes and Textiles of India, p. 2, 23, Jala, Z.L,, op, cit,, p. 473, fn. 239* 24G Purdah system was strictly observed among the upper classes. Among the rural and working classes it was not strictly enforced. During our periofl of study it began to decline and 24 lost much of its intensity • The veil worn by the Kashmiri Muslim women was called buras* It consisted of long white cotton cape or gown v^ich readied from the top of the head to 25 the bottom of the back • Different types and sometimes fashion able buroaa (veil) were worn by women belonging to different 26 classes • "Sometimes even Hindu women particularly in villages moved about in veil which among them was a relic of pathen 24« Census of India, 19 21# J&K, Part I, p. 90; Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade^ p. 150| Hasan M.h[a^>^riii.i*vtti«iulW- p, 227., Baaaz, P.N. Daughters of Vitasta. p. 9., Census of India, 1931. JSeK, Part I, p. 141,, Worries, Dermot, op, clt., p. 11., Bazaa, P.N. pp. cit., p. 50; Kashmir Todav^ May-June, 1960, Vol. 4, N0» 7, p. 2. In ancient times there was no purdgih or seclusi(^ of women. With the establilihment of Muslim rule in the Valley, purdah system becamb more common, Uhder the Mughal* and ^ghan rulers it became more rigid. Among poor and lower classes it was less comnon, women belonging to the lower strata especially in the rural areas observed no Pur4«h because they had to help their menfolk in every walk of life. The wom«i in the agrarian sphere worked side by side with their men-folk. All this notwithstanding even at present purdah system is prevalent among the orthodox Muslim fannilies* 25, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, p. 150; Census of India, 19 21, J&K, Part I, p. 90; Petrocokine, A./ &i>- Ci't .? ' P» 84,, Gervis Pearce, op, ex-,, p. JO,, o4e ci»-> I hlnqs Seen .in Kashmir^ p, 150; 26, Moulvi Majid, Sair-i-Kashmir^ (Utdu), pp. 23, 70, Census 1931, Part I, pp. 102, 141., Sofi Mohy-ud-Din, op, cit,, (Urdu), p,4^ 9 ^I 27 regime*. The Pandit ladies wore a spotled veil, called 28 Tikjputs on ritualistic occa8i The mode of hair-dressing was peculiar among the females of Kashmir. In their case, hair was drawn to the back of the head and finely braided; the braids were then gathered together and mixed with coarse woollen thread, made into a single plait or plaits* which were terminated by the thick tassel (gandapan) which reached down to the ankles. This peculiar arrangement of the hair was called wankaoan. These plaits were kept separately during the pre-marital stage while these were gathered together 27. Jala, Z. L., op. cit., p. 475* 28. Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaWi, p. 472. 2i: in ft single plait end fastened with a heavy cord or tassel 29 in the post-marital period • Besides this there were other fashionable ways of dressing the hair. The Kashmiri %fomen used collyriiim (surma) in order to beautify their eyes ? "Special dxeaaea were prepared on the -31 occasion of marriage". The Kashmiri Mxislims generally wore amulets (tawiza) These amulets* contained the piece of paper with the name of God or that of the Prophet Muhaiwnad (Peace be l^on Him), or the names of Muslim saints or verses from the holy Cur an. Usually, these p^er amulets were sewn into a piece of cloth and tied round the arm or throat or atta^ed to the wearer's dress. The Hindus (Pandits)« both males and females, put a sectorial mark 29. Lawrence, Valley, p. 251; Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ledeldi. pp. 472-4731 Wakefield, op. cit., pp. 106-107, PetroTcoKJho, p. 84j Lambert, C^wly, A rriji; to Kashmir and Ladakh.p.25i KnightCollett, , E.FJohn. J, » Guid^^x^iX-e for ^Visitor --:= s t3rjrT77r'3«te$o Kashmir, p. 67, , op. clt., pp. S5--36| See also J ernes Milne, The Road t9 Kashmir, p. 124* Buhler, George, op. clt., p. 23., Ougsal, op. clt., p. 177., Bamzal, P.N.K,, A History of Kashmiri Political. Social and Cultural from the Earliest Times to the Present Day, p. Sil. "Formerly the olrls used %o apply raw butter to their heir, but they developed a hatred for this practice when they began to use cosmetics". History of Srinagar, p. 89> 30. Vigne, G, P., opiclt.. Vol. U, pp. 142—143, 31. Sharma, D. C. op. clt., p. 51, 31a. Amulet was and is still worn by men and women. "The wearing of the amulet was very comnKm because the average Kashmiri C(»isldered it necessary to keep away evil eye and for the safety of his health and prosperity". Sherma, D, c, op. clt., p. 65, 24 (tilak) of the saffron on their foreheads. Saffron was the colouring ingredient in the mixture with which the mark was painted 3•2 *To be without the tilek mark was considered 33 by them inauspicous". Footwear! The Kashmiris used different types of footwear and these were different from those used by the people in other parts of the State, The male and female of both commxinities generally used pulahor 34 or straw sandal. They wore yet another type of wooden footwear (wooden clogs) whicii was locally known as Wiaravas or Wiraws, It had a smooth and levelled surface on 3 2, ParimiL^R,K, op. cit,, p. 448; Gazetteer of Kashmir^ and Ladakh. p. 472; Things Seen in Kashmir, p. 154., 33. Bamzai# P« N. K., Socio—.Economic History of Kashmir. 1846-.19 25. p. 341. 34. Lawrence, Valley, p. 251., Pariwu^, R. K, op, cit.# p. 446f Gazetteer of Kashmir and i-.adekh. p. 472,, Koul, P. N., Op. clt., p. 50» Census of India. 1961, J&K, A Village Survey Report, (Mohalla Tellan), Vol. VI,, Part VI, NOj 8, p. 12, Buhler, G,, op, cit., p. 22. Ireland, J.B., op. clt., p. 400; Kashmir Speaks, p. 18., "The most popular footwear was the pulahor. It was generally prepared from the grass, the only raw material available in plenty. Infect, it was a hand-made sandal of grass. It was a comfortable and light foot wear and was used mostly during rainy and snowy season, in order to avoid slips. Pulahor is still in use in the remote parts of rural Kashmir, though it is fast falling into disuse? 2i: the top and was 3 to 4 Inches high. It had a strip **ilch was fixed on both sides. During the season of rain and snow the people generally used these wooden clogs to avoid mud 35 and water • The affluent people also used leather shoes called 36 palzar in local language . Hasan In his work mentions two types of footwear-- namely (a) kcmsh and (b) kafsh. The former 37 were embroidered while the latter were simple in their making , However, we find only meagre references to these types of footwear in the works of English authors. According to Blscoe- the Pandits avoided leather shoes Owing to their religious abhorrence for leather. They preferred wooden clogs (Idiraws) to leather shoes, v^ereas the Muslims used leather shoes as well as woodai clogs and grass-made 35, Gq:petteer of Kashmir and Lada) sandals 38; They also wore embroidered shoes of horse or mule skin on the day of marriage In addition to wearing other 39 articles of finery used on the occaslc«. With the passage of time, particularly after the •reform movem«it* of the thirties a good deal of social reform had taken place amongst the Kashmiri Pandits, It was during this stage that changes came about In the dress of the Kashmiris, It was then that the Pandit women started discarding the wearing the wearing of the pheren. Gradually saree replaced gherjn, Saree came into vogue amongst the females of the upper class Pandits. It was due to the efforts of Kashyap-Bandhu (Tare Chand Koul) a great social reformer, that the use of 40 pheran disappeared among some \J5)per class and educated Kashmiris. At the same time the Muslim women were no way behind their Pandit coxinterparts in regard to sartorial reform. Thus, the Influence of 'reform movement* and Increeslng contact with outsiders, particularly with Punjabi Hindu and Muslim women from different walks of life, gradually brought an ^preclable duange In the dress of the Kashmiri women. Slowly 38, Bates, op, clt,, pp. 34—35f Lawrence, Valley, p. 252,, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlic^t and Shade, p, 140, 39, Bates, op, clt,, pp, 34—35| Gazetteer of Kashmir and LjdaWi. p, 472., 40, Census, 1931, Part I, p. 102,, The Ranblr, Dec, 1^,1932, Bazaz, P»N,, Daughters of Vjtasta, pp. 252-.-53, 24C and imperceptibly they were changing their dress styles. Thus, the change in their costume started taking place so that oasabe and taranqa disappeared and instead dupatta^ shalwar» Xameeg. churi dar t>v1am» and sarees made their appearance and bec»ne popular wear« A significant ci^ange which was visible in the costume of men was the use of the hat and fur caps which started gradu> 42 ally replacing the turban (dastar). The fur-caps were used only by the rich people who could afford to puurchase them. The educated classes started, taking more and more to the engllsh 43 style in their dress* The Kashmiris while adopting the modern and fashioncble chances in their dress styles still preserved v^iatever little of the traditional dress had been left behind. Nonetheless, with the development of a common social out-look, subsequently the dress of the Kashmiris underwent much transformation. 41, Bazas, P. N. Daughters of Vitast^ pp. 243,250; Moulvi Ma J id, op. cit., p. 70| Oensus, 1931. Part I, p. 102; caiar Scranath, op. cit,, pp. 14—15, 42, Lawrence, Valley, p. 252; Beyond the Pir Penlal. p, 240; Centtus^ 1931. Fart I, p. 102; 43, Kaumudi. .1 ... p. 197.. Census. 1931. Part I, p,l02; Biscoe, Kasnaur in Sunlight and Shade, pp. 142—143, 247 4* This transformation was common to men as well as to women • This change was consonant with the spirit of con^josite culture that had been the trend of the Kashmiris in all periods of Kashmir history. We find both the Hindus and the Muslims almost identical in their external get up» As such what was true at the time of GandhiJ's coming to Kashmir is true even in this age; there can be no perceptible difference between the tandits end the Muslims in this respect. Both the continunlties are going tfiead on the path of modernisation while they remain welded together hy a synthetical culture embedded in the spirit of their traditions. 44, Kaumudi, op. clt,, p. 197, 24 o III «^ QRNjVMENTSt "A woman without ornaments Is like a field without water* (I.e. desolate). Just as a field withoxjt water appears desolate, similer Is the case with a woman without ornaments. Their deficiency makes her devoid of much fascination. Traditions end customs which had existed unchanged for centuries got crushed under the heels of the awakened and emboldened machine~minded individuals of the modern age. Jewellery was no exception to this new rule. Patterns and designs existing unchanged since the beginning of civilization in the country underwent a revolutionary change in their form due 2 to the changing conception of people about fashions, Infact, silver end gold ornaments in their crude form formed an indispensable Ingredient of life among human beings since time iimemorlal, Man first discovered these precious, bright and rare metals in the times of hoary past. For ages silver 3 and gold have been used for making of ornaments, 1, Ghurye, G. 3,, Indian Costume, p. 19, 2, Brlj Bhushan, Jemile* Master Pieces of Indian Jewellery, p.24, 3, Census of Indl<^, 1961, Rural Craft Survey (Hamachal Pradesh), (Gold end Silver Ornaments), Editor Singh Rom Chandra Pal, pp, 3-4. The basic or main raw materials used for making ornaments were and continue to be gold, silver, euamels, stones, pearls and diamonds, only rich people, however, could afford ornaments of gold and precious metals. In.most cases these ornaments were made of silver and sometimes these were gilded. Even brass, copper, tin and a fine kind of clay were also used for making of different types of ornaments. The ornaments of poor people were made of tin or silver and sometimes stuffed with lac and semi-precious stones to give them thickness. 9 4"" There were always and still continue to be some festive occasions and ceretnonies such as marriages and the like when women put on their ornaments. Females young as well as the old have ever been fond of wearing different ornaments, Ages ago, artists had learnt the art of making articles for adornment. These delicate articles, in due course, came to be called or known as ornaments and jewellery. There is a reference to gold and silver ornaments 4 in the Vedas, the Ramayana, the epics and dramas of ancient times. From time immemorial Kashmiri women used different types of ornaments— precious or semi-precious. During ancient times they used necklaces, wristlets, fillets, armlets, finger-rings, ear-rings and anklets. Thus we find references in Nilmata Puma about the use of these and various other types of ornaments among 5 Kashmiri women, Kalhana mentions several new types of ornaments introduced by King Harsha. His ladies wore golden ketaka-leafed tiaras pendants over their foreheads, and golden strings for the 6 end of locks of hair. 4, Ibid,, 5, Kapur, M.L, Kingdom of Kashmir, p. 255,, Ray, 3, C. The Early History end Culture of Kashmir, pp. 253—254, Ghai, Ved Kumari. The Nilmata Pur ana (ena.tr.) Vol. I, pp. 116-117, Husnain, F.M^j (editor in chief), Jammu and Kashmir Research Biannual, Vol. II, NOj I, 1978, pp. 23—24, Acharya, Presanna Kumar, op. cit., pp, 67—70, "The eternal fondness of women to adorn themselves with ornaments foxind ea^ression in ancient Kashmir alsojf Bamzai, P.N.K., A History of Kashmir. Political. Social and Cultxxral. p. 221, 6, Stein, Sir Aurel, Raj at. Vol. II, pp. 928—931,, There are several references from ancient authorities in addition to Kalhana and others which reveal that the Kashmiri women were fond of ornamental display even in ancient times. They had great love for external exhibition of their beauty and used ornaments of so ami KXKdt oDuuponilcat many varieties even in In medieval period, necklaces, ear-rings, nose-rings, bangles, bracelets and finger-rings were commonly used by the Muslim as well as the Hindu ladies. The rich and well-to-do people vsed gold and precious metal ornaments while the poor people (lower classes) used silver ornaments. These metals were in demand for embellishment among ttiem. Their ornaments were not as much precious as things of show which poor people had to make 7 to pose themselves to be of some position in life. Exquisite designs of ornaments were worn by the Kashmiri women. The Valley having been isolated from the rest of the continent due to geographical factors, the Kashmiri enjoyed a very limited contact with the outside world. Naturally he had been influenced by his close association with his surroundings which found out-let in frequent designs of different aspects of the landscape, birds, fruits, leaves and flowers. Such artmotifs were, therefore, often engraved on the ornaments in a manner in which the emphasis was laid not only on consuninate craftsmanship, but also on index of profound feeling for nature on the part of the , 8 maker. 3ntS. those times of early history. In short the Kashmiri women of ancient times were no way lagging behind their present day counterparts in their deslrp for embellishment of their appearance through ornaments. All writers-- UKUA Urdxo, Persian, Sanskrit and English bear witness to the fact that different ornaments have been worn from time imnemorlal, 7, Hasan, Mohibbul, _ o/LCt ^-. , - . 2*1 Sufi, G.M.D., Keshir, Vol, II, pp, 581—582, xiamzai, P. N. K., A History of Kashmir Politicals Social and Cultural from the Earliest Times to the Present Day, p. 512. 8. Kashmir (Journal), Sept., 1951, Vol. I, NOi 1, p, 477. 25: Infact the jewellery of Kashmir Valley was unique in its design. The Kashmiris excelled in the making of these ornaments especially ear-rings, necklaces, bracelets, anklets, amulets, rinfs, roseries, head-bands and the rest. The jewellery of the Valley seems to have had nature as its model in various ornaments. The broad close-fitting bracelets, embossed with various designs of chinar leaves or some species of cherry blossoms. The people also used triangular pendants with replica of the shape of saffron flower. These hung from the neck with a piece of black thread which seemed standing in relief against the velnety skin on which it undulated. Thus almonds and cherry blossoms are still found embossed on their silver head-bands and bracelets. At the same time there can be found little fish, birds and blossoms inscribed on the 9 baracelets in a chiselled fashion* The designs of the jewellery were further enriched during the rule of the Sultans and continued even during the Mughal times. Fashions in ornaments underwent a change especially in the Mughal period. It is said that the Empress Nur Jahan introduced more delicate varieties of jewellery in the Valley, As a cue to the 9, Gervis Pearce, op, cit,, pp, 157—158; Sufi, G, M, D,, Kashlr, Vol, II, p, 581,, Kashmir. (Journal).. September, 1951, Vol, I, NOi 19, pp. 477,,. Mara, Vol, XVII, Sept,, 1964, NOx 4, p, 24. 25, beautiful, the Kashmiris copied the ornaments of the Mughal nobility. Infact, the Kashmiri practice of copying the Mughala was really taken even by the Mughals from others such as the people of Iran, Central Asia and the surrounding countries. In this manner, the Muslims introduced various types of ornaments during this period. It is said that the nose-rings cane into vogue during this period. Their innovation, seems to have continued to be in fashion among rich sections of society until recent times. However, Sufi refutes this contention. He writes, "It is difficult to trace minutely any particular Influence on the Jewellery of Kashmir", The reason is that the Kashmiris are original in their approach and have derived their models from nature as already mentioned, Bamzai writes that during Maharaja Gulab Singh's reign (1846—1856), gold ornaments were not common among the lower strata of society. Only the affluent people used gold ornaments. Besides, these ornaments differed due to the material status of the classes , 10, Bamzai, P.N.K,, A History of Kashmir: Political. Social and Cultural from the Earliest Times to the Present day, p,5127 Sufi, G.M.D,, Mutaubc Keshir. Vol, II, pp, §81-582, Hasan, Mohibbul, op, clt,, p, 24i, 11, Sufi, G,M,D. K a shir. Vol, II, p, 582, 12, Bamzai, P. N, K,, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir^ p, 343, The Kgshmlri women during our period of Study, like those in ancient and medieval times* were very fond of ornaments. They wore necklaces, heavy-rings, bracelets, ear-rings and various other ornaments in ancient days, as they do at present. New f anions in these ornaments were gaining momentum among the ladies of affluent classes. But the poor women were equally fond of ornaments. They used silver, brass and other base metal ornaments for their wear. Thus the ornaments were worn by the rich as well as the poor women, Infact ornaments were popular with ell of them. Generally the Kashmiri women seemed to be v/earing silver omements galore on different parts of their body. They were seen wearing bracelets on the arms, rings on the finders and dozens of ear-rings hanging through the lobes which were many times sxipported by the wires passing over the frontlet of the head. The Muslim peasant women usually wore dozens of silver ear-rings hanging and dragging open the pierced holes in the lobes. They also wore red coral beads of various designs in the form of a chain or necklace. They wore a collar of brass or silver, enamelled in red or blue, or a coral and silver bead necklace. Large and 13. Ibid., pp. 343—344, See also Bazaz, P, N, Daughters of Vitasta, pp, 7—8, 25; haavy metal ear-rings were common Glass bangles with agate and other articles completed the list of the jewellery worn 14 by them • It is also interesting to observe here that the ornaments used by the female inhabitants of the Valley were quite distinct in their design from those of other areas. These ornainents were as popular with Kashmiri women as with their coxinterparts in the rest of the country* But their ornaments were somewhat varied in design and usage* There were several differences between the ornaments worn by a Kashmiri Hindu woman (Panditeni) and a Muslim women. Except for the rings and some ear-rings, other ornaments worn by Pandit woman were different from those of Muslims women in design and weight . 14. Bates, op. cit., p, 35; Gazetteer of Kashmir end LedaMi, p. 47 2; Dugsal, Letters from India and Kashmir, pp. 177-181« Goyal, D, R.,JAaglyy^-.Y-,, p. 63; Things Seen in Kashmir, p.62, Gervis Pearce, c^. cit., pp. 83—84, 15J-158, Wakefield, op. cit., p. 106, Kapur M.L. Kingdom of Kashmir, p. 35, Neve, E.F. Beyond the Pir Panlal, p. 79; Petrocokino A., op. cit,, p. 04. Dt\ar Somnath, op,cit,, p. 15; Sofi Mohy-ud- Din, op. cit., p. 41; Ahmad Aziz, op, cit., pp. 151—155., Marq, 1955, N0» 2, Vol. VIII, pp. 139—145. 15. Mara (Magazine), Sept.. 1964, NOj 4, Vol. XVII, p, 24, Kashmir CJoxirnal), Dec, 1954, Vol, 4, NOi 11, pp, 224—225, The most striking contrast visible among the females of two communities was that a Hindu lady would seldom use silver ornanents while on the other hand Muslim women generally wore silver ornaments especially during our period of study. Census of India (1961), J&K, Vol, VI, Part VI, NOi 2, A Village Survey Report (Mattan), p, 15, 16. Bamzai, P.N,K,, Socio—Economic History of Ka3hmir( 1846-1925) p. 343. Census of India, 1961, J&K. Vol, VI, Part VI. NOi T. (Meshwarpur), A Village Survey Report, p. 10, Sherraa, D. C, op. cit,, pp, 53—54* 25r> The most important ornaments worn by them (Kashmiri women) were»- Omaments for the Ear at Ornaments for the decoration of the ears were of so many varieties with beautiful decoration work of various designs. Among these mention may be made of kanwali (ear-rings), Jhumka (bell-shaped ear-rings). Bale or Doore (ear-rings), rops (small drops), Alkehor and Door ah or a (another type of ear-rings) and what not. Many ear-rings wern all round the edges of the ear. These ornaments were made of silver and gold according to the 17 status and capacity of the wearer. Both Fandit end Muslim women wore ear-rings made in different designs, Kana-walli The practice of wearing these heavy and large or enormous size ear-rings was common or popular among the Kashmiri women. Generally six or eight ear-rings were suspended from each ear. But now among the younger generation these heavy ear-rings are being replaced with light type of ear-ornaments locally known as Doore. 17, Bamzai, P.N.K, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, p. 343, Kashniir, (Journall, December^ 1954. Vol. 4. NQ» 11. pp. 224—225, Meru. September. 1964# Vol. XVII, NOx 4, p, 24,, Bates, op, cit., p. 35., Wakefield, op. cit., p. 106,, Thinna Soen in Kashmir, p. 62,' Goyal, D.R., op. cit., p.62, Neve, E. F. Beyond the Pir panlal^ p. 79, Gervis Pearce, op, cit., pp. 83—84, 158, Dhar Somnath, op. cit., , 1«^,, Sofi, Mohy-ud-Din, op cit,, p. 41,, Bates, ™ C^P-Ct:i:.'9 , p, 35., "See also. Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh^ p. 472., 25C Jhumka» Kashmiri women also wore sometimes a Jhumka on both sides of the ears* Kan-Balle: 18 It was a heavy fringed ear-ring with decoration work • Top8> or small drops were brought in many designs and e peice was joined with a large hooked pin which wciS passed through ear- lobes* Ulkahora or Alkahort rhis type of ornament hanging over the ear on either side of the heed was connected by means of a chain. This ornament was generally oval in shape meant for the decoration of the ear."It waB fixed by means of a hook to the hole at the tip of the ear and remained suspended there. In order to hold the Ulkahora together, the ends of the Ulkahoras were fastened with a cord 18. Ibid., Ahmad Aziz, op. cit., pp. 136r 145., Bazaz, P.N., Daughters of Vitasta, p. 7., Census of India. 1961, JScK, Vol, VI, Part VI, NOx 10; A Village Survey Report, (Zachaldara, District, Baramulla), pp. 14~15. 19. Census of India. 1961, Rural Craft Survey (Gold and Silver Ornaments), Himachal Pradesh, Singh Ram Oiandra Pal, (Ed.), pp. 85—87, Gervis Pearce, op..cit., p. 158., Bamzai, P.N.K,, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, p. 412, 257 whidi was fixed to headgear—generally a cap—right on the 20 top by means of a safety pin", Kashmiri Pandit virgins used 21 Ulkahora or Alkohor In place of Deji-hor, Durahor or Doorahora» As in the case of aural ornan^ents or like other ornaments, Durahor or Doorahora was usually studded with red and green stones end pearls and leans of gold and silver. Besides these various 22 other types of ear-rings were common among the women* While most of these ornaments are illxistrated through photogr^hs attached elsewhere* Deli-hore or Delharoo 23 "Among the ornaments pride of place was given to deii-hor? The most important indispensable ornament for a married Kashmiri Pandit woman was and still continues to be v*iat is known as the Dellharoo. It was and is atill worn by a Kashmiri Pandit lady on the eve of her marriage. It was their typical marital ornament. Infect, this ornament gained sanctity and was considered an essential 20. Jala, Z. L., op. cit., p. 484 f.n. See also Ahmad Aziz, op. cit,, p. 136, 21. Jala, Z.L., op. cit., p. 484. 22. Ibid., Ahmad Aziz, op, cit., p, 136; Kashmir, December, 1954, Vol. VI, N0» 11, pp. 224--225., Bamzai, P- N. K., sacio—Economic History of Kashmir, p. 343. 23. Bazaz, P.N, Daughters of Vitastau p. 7, 25, symbol of married life. Thus it was and is still worn only by married women and stood for their manqal-sutra* The size and weight of Delharoo depended mostly on the position end 24 economic resources of the wearer's family • Ornaments for the Necki Unmarried Muslim girls wore amulets round their necks which wera known as Dolan-roall* whereas a Pandit girl wore a simple chain with a few pearls or agates here and there round the neck. After marriage both the Muslims as well as Pandit ladies wore a Chandra-har or Chendan-her (a large necklace of 24, Ibid., Marq. 1952, Vol, VI, NO* 1, p. 144. Buhler George op. cit., p. 23, Hamara Adab Year 1979> 80, p. 143., Ehar, Somnath, op. cit., p. 15., Ahmad Aziz, op, cit., pp. 154-155, Kashmir, Dec, 1954, Vol. VI, NOj 11, pp. 224—225, Census of India 1961. J & K, Vol. VI, Part VI, NOt 2, p. 15., Bamzai, P. N. K., Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, p.343,, This ornament was generally made of gold with the addition of silver and copper added to it in little percentag It consisted of a pair of gold and solid pendants. This ornament is attached not to the ear but to a string or chain made of gold or silk thread passes through holes pierced through the middle of lobes asuft made for this ornament, rhen it was fastened to the head-gear with a safety pin. A pair of Atahor of silken or gold thread was fastened with Delihora, Infect, different designs of hollow triangular ornament of gold was known as Dejihora. The thread or string which passed through the tiny ornamental pipes was iOiown as talaraz in local language. The combination of these three ornaments like (talaraz, atac^ora and Delihorv formed an indispensable aural.adornment worn by the Pandit ladies and syrnbolized their Svihaq h^py married life). These were used by Kashmiri Panditanis only in the §ars and continue to be worn by them during their husband's lite time. Except for this particular ornament, other ornaments remained almo't the same in the case of two connmunities-- the Muslims and the Pandits, Ibid., <- U ,y 25 several strings round the neck • Besides Ghandrahar or Chandanhar Guluband (plain gold or silver or Jewelled collar) and Helaaband (necklace) of various designs and sizes were common among them. These necklaces were studded with precious stones and were of various shapes and forms which were quite distinct from one another. In this case engraving end cut-work were the important techniques used for these necklaces. Among other ornaments worn round the neck was Warn, It 26 was betel leaf shaped pendent usually made of gold or silver. 25, Petrocokino, A., op, cit., p, 84., Kashmir, September, 1951, Vol. I, N0» 19, p, 477., Sufi, G. M. D. Kashir, Vol. I, pp, 581-82, Brij Bushan, Jamila, Master Pieces of Indian Jewellery, pp, 46—47, Gervis, Pearce, op,cit,, pp, 157—158., Bamzai, P, N. K,, Socio—Economic History, of Kashmir, pp. 343—344,, Beyond the Pir-panlal, p. 79,, Neck ornaments consisted of gold and silver chains, or strinjs of large gold beads, pearls, or coral. Infect, beads of all kinds and of greater or less value were much in demand. Some rich women wore necklaces set with precious and other seroi-preclous stones. But rich women generally wore round their necks gold chains or strings of pearls with large medallions set with diamonds, 26, Kashmir, Decentoer, 1954, Vol, VI, N0» 11, pp, 224—225., Bazaz, P, N, Daughters of vitasta, p. 7,, i^arg. September, 1964, Vol, XVII, NOj VI, p, 24,, Gervis Peafce, op. cit., p. 158. Ahmed Aziz, op. cit,, p, 153,, Brij Bushan Jamila, Master Pieces of Indian Jewellery, pp. 46—47,, Bamzai, P. N, K,, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, pp, 343— 344. 2b :> 27 28 Like other ornaments forth* neck Tulsi and Chapkali were 29 also very popular among the Kashmiri Pandit ladles • Mettermael (chiselled gold necklaces) may also be mentioned as another ornament used for the adornment of the neck. In addition to all these there were also silver charm containers, rectangular, square or trainguler in shape worn by 30 the Kashmiri women for the beautification of their neck. 27, "It was an Interesting ornament comprising small inch long pieces with holes at two ends scores of such pieces were threaded together at both the ends. There were four or five such rows put together and right at the centre, the»e were fixed together by a central medailon type piece. The edges of various cords were fastened close 9 together. The ornament was worn close to neck with the medallion sttlng right over the centre of the throat. The ends of the cords were fastened at the centre of the neck? Jala Z.L,, op. cit., p. 484 f.n, 22), See also Bamzai, F. N. K., SoclOb.-Economic History of Kashmir, pp. 343—344, 28, Chapkall was a necklace of several strings with small pendent representing zkztM the buds of the Chapkall flower twisted strung in gold or silver. It was called Qiapkali, It was worn round the neck, Bamaai, F, N. K,, Socio— Economic History of Kashmir, p. 343,, 29, Census of India. 1961, (Rural Craft Survey), Gold and Silver Ornaments, p, 90; Master pieces of Indian Jewe^ei:y, p. 46, 30, Bfrnzai, P. N. K,^ Socio—EconcHnic History of Kashmir. pp. 343—44; Three Weeks In a House Boatt* p, 84,, Bazaz, P. N,, Daughters of Vltasta. p, 7., Ahmad Aziz, op, cit., p. 153. 2G1 Ornaments for the Wrjgfrst The bangles (bungri) and bracelets (keer) of various designs were worn by Kashmiri women. These were either plain round bracelets or bangles made os folid silver or stuffed with ^hellac. Sometimes these were ornamented and stuffed with serrated eges. Bangles and bracelets of various shapes were popular especially Gunsu and Katskara which were both in use , Besides silver and gold bangles and bracelets, glass bangles too were worn round the wr:j;Sirs by women of all classes. There was a separate raohalla or locality in Srinegsr inhabited by the glass bangle-makers^ called as Kachagari mohalla. It was 32 renowned for glass bangles • But solid fitting bracelets of silver embossed with chinar, leaves, cherry and almond blossoms were favourite with the Kashmiri ladies. These bracelets were 33 of brittle metal of variegated colours. 31, Bazaz, P.N# Daughters of Vitasi;a# p. 7,, Ahmad Aziz, op. cit., p. 155., Gervis Peafce, op, cit,, pp. 158,83-84, Sufi, G.M.D. Keshlr, Vol. II, p. 224, Bates, op. cit., p. 35., Wakefield, op. cit,, p. 106. Gazetteer of Kashmir Ladakh^ p. 472, Ehar, Somnath, op. cit,, p. 15., Kashmir^ Dec, 1954, Vol. IV, NOj 12, p. 224., Brij Bushara Jamila, op. cit., p. 48,, Census of India* 1961, Rural Crtft Survey, (Silver and gold ornaments), p. 91. Bracelets were sometimes made hollow and these ware of different in patterns. They were worn either abo«* the elbow or round the wrlists, and were made of gold or silver as the means of the wearer «o\ild allow. Foor women wore copper bracelets. Thus the Kashmiri women carried sizeable gold and silver bracelets on their arms. Dupols, J.A,, op, cit,, pp. 33 2—35, 3 2, Bamzai, P.N.K, Sogio-Economic History of Kashmir, p, 344, 33, Neve Ernest, Things seen in i^ashmir, p, 62> Dug sal, op, cit., p, 177,, Goyal D.R, op, cit,, p, 62,, Gervis Pearce, op,cit,, p, 158, Kashmir Sept,, 1951, Vol, 1, NOx 19, p. 477,, Bevonc the Plr-panlal. p, 79. 'J b\. Ornaments for the Fingerst Like other ornaments finger-rings (waei) formed another item of adornment worn by the Pandit as well as the tluslim women alike. These were generally made of gold, silver or any other metal. In the same manner like necklaces these rings were some times studded with precious or semi-precious stones like ja^e turquoises gold stone or blood stone. Pink or green agate or pearls were also embedded in these rings. Finger-rings were common among the women. Ornaments for the Head and Foreheadt For a Pandit unmarried girl these corrprised three or 35 four chandras or replicas of full moon, sewn on the skull-caps. Ornaments worn on the forehead was called Tikka (small pendant) worn on the forehead), It was of three or four varieties. According to Pearce Gervis, Kashmiri women wore the unique silver pieces which covered the head and were made of a number of cut-out silver medallions fixed together like chain armour. With fringes of tiny 36 darts falling on the forehead. 34, Bainzai, P.N.K,, Socio-Economic History of Kash.nir, p, 343,, Gervis Pearce, op.cit,, p, 158,, Sufi, G,M,D. Kashir^ Vol, 11, p, 581, Bazez, P.N, Daughters of Vitasta, p, 7,, Wakefield, op. cit,, p. 106; Goyal, D.R. op, cit., p. 62,, See also Beyond the Pir panjal, p, 79, 35, Bamzai, P.N,K,, Socio-Econoroi The most delicate of these were shaped like fishes, birds, and flowers. Sometimes women (especially those belonging to the affluent classes) wore jewelled ornaments on their fore heads and over the parting of the hair. Even the caps of child girls were ornamented with flat-traingular ornaments hanging at either side of their head with short chains of beads or pearls 37 attached to them. Besides Tikka# the Kashmiri women have been shown in several magazines and Journals as wearing iJlioomar (e 38 tringular ornement) put on one side of the forehead by them • Maes Clips» The hair clips were used by Kashmiri women like those used by women in other parts of the country. These were prepared in numerous geometrical shapes and styles. These were made of silver or gold and were generally about 3" long and lij" wide, 39 These clips were tied to the hair by means of a hook • 37. Marq, 1952, Vol. VI, NOj I, pp, 143—145,, Bazaz, P,N., Daughters of Vitasta* p, 7,, Census of India. 1961, Rural Craft Survey, Silver and Gold Ornaments, p. 85.# Ahmad Aziz, op. cit., pp. 143—145., Sufi, G.M,D, Kashir, Vol, I, pp. 581—582, jPetrocokino, A,, op, cxt,, p, 84,, Brij Bushan Jamil a. Master pifcces of Indian Jewellery* p. 46., Gervis, Pdarce, op, cit., pp. 157—158," 38. Ibid., Kashmir. Sept., 1951, Vol, I, NOj 19, p. 477, 39. Census of India. 1961, Rural Craft Survey Silver and Gold, Ornwnents^ p, 84., Bhan, J. L.' and Rufai Reyaz, Guide to the E^diibition of Rare Manuscripts and Estampaqes of Inscrip tions of Kashmir and Central Asjau (seventh in the series). Sept., 1st, to Sept. 3rd, 1987, Central Asian Museum, University of Kashmir, Srlnagar, pp. 18—19, 2G; The women used several types of ornamental needles . 40 to keep their head gear (Qasaba or Taranqa) In proper trim . Qrnanents for the Feetx "silver ornaments may be wora on the arms, but are 41 sometimes used to decorate the feet and anklets? The use of thick anklets (Pauzeb) of silver or gilded tin was common among the women in those days. However, these anklets were heavier than the present d«y Ones.which are thin end chain lil:e» rhese heavy anklets were usually so]id end circular shaped and were 42 described as qudakur or qoda-kora« Both the anklets and nose-rings had come into use through 43 the impact of the Dogras on Kashmiri culture • Ornaments for the Nosei Even the nose was considered a suitable object for decoration. "It was under the influence of Dogras that Kashmiri 44 women too started using nose-rings". It is still in use among 40, Ibid,, p, 19> Dhar, Somnath, op, cit., p. 15,, Jala Z.L., op. cit,, p. 485. 41, Dubois, J.A,, op, cit., pp. 332—335. 42, Bates, op, cit,, p. 35., Wakefield, op, cit., p. l06, Sufi, G.M.D. Kashir. Vol, I, p. 581; Gervis Pearce, op, cit,, p. 157, Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ladakh, p. 472, Bazaz, P.N,, Daughters of Vitasta^ p, 7., Jala, Z,L, op, cit., p, 484., P^ocokino, A., op, cit,, p, 84, 43, Jala, Z.L, op, cit,, p. 484, 44, Ibid,, p. 485, them. This ornament was usually made of gold. This carried a slnple design on a small ring. Another ornament for nose was nose-drop or tili. This was end still continues to be a gold or silver knob (koke) with a hollow pin to which another pin was fitted from inside the nose, Keil stands for a small stud that let into the flesh of the nostril on one side, Infact nose-rings 45 were mostly common among the Muslim women. Superstitious people wore amulets round their necks or tied them on their arms. These were stuffed in smell silver, gold or sometimes in copper cases, Infact amulet was and continues to be an important item of ornament worn by men and women of the Valley, Amulets of various type«, especially Hanoi Tgweeg* faweez Runider^ Bokiwatchi Qiali Taweeat, Chakor Taweea were common among 46 them • "These ere worn to attain various ends and as a protection 47 against illness etcf 45. Bazaz, P«N, Daughters of Vjtasta^ p. 7,, Gazetteer of yt^TB^ncc Kashmir and Ladekh, p. 472, Wakefield, op, cit,# p, 106» Bates, op, cit,, p, 35,, Census of India, 1961, Rural Craft Survey, Gold and Silver Ornaments, pp. 88—89; Brij Bushan, Janila, Mejber pieces of Indian Jewellery, p.46, Bamzai, P. N, K., Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, p.344, 46. Gazetteer of Kashmir and Ledakh, p. 472, Sufi, G. M, D., Kashir, Vol. I,' p. 581; Bamzai, P.N.K., Socio—i:conomic Kistory of Kashmir, p. 343., Sharma, D.C,, op. cit., pp.53, 183, Bhan, J.L, and Rufai, Rayaz, Guide to the Exhibition, of Rare Manuscripts and Estampaqes of Inscriptions of Kashmir and Central Asia seventh in the series, September 1st to September 3rd, 1987. Census of India. 1961, Rural Craft Survey, Gold and Silver Ornaments, p. 5., Jala, 2.L,, op, cit., p. 483, 47. Ganhar P.N. and Ganhar J.^.s hll^Al,\^Y^]l.Ma The Kashmiri males, both the Pandits as well as the Muslims made use of finger rings to a great extent. The status of the wearer had a great part to play in the choice of the metal used in these rings, so that they could be made of gold* silver or some base metal according to the position and resources 48 of the wearer • The use of Tarki (close fitting ear-rings) among the Pandit boys was in vogue in the period under reference. t.Ven nose-rings were veri' often used to ward off the evil effects of stars. There is every likelihood to suppose that the Kashmiri Pandits borrowed the practice of wearing these ornaments from 49 the Doer as* However, with the spread of western education among thenv 50 the Tarki and nose.-rings for boys altogether fell into disuse • The women of all sections also adorned their ears and neck with various kinds of beautiful flowers in addition co the 51 orn^nents were used for the enhancement of their cherm and beauty. 48. Bamzal, P.N.K, Socio-Economic History of Kashmir^ p. 344,, Jala, Z.L,, pp. cit., p. 485. 49 Ibid,, Roje, A,, op, cit., p. 25,, In order to avert the evil Influences or effects of the various planets (Rahu- Katu) and as e protection, the Pandit (Kashmir Hindu5 child's noi>eor ear was bored particularly among orthodox families, 50, Bamzai, P.NcK., Socio—Econc^ic History of Kashmir, p, 344,/ 51, Bazaz, P.N, Daughters of Vitasta, p. 8, 2G7 Dewan Kirpa Ram in his book Gulzar-J.-Ka3hmlr, gives a long list of various ornaments, but he gives scanty informa tion On these. He has chosen to skip-over the details of these 52 ornarrents « Photogr^hs of severotypes of ornaments have been added to the thesis. 52, Kripa Ram, Dewan, op, cit,, pp, 353—354, 2G o TIKKA Jewellery ^ * HlHll 11 iH'^lt i:«) 2GC ifir O^s 9il '®: 'M ^0.?7J^ V°>'.?-«» ) ^1 '©> ©TL© © r^ .©"^ L« o^\©©: OJ i\me- 3 > • I "^ S T •D g- -, T] > z ^^CP- i &^ iri?ri ? 1^ ly ,^ LANGUAGEt Language la a unique device of esq^resslon and comnunlcatlon. It la a peculiar characteristic of human race and distinct from the animals. The capacity of acquiring and evolving language Is associated with human race end It constitutes a very Important element In the cultixral life of the people. It Is a pre-requisite for communion between minds and minds* Human society can hardly exist without mutual communion through language, Infact almost the »*iole volume of human loiowledge Is stored In and transmitted through It. Language la not a necessary condition for culture— rather It Is Itself a part of culture. It characteristically varies from gro\:tp to groi:qp and undergoes 2 significant alterations In the process of transmission. It Is remarkable to note that language is the main bond of forging unity. It strengthens the ties of friendship and fraternity among the people. The spoken word has force and opens a vista of associations. According to some Intellectuals 1. Census of India. 1971, (Language Hand-book on mother tongues). Language Division, Nlgam, R. C,, Assttj Registrar, General, pp. XVIII—XX; Greenberg Joseph, H., and Dll, Anwar, S,, Language. Culture, and Commxanicetlon. p. 156., Iqbal & Nirash, op. clt, Ced,, pp. 117—118> Kablr Humayan, The Gazetteer of India. Vol. I, p. 304., ... 2. Greenberg Joseph H., and Dll, Anwar S., op. dt., p. 156. Q 1-1 ' it Is not a mere dress or vehicle of thought. But in wider sense it is really the flesh-body of thought so that we find 3 language and thought inseparable from each other. Language Irrplies symbolic ejqaression and forms the most essential and 4 mysterious form of communication coming from the human mind* Hxiroan beings learn behaviour patterns through mutual association in social groups, Nodoubt men pick \xp iitportant lessons from environment, but their mtitual interactions are largely brought about through comnunication, (consisting of sending of messages and the Imparting of information) of one individual with another• Language or speech forms the main 5 medium of communication* Languages develop under different processes originating from history, civilization, culture^ r ellgion, philosophy, local g environment, foreign influences and vtiat not. Just as there exists diversity among physical regions similarly there exist differences in the language and dialects of the people and this 3, Koshur Saroachar> May, 1982, Vol. XX, N3» 5., pp. 3—7, The Culture of Kashmir, pp. 117—118., Kala, K. L., YPi^ 4. Sengtj^^ta, Kalyan Kumar, Language and Philoy>phy. p, 1, 5, Census of India* 1971, (Language Hand-book), p. XIX, 6. Koshxir Samadiar. May, 1982, Vol. XX, NOj 5, pp. 3—7, id true of Kashmir as well. The popxilatlon of Kashmir consists of different people with several modes of life. They speak a nijmber of dialects In different parts of the Valley? Inf act# Kashmiri Is the most Important language of the people within the Valley. The whole population os the Valley, possess the cannon heritage of Kashmiri language with scxne variations here and there. It is recognized as one of the regional languages of the country (India). The Kashmiris or native speakers call their language as Kashur. It is a peculiar and distinct language from that spoken in other parts of the state. Somewhat complicated in its form and pronounciation, it is not iinderstood by the strangers. It is called Kashmiri ot 8 Kaaahmlri by people residing outside the Valley, 7, Kumudi, op. cit., p. 38; Ganoa Nath Reports 1944, cp,40-41. Census Report. 1911, pp. 177,179, BuKha-n, Sycd VbLuSo-\, CJS>YI bar^tTv/g- It Is spoken in Kashmir, Klshtwar, Bhadrawah, Raniben# Riyasi and so many other places. But pure Kashmiri is spoken In the city of Srlnagar (Valley of Kashmir) only— its different dialects being spoken in the rest of the Kashmir Valley, These dialects are influenced by the dialects of the hilly and adjacent areas. These are different fran pure Kashmiri in pronunciation 9 and idiom. Among the dialects spoken in these areas of the Valley, are those >^ich are known as Pogli , Klshtwari , Rarobani, 13 Siraji and Riyasi. It is not easy to trace the origin of Kashmiri language as it is concealed in the layers of cultural 14 epochs which have grown about it through the ages . 9, Hand-book of the Lanauaoea. 1971, pp. 286—88, Azad, Abdul Ah«d, Kashmiri Zeban Aur Shairi, (Urdu), pp. 9—10, Grierson, G.A., Linoulstic Survey of India, Vol, VIII, Part II, pp. 251—33, Sharme, D, c, op, clt,, p. 39, 10, The mixture of Kashmiri and the western hill dialects is known as Pogli, Sharma, D. c., op, clt,, p. 39. 11, The script of Kashtwari dialect is a kin to Kashmiri. 12, The fusion of Kashmiri and Dogri may be looked xspon as Rambani, Sharma, D, C, op, clt,, p. 39. 13, "Sirajl presents a typical case of a dialect v^ich is difficult to clasiify. Grierson thinks that it can with almost equal correctness be declared as a dialect of Kashmiri because it possesses certain Dardlc characteristics v^ich are rtjsent in Peharl", Ibid,, 14, Glimpses of Kashmiri Cultur^^ 1979, Series IV, p, 22. 27G Here an attenpt has been made to present some inportant details regarding the various aspects concerned with Kashmiri language. Sir George Grierson # an eminent European scholar and linguist has traced the genesis of Kashmiri to the Daidic group of languages* According to him it vras developed in Dardistan viz., the moxinteinous region between the north west of the Punjab and the Parair, The region is known as Dardistan. Besides, Arabic Persian and Sanslcrit words. The Kashmiri language embodies Dardic or Paishachi words and terms. Thus according to him Kashmiri language has Dardic characteristics and other features which it shares with the Indo—Aryan group of languages • There are two views regarding the origin of Kashmiri. Accorilng to the first view it is a branch of the Indo-Aryan language groxqj (like Hindi and Punjabi). The second view is that Kashmiri belongs to a separate grotip within the Indo-/'-ryan branch of Indo-European languages which is called the Dardic (or the Pisacha) groxip of languages, the two other branches of the grovqp being Indo-Aryan and Iranian. It is the Indo-European in its Aryan branch to which Kashmiri belongs. Thus Kashmiri 15. Sir George Abraham Grierson,is the great authority on the languages of India. He has given to the world his magnum opus in some 20 volumes of the Kt Linguistic Survy of India. (1903-1928), It is his monumental work. 16, Kadiru, B.B, An Introduction to Spoken Kje|rtwdri< pp. 2-14; Grlersc^i, G.A, op. cit.. Vol. VIII, Part. 11, p. 251.^ Glimpses of Kashmiri Culture* Series III* (Ed,), 1977, p.22, Some scholars are of opinion that Dardic does not form a separate grovqp. According to them Dardic speeches should be classified under Indo-Aryan groiq>. 277 belongs to the Indo—Eiuropeen group of Aryan branch of languages and closely r elated to the other Aryan languages of North India end the Deccan. It appears similarly akin to the Iranian group of languages like Pashto, Persian* Balochi and the "Qialcha* dialects spoken in the north and north-west of Kashmir. Besides these, its connection can be traced from other Indo-European languages of the west such as Armenian* 17 Greek* Hussian and similar other languages* Irrespective of the difference of opinions regarding the origin of this language* it is beyond any shadow of doubt that Kashmiri was and still continues to be the main language of the inhabitants of this Valley, Of course its origin is not clearly to be traced and remains wrapped in the mist of antiquity. According to Grierson* Kashmiri language is intimately connected with Dardic* In his opinion Kashmiri is intimately similar to Dardic which* in its turn* possesses the traits found in Iranian 17. Khasta* Hargopal Koul* op. cit.* p. 93,, Grierson* G.A., pp. cit,. Vol, VIII, Part II, p, 235; Sufi* G.M.D., Keshir^ Vol, II* pp. 395—97* Bu3chari, Syed Mohd Yousuf* op, cit., pp. 54~59.* Azad, Abdul Ahad, op. cit.* p. 10* Hamara-Adab^ November, 1974* pp. 68—77> Kashmir* J^ril, 1954, Vol. IV, Not 4* pp. 75—79* Sufi, G. M. D., Islamic Culture* pp, 177—179, See also Ain-i-Akbari* (Tr,) Jarrett* p, 351, Many eminent scholars believe that Dardic does not form a separate and self contained group, rhey think that the Dardic speeches should be classified under Indo-Aryan* Iqbal and Nirash, op, cit,, pp, 131—135. >^ r-' 2 i O 18 and Indo—Aryan groxjp of languages • The position can be best indicated by means of genealogical table like the following • !• C3rier80n*3 viewi Zndo-European Aryan or Indo Iranian \ % Indo-Aryan Dardic speeches Iranian« Avestan Vedic, Sanskrit; (Including old Persian, Pahlavit the Prakrits and Kashmiri) Sogdian, old Khota- the New Indo- nese. Modern Persian Aryan languages Pashto, Balochi, Kurdi, Ghalcha, Oseetsh etc* 2, The View of Other ScAiolarst Indo-Iranian or Aryan Indo-Aryan Vedic Iranians Alvestan# Sanskrit Old Persian; Pahlavi; Modern Persian, Pashto, etc. I I I Indie (or plains Dardic( or Mountain qTO\sp)i Hindi- groi^) % Kashmiri, Panjabi etc. Sinha, Chitrali etc. 18. Linouatic Survey of India. Vol. VIIJ^ Pert II, p. 235., Kashmir April. 1954. vol. IV. No, 4, pp. 75—79. 19. Kashmir. April, 1954, Vol.. VI, N0» 4, pp. 75~79. (C 4 yl The writer of this article (S. K. Chatterji) suggests that Grlerson may be right in concluding that Dardic is a distinct gro\Q3 in Indo-Iranian; other scholars, however, look upon Dardic as Indo-Aryan, In their opinion Dardic and Indo— Aryan are descended frcxn the Aryan dialects which came to India, through their proper conneclrion with each other and with the ancient Aryan is a controversal question. Infect, the historical study of Kashmiri reveals a very close connexion with Indo- Aryai Sanskrit, (^idi makes it like a mixed spaech either as a Sanakritic or Indo-Aryan dialect) modified by the Derdic speeches like Shina and Kafir, or conversely a Dardic speech 20 profoundly modified by Sanskrit and Prakrit • Inspite of this fact there is a large element in Kashmiri which shows its relaitionship with the Dardic speeches rather than the Indo-Aryan, particularly as regards vocubulary (roots and affixes) and grammatical forms. Some experts, however, are of opinion that it. is associated with (Vedic Sanskrit), like the Aryan speeches of the plains of India. The north-western group of speeches of Indo-Aryan like Lahandi and Sindhi, for example, show a very pronounced Dardic influence on Kashmiri so that its basis ^pears 21 to be north-western dialect of Indo->Ary«n group, 20, Kashmir, April, 1954, Vol. IV, N0» 4, pp. 75-?9. 21. Ibid., p. 76, 28 Me find references from the Kashmiris themselves according to which Kashmir was formerly inhabited by Pisachas« % There are many features common to the Iranian and the Sanskrit* But inspite of these simllatlties there are certain features peculiar to themselves while in other respects, they possess similarities with the Iranian family. Infact Pisacha languages always show changes peculiar to Iranian, especially East Iranian languages. These d'laiiges are very seldom percep tible in Indian languages* Some of these changes are to be traced in Kashmiri language* These also may be referred to here* In East Iranian the diange of di to ts is commonly to be found. Similar is the case with regard to modern Pisacha and Kashmiri* This change occurs in the Indian Marathi only before certain vowels while here it occurs before all vowels. Another charac teristic change (that of J to 2) is frequent in Iranian and this is also very commonly to be found in Kashmiri, Hardening of Sonant Consonants is to be found both in Pisacha languages 22 as also in Kashmiri* Like Indian, languages, Kashmiri also 22. The Indian Antiquary. November-December, 1915, Vol. XLIV,, pp. 257—270. • 28: possesses a suffix with the force of an indefinite article synonymous with the Persian Ye - e (for singular), It is significant here to point out that since earliest times (unlike its western counterparts like Shina and the Kefir dialects), Kashmiri has always remained under the tutelege of Sanaskrit, Most of the literature of Kashmiri was written in Sanskrit which was the literary medium of comniunicetlon of the country. Obviously Kashmiri has been very prefoundly influenced by Sanskrit and Prakrits— from ancient times, Kashmiri language is a desirative of Paakrit which is in itself a modified form of Sanskrit. So it can be said that the indigenoos literature of Kashmiri has flourished under the influence of Sanskrit 23, Ibid,« p. 263y 24, Zqbal and Nirash# op, clt., p, 132, 25, Kabir, Humayan, The Gazetteer of India< Vol, I, p, 385,, Koshur Samachar. 1980, Annuel Nuirber, pp, 26~28; Sufi, G, M, D,, Islamic Culture, p. 179, Azed, Abdul Ahad, op, clt,, pp. 9—.10? Census Report, 1911, i-art I, p. 179,, BuWiari, Mohd Yusuf, pp, cit,, pp. 54—59; Khasta Hargopal Koul, op, clt,, p, 93f 28.: 26 models , in prosody, literature of Kashmir bears close resemblance to Sanskrit. And when we come to the question of vocabulary the claim of Kashmiri as a Sanskritic language gains very solid support. In short, if languages were to be classified on the basis of vocabulary, the claim of Kashmiri 27 as Sanskritic will be incontrovertible • B. N, Kalla comments in his article that Grierson has neglected two inp^tant aspects of Sanskrit which form the foundation stone of Kashmiri language. These aspects are Tatsam and radbtava words. Prakrit end Apbhramsha (corrxrpt form) have also not been menticxjed by him. However, the structure of Kashmiri language cannot be said to have any strong bases without 28 these aspects* 26. Gmoa Nath Reports 1944, pp, 40—41; Roshni (Report on Kashmir), p. 82.^ The Khidmat. 17th Feb,, 1946, p. 8,, Kachru, B,B,, pp, clt., p, 4., Kebir, Humayan, The Gazetteer of India, Vol, I, pp. 385—86, Koshur Samac^ar. Nov,, 1980. Vol, XV, N0« II, pp, 6—7,, Keshur Samachar, 1981, Annuel pp, 26—27; For star, George, QW. Cjt..-> '^^^l* II# P» 25., Kashmir has been looked upon ss cne abode and credle of Sanskrit language and literature for centuries. It is still called "Sharadapitha* on the basis of its past reputation and traditicms. Sanskrit has played a key role in the formation of Kashmiri language. It served as an inspiration to Kashmiri language in its earliest stage of development. In its Prakrit stage Kashmiri is so akin to Sanskrit that it is very difficult to differentiate between the two. "Most of the village names, rivers-names, and town-names of Kashmir are Sanskrit in origin. Datta AmereshCChief Editor), Encyclopedia of Indian Literature, Vol, I, p. 40, Vol. II, pp. 1700—170l« 27. The Indian Antiquary (1915), Nov., Dec, p. 266. 28. Linguistic Survey of India, Vol, I, Pert I, p, 127,, Glimpses of Kashmiri Culture^ 1979, Series IV, pp, 19—31. 28. Kashmiri Is closely associated with Sanskrit like flerti and blood In the human body. Originating frora Sanskrit, Indian languages cdianged Into various forms of Prakrit and Apabhriffha^ In some respects, some words also entered Into Kashmiri language through Prakrit and jtoabhransha. These became 29 30 essential part of Kashmiri, Despite Tatsam and Tadbhava words all other words have come Into Kashmiri language through Prakrit 31 and Aobhramsha , Thus it came under the Influence of Sanskrit 32 directly and later through Prakrits. Kashmiri can be divided into five formsi 1. Kashmiri of Vedlc period £350 B.G— 500 B.C. 2. Kashmiri of classical 500 B.C.(«Bwards) Sanskrit period 3. Kashmiri of Prakrit period —> 500 B.C. — 500 h,D, 4. Kashmiri of Aoabhramsha —- After 500 A.D. to 1200 A,D, period 5. Kashmiri of Persian and —— 1300 A.D.(onwards) Arabic period 29. Borrowed words were called (Tatsam)or the seme as "that" i.e. Sanskrit or in otherwords we may say Tatsam is (Tad • Sam) meaning similar to that "or derived from the Prakrit (Sanskrit), 30. While the primary Prakrit words are known as Tadbhevaf Llnouistic Survey of India. Vol, I, Part I, p. 127. 31. Glimpses of Kashmiri Culture^ pp. 19—31, 3 2. Ibid., 28: It has already been mentioned In the foregoing account that Kashmiri language belongs to Dardic groxjgp according to the view of Grierson, who has tried to show original similarity in the two languages in a comparative table of Shina and Kashmiri* By this we can clearly Judge that Kashmiri and Shine have similarity in meanings as well as cognete forms and it will be clear from the following table f- £noli8h Shina Kashmiri after phatu pata auntCf ather's sister) papi Poph blue nilo nilu bull dono dand cow go gav day des ddh dry shuko hoWiu eat ko khe far dur dur give di di gold son son hot tato totu kill mar mar lay down po paw meat mas max name nam nav 33. The Indian Anticrumry^ 1915, November—Deceiriber, pp, 207—.209. ^8- night rati rat sliver rup rop tongue Jlp «ev write IIX lekh yes awa awa The above table shows how the law applies to these rwo languages. SOTJS Shina words are closely allied to the Kashmiri, But when we deeply examine the Kashmiri language or its numerous forms and bear in mind its pronunciation, we notice that Kashmiri language is not different from Vedic or classical Sanskrit. In the oplnivSn of philosogists there are five points for adjudging the similarity between any two languages. These are phonetics, wordology, morphology, syntax and semantics. We find these points in common between Sanskrit end Kashmiri^ as can be illustrated by so many example. For instance in Kashmiri we say —( Don't get late) Taer ma kar which becomes in Sanskrit Pair ma kxiru. There can be so many other examples of the s»T»e type end all of them will confirm our contention that numerous 34 or so many common points exist between Sanskrit and Kashmiri , 34, Glimpses of Kashmir Culture. Series IV, 1979 A..;., pp, 19—31. During anci«it times Sanskrit was the main medium of education and many Pandits (Hindus]t were great Sanskrit scholars. We also lind many useful Sanskrit manuscripts still in Kashmir vrfiich are not to be found elsewhere* 28 G Further, we notice many Vedlc words in Kashmiri languege possessing similar sound, form and meaning. Even at present these words continue to be used in these very trades of conno- tation • It will be clear from the following table »- aiQlish XJOCK vaya vaya grain yadya-uval yudvay I£ Sanskarena Sanskaram Sense of Journ€»y aw a awa Acceptance heye hayi In an exclamation bal balyan Recover phal phal Fruit kath kath Story Taal Taal Bottom Maas Maaa Meat Wale-Wale wal-i-Wall G*ick The above-mentioned examples are sufficient to show that Kashmiri shares many words in common with Vedic Sanskrit* 35. Ibid, 36. Ibid. 287 About the early Kashmiri literature very little is known. It appears that not much of it has been preserved, The earliest vrork in the Kashmiri is the Mahanvaprakasha of Rajanaka Sitikanta. It is a Sanskrit treatise on the Trika philosophy, and is celled the Prakrit of that time. It was written somewhere during thirteenth--fourteenth century in the Sharda script. Bans Sur&kath^ written by Avotera Bhatta# the court poet of 37 Zainu'l-Abldln is another work on the same subject • It contains words and e^qpression which res«nble modern Kashmiri, '^he language 38 of Mahanay-Prakash is quite clear • Picture of Kashmiri language becomes clearer with the advent of the foxirteenth century, Yakves (a four line stanza) of Lalla Ded or Lalleshwari, saintly poetess and reformer, gave to us her sayings in Kashmiri, which formed the beginning of modem Kashmiri, Her another great contemporary was ShalWi Nur- ud-Dln Reshi whose sayings are known as Shrueks, Thus their sayings, (V«kyas and Shrueks) have come down to our times both 39 in manuscript and oral forms, Lalla Ded is regarded as the 37, Kashmir. April, 1954, Vol, IX, NOj 4, pp. 75—79., Comparative Study of Urdu and Kashmiri, pp. 28,31,, Kashmir, Nov«nber, December, 1955, pp, 263—64,, Kachru, B,B, op. cit,, p, 13,, Census of Indlq. 1971, (Language Handbook),pp. 286—88, 38, Kashmir, November-December, 1955, pp. 263—264, 39, Koshur Samachar, May, 1982, Vol, XX, NOj 5, pp. 3—7,, "Lalla expressed high spiritual, morel and philosophic . ideas in her native tongue, Kpshmiri", Kapur M.L., U<»-tii'Cta¥0 28 o propounder of written Kashmiri. The Vakyas were the first literary form of foepression used by the Kashmiris, Leila's conpositicms represent the oldest specimens of Kashmiri language coming down to even modem times 40 through oral tradition. In the middle of the fifteenth century Zainu'l-Abidin (Badshah) patronized art and literature. Kashmiri also received an inpetus like other languages under his pateronage. Kashmiri* meanwhile came into its ovn by adopting a new form. with the establishment of Islam in Kashmir, Persian end Arsbic words and escpressions were largely aibsorbed in Kashmiri, althoiogh Sanskrit continued for two centuries more as the court language. Under the impact of Islam Persian influenced the 41 vocabulary of Kashmiri. Kashmiri follows the Persian syntax in the order of subject and predicate unlike that followed In other 42 Indian languages. For instance in Kashmiri we sayt- Suh chhudni aatulu mahenvtivu (he is a clearer person) 40. Census of India. 1971, (Languages and Handbook) , p. 287. 41. Kumudi, op. cit., p. 47., Kashmiri Zaban Aur Shairi. p. 19, Cowley, Lambert, op. cit,, p. 25., BuXhari, Mohd Yusuf, op. cit,, p, 89, 42. The Indian Antiouayv November—December, 1915, pp. 266-67, 28C On the other hand, in Hindi we express this idea in the following mennerj- Woh hoshvar adnd hai In respect of formation of the tenses Kashmiri differs largely from Indian languages. The old present tense that survives alike in Indian, Persian and Pisacha has the force of the present subjective in India, while in Kashmiri, it is used in the connota tion of the future. In its conjugation it shows some relationship 43 with Indian languages • The following example will illustrate this point heres- Kashmiri Hindi Sing. 1, "mara I shall strike mara 2, maraWi mare 3* mare mare Plur. 1. marav mar 2. marlv maro 3, marlv mare So far as the structure of Kashmiri language is concerned, it has three past tenses one corresponding to each of the three past participles. On the otherhend, the Indian lengurges have only 44 One past tense, 43. Ibid. 44. Ibid. 29:/ In the opinion of Marcopolo and Abul Fazl, Kashmiris 45 have a distinctive language of their ovm. The philological study of Kashmiri could be of some help in finding out certain features peculiar to this language. Some intellectuals state that the Kashmiri vocabulary is a polyglot, and out of every hundred words twenty-five percent are from Sanskrit which form the substratum of this language, while forty percent are from Persian, fifteen from Hindustani and ten percent from Arabic, the remeining ten percent belong to Tibetan, Turki, Dogri and Punjabi, This language can now boast of having a coir^plete grennmer, a good 46 dlctioniaries and modern type of i:$)todate encyclopaedia • Keeping the above facts in view, we arrive at the conclusion that Kashmiri is a mixed language. Its basis according to Grierson and others, seems to be Dardlc group of Flsacha family akin to 3hina# However, there are others who believe that it has been profoundly influenced by Indian culture and literature, so that, according to them major part of its vocabulary is now of Indian origin and is allied to Sanskrit and Indo-Aryan 47 languages of northern India , Much has been said in the above 45. Travels of Marcopolo, (tr.) p. 59; Aln-i-Akbari# (tr«). Jar ret, pp. 349—50. 46. Lawrence, Valley, p. 454., Ain~i-Akbari (tr.), p. 35l> John Collett, op. cit., p. 69/, Vigne, G.T. _£)K'Ci4:,v '^^^^« I, p. 368., Hasan, op, cit.. Vol. I, pp. 365^-367, Koshur Samachar, 1982, May,Vol. XX, N0« 5, pp. 3—7. 47. The Indian Antiquary, 1915 November—December, Vol, XLIV^ p. 270, 2d± account about the effilietion of Kashmiri with other languages. However* It is not easy to do justice to this subject. On the whole, it is illustrative enough to show the influences of various languages on Kashmiri, 2UlSCt£S The Kashmiri speech community has been classified into three parts— viz., (D mera»2# (2) kamra>2, and vamaret 2. 1. roaras2 (the southern and south eastern region); 2. kamra»2 (the northern and north-western regicai); 3. Yamara»2 (Srinagar and its itwnediate surrounding areas). The Kashmiri spoken in the marat2 is believed to be more Senskritized. On the other hand type of Kashmiri spokea in kamaras 2 shows more of Dardic influence • There is a marked difference in the Kashmiri language of the Muslims and that of the Kashmiri Pandits (Hindus). The former abounds in foreign words borrowed mostly from Persian while the latter is free from Persian influence and has borrowed largely from Sanskrit, rhere are also slight differences in pronunciation. Again, there also exists distinction between the language of prose and poetry. But the language spoken in Srinagar (the central pert of Kashmir Valley) is considered to be standard Kashmiri. While Hindi speech is full of words 48. Kachru, B,B., op, cit., p. 6.. borrowed from Sanskrit that of Muslims abounds in Persian and Arabic words. Thus, the Hindu Kashmiri is very much indebted to Sanskrit sources. While the Muslim Kashmiri has drawn \^on 49 Persian sources to a very large extent • However, we need not draw a water-tight distinction between the two above mentioned phases of the language. But in certain respects the Muslims very often use the Sanskritic Kashmiri while the Kashmiri Pandits (Hindus) use persianized Kashmiri for instance tsendir 'moon* finds large frequency of usage among Muslims, Some examples of Sanskritized Kashmiri« *gthichalvni (to wash hands), baovan (God), bohqun (cooking vessel), khos (cup), haveh (wind), etc. The persianized formj 50 athipethrun, khoda, petit li, va«v, pasli etc* • Besides these, there are some unique features which are discernible in speeches of both the communities. Thus the mahara and haz are terms of respect used by the Kashmiri Pandits (Hindus), and by the Kashmiri Muslims, respectively* The two terms are quite distinctive in the case of the two communities* Annong Muslims, the following basical 49. Sufi, G.M.D,, Islamic Culture, p. 179; Census Report. 1961, Part I, pp. 2-3, Ain-i-Akbari. (tr.) Jarrett, p.351., Grierson, G.A., op. cit.. Vol, VIII, Part II, p. 234. Gang a Nath Report. 1944, p. 4Cl; Kachru, B.B, op. cit., pp, S& 7,11. 50. Kachru, B.B,, op. cit., p. 9. 51. Koul, M.K., op. cit., p. 66, . ^y. items may be looked ^pon as peculiar to their speech only* "alaih (God), aik (water), lch»pri (coconut), Jumath (Friday), ma»z (mutton)^ mond (widow), ve«za»ri (trousers), vadi (promise), lahnam (hell)* •* Similarly, in the case of the Hindus, the following pecularities of lexical itens deserve considerationj- 'beovatn (God), po»n (water), soriq (heaven), sokurvair (Friday), 52 gal (urine), zatul^ (horoscope), a8sa(hope), ana:v (injustice)"* The differences between rural and urban Kashmiri in respect of phonemic variations are«- Rural Kashmiri English Urban Kashmiri Khosr (Foot) Wior ga»d (Fish) ga»d LuWl (People) LusWi Vichi (see) Vichi Bithi (infront) Buthi Bizi (fry) Buzi Vidi(\irban Kashmiri) (Fly) Vudi(Rural Kashmiri) Nfesrasn (Going) Nesran Devasn (Running) lleven Natsasn (Dancing) Natsan . Gindaxn (Playing) Gindan Kiribatukh (Flying Duck) Pechun" 51a. Ibid, 52. Ibid., p. 74, 53. Ibid., pp« 29-30,58,73. '^ KJ X Besides these groups, there are certain other particular professional grotips among the Muslims such as Pu1 (Butcher) Band (Minlstrel), and Modii (shoe-mender) • All these groups possess characteristic lexical features which, in some situations, are 54 related to their professional needs • Scripts According to G, M, D, Sufi, the Kashmiris use three different scripts for the writing of this language— viz., Sarda, Nagri# and Persian—Arabic. Both the Hindus and the Muslims now 55 write mainly in the Persian—Arabic scripts Sarda Script8 Sarda w«s the most ancient indegenous script used in Kashmir. It is aJdn to Negri, and is built on the same system corresponding with it in letters, but not the forms of the letters. Sarda is more closely essoci*ted with the lakri alphabet of the Punjab hills. It possess a complete array of symbols used for different vowels. It also bears affinity to Bodh script of LadaWi. 54. Ibid,, pp. 75—76, 55. A2Jad Abdul Ahad, op. clt., p, 27; Sufi, G. A, D. Islamic Culture, p,18l7 Kgshir, Vol, II, p. 402./Studies in Kashmiri, p. 1,, The Culture of Kashmir (ed,), pp, 13—19y Census l It was a script standing somewhere between Brahnd and Devanagri, In short, Sarda script may be said to be connected with the Nagrl— possessing an Indian alphabet resembling Gurrauki of the Punjab which developed in the North-West of India, In ancient days all the Kashmiri manuscripts (M3S) both in Sanskrit and Vernaculars used to be written in this script (Sarda) 56• However, later on these types and forms went into disuse Owing to the absence of demand and also for certain histori cal reasons. Devanaarl Script» The use of devanagri script was confined mainly to the Hindus; it remained in use only among a small circle of Kashmiri Brahmins (Pandits) and did not become very popular among the people in general. The Brahmins also used it side by side with Sarda, The symbols of Devanagri are different from tho e of Sarda and are still in use even today. It may be mentioned here that Grierson made use of Devanagri in a modified form coupled with phonetic romanlzation for the pxirpose of writing end printing Kashmiri* 56, This script is still in use among the Brahmins (Pandits), »*io use it for writing horoscopes and for other religious purposes. In actual practice the Muslims use the Persian- Arabic script while the Hindus until sometinne ago used the ancient Sarda script. ^ KJ y) The Peralo—Arabic Script; This script is used both by the Muslims and the Kashmiri Fandlts, and Is the officially recognized script of Jammu and Kashmir government. It has also been recognized as such by the Academy of Art, Culture and Languages of J^nmu and Kashmir State, 57 It is now the generally accepted alphabet for Kashmiri, The Roman Script» The Roman script has been used only by a very small 58 number ^f Kashmiris • While dealing vdth the period under review it may be mentioned that the Dogra rulers also patronized art and literature as far as was possible in the context of the early phase of this century* For instance we find a reference to the Maharaja of Kashmir debating Rs, 2,000/- for the publication of Kashmiri Dictionary, The Maharaja donated this amount to the Asiatic 59 Society of Bengal for this purpose* 57, Kashrtdr^ 19 55, December, pp, 263—64> G^sus Report, 1961, Part I, pp. 2-3; Kachru, B.B,, op. cit,, p. 12, Census Report 1941, Part I, p. 39,, Kashmir.Nov-Dec.. 1954, pp. 75—79; Sufi, G.M.D,, Islamic Culture, p. 81,, Census Report. 1930, Part II, p, 230. Koshur Satnachar. May, 1982, Vol. XX, N0» 5, pp. 3—7, 58, Kachru, B.B,, op, cit,, p. 13.^ 59, Jammu and Kashmir. (General Records). Political Departments File N0> 256/M-21-73, Year 191-^. pp. 5—^. 207 to Z (A u> 0 •• 3: M TJ « g HOt H Q) 0 0 3 ^ §- 3 3 ^ ^3 01 a 11 O t1 (D H-3 ^^ Z ftiQ O M o ^ OJ 3- CO > CI to •0 o (D ro ro tn m (0 O o 3 (A o in OJ Hi •J m o K> H ft m to i M m Z n 9 en to n 3 U) u> (0 to VO to o H C vO •J CO ^0 z u o o tn I 00 lO n o Ui M^ H 3 Ul •13 to to o to to OJ in tn (ft GO o O •0 Ul O 3 (0 to to to OJ a\ S ''J •J VO o to to tn a 00 •J z 2 z m to OJ tn to (O 3 OJ o (0 @ so o VO u> o to 00 29 ij s o o 0 o B •J OQ H (D C fD D 0> H- 09 c c+ e- ;i »+ o <+ <+ 03 VJJ 1^ 8 Q V« o V>4 g -A ^ ^ » s vn vn « o ON to o \n -A I o •I o ON ON ^ KJ ^/ (Interaction of the Hindus (Pandits) and Muslims In respect -^f customs end habits) 300 INTERACTION OF THE HINDUS (PANDIfS) AND MUSLIMS IN RESPECT OF CU3TCMS AND HABITS» From time immemorial many conquerors and missionaries have come and settled down in the Valley, Different regimes with divergent geneses and their respective backgrounds (the Hindus, the Buddhists, the Huns, the Muslims, the Mughals, the Pathans, the SiWis and the Dogras) came and made their inpact on the people of this Valley, The Valley of Kashmir has, infect, always been a land of composite culture and this trait continued during the period under review as well* Ever since the dawn of history people with different religious faiths, attitudes of thought and ways of living have inhabited this area and lived in ties of friendship and good neighbourliness. It is of interest to note that Hinduism and Buddhism flourished here side by side, and later on Islam established its influence in the Valley. With the passage of time the impact of Islam brought about many changes in the socio-religious and cultural scene in the Valley, But Islam itself got to some extent influenced 1, Kaumudi, op, cit., pp, 3—4; Kashmir Scence. Vol, I, Not 3, 1966, p, 10, Bamzai, P, N. K,, Socio--~Economic History of Kashmir, p, 311, Sharma, B. L.Wfl^l.^tvAvlhi^.;x.ij. 63—64. Tikku, Somnath, op, cit,, pp, 93—94* "Influences of various civilizations and cultures have happily mingled in Kashmir, Like an ocean, Kashmir received the tribute of a thousand rivers, and, like an ocean again, though perturbed for a v^ile on the surface, it absorbed and assimilated these varied currents into its own culture, weaving out new patte-rns of synthesis end harmonyr Kaumudi, op, cit,, p, 4. SOI 2 by Hinduism, The result was a unique cultural synthesis, "Infact the process of mutual assimilation and interaction of thought and culture had started as early as the establishment of 'Muslim rule* in Kashmir*. The record* show that the Kashmiri Hindus (Pandits) and Muslims lived peacefully and amicably in the Valley during the period of our study. We find from the references of the historians that the relations between the two communities continued to be friendly and cordial having had so much in common in 4 language, culture, customs, dress and thought, Miinshi Ganeshi Lai **io visited the Valley during 1846 found very little distinction between the two religious groups, A slmller view was expressed by Dr. Ernest Neve v^en he wrote "In Kashmir there is very little fanaticism. In some respects the toleration is 2, Kaumudi, op, cit,, p, 4, Koshur Samach^, 1978, April~May Vol. XVI, NOj 45, pp, 2—3; K^ur, M. L, A History of Mf»dieval Kashmir (1320—1586), pp, 203—204j Kail a K, L, ok-C>t.';» '.r,*^«^) PP« 6—7, Islam cafne to Kashmir in the fourteenth century and Influenced the Hindu society in various ways. But on the other hand it could not escape the Influence of Hinduism in the adoption and retention of several customs and practices which can be discerned as prevailing among the Kashmiri Muslims. The Kashmiri Muslims who are primarily converts from the Ind^enlous population have retained their old rituals and beliefs, 3, Khan, Ishaq, op. cit,, p, 119, 4, Sharma, B.L. op. cit., pp. 63—64; Neve Ernest, A Crusadar in Kashmir, p. 150, See also Bamzal, P.N.K, Economic History of Kashmir^ p, 311« 5, Lai, Munshi Ganesh, op, cit,,* p, 3 2, 30. surprising. The friendly relations existing between Moharamadans and Hindus are remarXable, and partly to be explained by the fact that many Hindu customs have survived, even among Mohaiwnadans*. Infect, the close affinity of two communities in respect of customs end habits was responsible for total absence of fanaticisro* These two religious communities in their interactions have supplied two streams of civilization and culture having 7 their influence on each other. G. M. D. Sufi remarks "That the two cultures interacted and modified one another without saying. For example, where Islam flourished, the caste system weakened, Q and under Hindu influence Islam lost something of its asperity* ••• The Islamic influence brought about a rapid change in the caste system. The Hindu society which had already become lax in this respect under the Buddhist influence became still less rigid in observance of caste restrictions. Here the influence of islam was directly discernible. As a result of the Islamic influence 9 the rigour of the caste system was further reduced. 6. Beyond the Pirpanlal. p. 164, See also ;iihere Three Empires Meet, p, 76. 7. Kamudi, op, cit,, p, 4, Tar a Chand, Influence of Islam on Indian Culture, pp, 1—5, Sir J. Marshall has observed "Seldom in the History of mankind has the spectacle been witnessed of two civilizations, so vest and so strongly developed, yet so radically dissimilar, as the Hindus and Muslims meeting and mingling together? Quoted in the Literary Heritage of Kashmir (ed.) pp, 6—.7. 8. Cited by Sufi G,M.D. Kashir, Vol. I, p, 80. 9. Kapur, M.L. op, cit,, pp. 203—204, 207—208; Tarachand, op, cit,, p, 108, Census Report, 1891, Fart I, p, 140,, Sharma, B.L, op, cit,, pp, 54—55, Thus the absence of rigid type of caste-system was one of the main reesons contributing to the religious tolerance am Infact the tradition of synthesis has been discernible in all ages and phases of Kashmir History. We find the same trend prevailing during the medieval period as well* In this respect, the following lines from proceedings of 47th Session of Indian History Congress (1986) deserve reference "The cultural predominance of Islam made silent but such serious erosious into the Hindu culture, that the Hindus voluntarily sloughed off their religious practices". This shows how any of these two religions could conpletely overshadow the other when both of them had passed their zenith and had evaporated their originality. The loss of originality, instead paved the way for the synthesis of the Hindu and the Muslim cultures. The Muslim influence has been mainly on the theological side while the Hindu influence has been mainly on the social side— each being most effective vrtiere its esq^ression is most vigorous. The unity among people irrespective of any distinctions as also formation of moral character based on absolute trust in God has been the most inportant trait of Muslim faith. It has influenced the Hindus so that it has stimulated a series of reform movements which gained an iirpetus through conjprehension of each other's philosophy and 12 religious outlook. 10, Proceedings-- 47th Session of Indian History Congress, 1986, October, (Article) Wani, M, Ashraf. Hindij^-Muslira Society— A Study in Religious InteractionTAlo. 1339-^1586). p» 3. 11, Ibid., p. 1. 12, ^ear Percivel, India, Pakistan, and the West, pp, 88—89, 30; The Islamic influence was also visible on the Advaita 13 Saivism and preached by Lalleshwari or Lalla Ded • This is how Islam influenced the Hindu religious outlook. In the same manner Muslims were also influenced by Hinduism, It seemed inevitable for the two systems to influence eacih other. Of course, their wide differences tended to reduce their influence and made it less perceptible than what might have been esqpected* The two processes of repulsion and attracti<»i existed side by side though the former had been more obviously at work than the latter. So far as the i^slims were concerned, Hindu pantheistic philosophy with its neglect of forms and distrust of the material^ its tendency to identify God and Nature, its disregard of moral distinctions had a great impact on the out-look of the Muslims. In the sphere of religious practice a notable borrowing had been the habit of reverencing saints in particular and the dead in general. It had been a natural corollary of this new change. Lights were burnt, flowers were offered by the Muslims also at Hindu and Muslim shrines, and this tended to be dcme not only for recognized saints, but for kings or any one else vrtiose tombs happened to come handy to the devotee. 13, K«pur M.L., Op, cit,, p. 204; Koul, Somnath, The Criterion, 1967, May 26, (weekly), pp. 11—12, Infact, the order of the Rishis of Kashmir fovinded by S3iai)(h Nur-ud-Din, the patron saint of Kashmir and the mysticism of Lalleshwari showed the impact of Islam on Hinduism and vice-versa. Their mystical sayings are proverbial even now, 14, Spear Percival, op, cit,, pp, 38—89. 15, Ibid. 30Z On the contrary they were also influenced by their old faith— Buddhism, The two religions. Buddhism and Hinduisin, had much in coranran. Both used the rosary which was a mark of Buddhist and Hindu monks, Buddhists always worshipped sacred relics . And the worship of relics was a practice adopted from the Buddhists* The Muslims also offered devotional prayers at the shrines or places where their relics were preserved. Here they followed Buddhist or Hindu practice. Further, the use of wnulets araaig the Kashmiri Muslims has been traced from the 17 Buddhists, This is also confirmed by certain other facts. The system of Khanadamedi (son-in-law by adoption as heir) seems to be largely 18 the result of Hindu custom of adoption , In this manner we may say that the Muslims retained many Hindu customs. Besides this, the Muslims of the Valley followed certain practices not observed by the Muslims in other parts of the country. For example, worshippers were and even today are sumnoned to mosques for prayer by the sounding of songs over *nd above the call of the Muazgin , 16, Ganhar, J.N, and P,N,, Buddhism in Kashmir and Ladaldj, pp, 157—164; aiarma B.L., op. cit., p, 57,, K. T, 1978, Vol, III NOi 3, p, 9. The most important shrine of this kind is the Durgah Sharif at Hazratbal, v«*iere the sacred relic (Hair of a saint) of the holy Prophet has been enshrined. This relic is known as Mw-i-Mubarak in Kashmir, Relic worship was practised in medieval society and is still practised in many parts of the Valley. 17, Ibid, 18, Sharraa^ D.C, op.cit,, pp. 69-'-99; K,T., 1978, Vol, III, N0$ 3, p, 9, Ganher, J,N, and P,N, op, cit,, pp, 157—164., Bamzai/ P.N.K, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, p, 311, Sharma, B.L, op, cit«, p, 61, 19, Koshur Samachar. 1978, Vol, XVI, N0» 45, pp, 2—3, K,T. 1978, Vol, III, NOt 3, p. 9. 30C Anniversaries of several Muslim saints were observed according to the Hindu solar calendar and not on the basis of the Hljra lunar calendar. An interesting feature of the Batamol and Rlshimol Sahib* s anniversaries at Batanialloo and Anantnag respectively was that the Muslims and Hindus abstained from taking meat during the course of these anniversalres. £ven at present, Muslims and Hindus (Pandits) AloUting at Batamalloo and Anantnag may not touch meat or any other non-vegetarian food for at least a day in the case of the festival of Batamol Sahib and often for a week in case of the Rlshimol Sahib at Anantnag. rhe practice 20 is peculiar to Kashmir • Lawrence mentions two reasons for the religious tolerance in the Valley, First the strict prc*ii- bition of cow-killing removed the principal cause of ill-feeling and secondly the strong rule under which the people lived for generations would not brook any quarrelling between the Hindus 21 and the Muslims* During this period, the Muslims paid obeisance to the saints and invoked their aid exactly as the Hindus did in their expression of devotion to their gurus at their places of worship. The Muslims bedaubed themselves with dust of the sacred 20. Ibid,, Ganhar, J.N, op. clt,, pp, 157—164, During the anniversaries of some holy men known as Rishls, Muslims as well as Hindus of these localties would not eat eggs, meet or fish. Thus we find the Rishi order had been profoundly Influenced by Bu4ffliism. The Rishis, in fact* abstained from taking flesh and did not marry like the Buddhist %lkshus« 21. Lawrence, Valley, p. 286, 307 22 precincts and recited the Darood (or His praise after Nam«z , But perhaps the most predominant practice borrowed from Hinduism was the observance of caste rules. It is true that the Muslims in general would repudiate any such intention, and certainly the ideas behind caste were as these still are absent in Islam, But the idea of caste in its aspect of marriage restrictions undoubtedlj 23 was to be found in the Muslim community in Kashmir Valley • As is apparent from the above, the two cultures acted and interacted upon each other so that the result was a synthesis showing trends corwnon to both cultures, This process of synthesis which was discernible in the medieval period, could also be seen during the period under review and Infact it continues to prevail even in the modem age. Inevitably common social and cultural ties were forged in due course between the two religious communities. Similarities between Hindu and Muslim customs and Habitss Certain holy places and shrines are held in reservence by the Hindus (Pandits) and the Muslims alike, rhese sacred shrines are mostly situated together in the same premises. Obviously many shrines in the Valley are still visited by members 22, Bamzal, P, N, K, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir, p. 311. 23, Spear Perclval, op, clt,, p, 89. .30, of both the coratiunities. To this day, they are sacred to the 24 Hindus and the Muslims of the Valley • A few more examples of similarity in their religious spheres may be seen in the homage 25 paid at the mosque of Shah Hamdan or the Kanqah-i-Mualla, Temple of Kali or Kalishwari goddess, Ziyarat-i-Makdoom Jahib, 26 Hari Parbet temple of goddess Sharika, Dastagir Sahib , Khir 27 Bhawani (Ragni Devi) at Tulamulle, Nund Rishi at Charar-i-Sharif 24. ka^K. L., op. cit. p. 263; Iqbal & Nirash, / c^b. C.iib'i '«helkh Nur-ud-Din Wali is popularly known as 'Nund Rlshi' among the members of the two religious corrrminities of Kashmir, His shrine at Charar-i-Sharif is held sacred by the Hindus and the l^slims of Kashmir alike, Even today many devotees visit the shrine. 30[; and at the /«»arnsth cave^? Similarly the Muslims show equal reverence for Hindu places of worship like Rishi Pir, The anniversary of this aalnt is attended by the Muslims as well, "The Muslims on their part exhibit the deepest feelings of respect for the shrines of the Hindu saints like Reshi Hr at Alikadal, Jewan Sahib at Rainawari, Khirbhawani adjoining Ganderbal or 29 Jeyshethyar near Cheshmashahi etc" • The Valley of Kashmir is, 30 inf act, a symbol of Hindu-Muslim \anity • If we study the history of the Hindus and the Muslims of the Valley, we find similarity between the religious practices of the two coiwnunities. Then there are many points of resemblance in their customs pertaining to birth, marriage and death, Lawrence records certain similarities between the Hindu and the Muslim social customs, Menzrat or use of the Mehandi«»dye> Phirsal* the visit paid by the bridegroom to the bride's house invnediately after marriage, Gulimyxith the offering of money, dress and jewels to the groom and the bride by their relatives and friends on the 28, It is interesting to note that the offerings at Amarnath cave are shared by Muslims and Hindus to this d^. Thousands of pilgrims of either community go on annual pilgrimage to the holy cave. "Offerings at the famous shrine of Amarnath are shared by Muslim Maliks of Pahalgam with the Pandits attached to the shrine, Infact, the holy cave itself is reported to have been discovered by a Muslim shaphered who had ^en it in a dreamT The Oensus of India, 1971, General Report, Series 8, J&K, p, 6» 29, Dhar, Somnath, op, cit,, pp. 22.23; Census of India, 1971, General Report, Series 8, J&K, pp, 6—7, 30, Koul M,, op, cit., p, 15, 31 occasion of the wedding and the titles of Maharaza and Maharenl given to the bridegroom and the bride respectively are only a few examples. We may also add other points of similarity-- the customs of Sundar^ Zarakasai or Mundan (the ceremony of shaving the head of the child) and then the celebfetlons of the birthday - j^ 1 31 and the day of death. Here they possess common customs ena rituals . Even at present, when many changes have taken piece in the society, these social customs survive to a considerable degree among the Hindus and the Muslims of the Valley. There was yet another custom common between the two conmunitles regarding offering made to the dead on certain prescribed occasions. In this respect, 32 the Hindus performed the 3hraddh« ceremonies , while "the Muslims 33 organized Khatanw.i-3harif" . Besides these, we also get references to the superstitions nature of the Hindus and the Muslims of the Valley. Blscoe writes, when cholera or small pox epidemic occurred in the city, it was attributed to a god or a goddess » On these 31. Lawrence, ypJiksLif^. pp. 257—71; Census of India. 1971, Series 8, J&K, General Report, Part I, p. 7, K.T. 1978, Vol, III No. 3, pp. 8—9. The Culture of Kashmir (ed.) p. 117. See also Kaunaudi, op. cit., pp. 196—197. 32. Lawrence, Va-tLeM^, p. 263. 3S« Khan, Ishag, op. cit., p. 106, 34, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade^ p. 63, As regards common faith in superstitions the Kashmiris whether they adhere to Islam or Hinduism show themselves surerstitions. The references from encyclopaedia Britannica end other sources record that the people of Kashmir Valley were strongly influenced by tneir ancient superstitions. Neglecting these superstitions was considered a sin by them. Generally a Kashmiri Hindu was more superstition than a Muslim. These superstitions have given rise to numerous bad customs and have attained the force of law, Sharma, D.c,, op, cit., p, 85; Kaul, P. N. op. cit., p. 17, 31, calamitous occasions some ceremonies were performed by the people to ward off its malnolent Influence— particularly by 35 the Hindus when small-pox attacked their family . However, an appreciable change in the attitude of the people has started creeping into the society in course of time. Among the educated sections of society these superstitious customs have disappeared 36 to a large extent • It was also coiwnon among both tne Kashmiri Hindus (Pandits) and the Muslims of the Valley to remove their shoes before entering a tert??le or a mosque as a sign of humility a^id self-abasement before a holy place. There were also many festivals which were 37 celebrated by all Kashmiris in comnon. In the Valley both the Hindus and the Muslims would pray or plant prayer flags before some saint's grave to bring good fortune. Both the communities would drink of a common spring which is said to cure some ailment 38• Muslims of the Valley still retain sub-castes of their ancestral 35, Ibid,, rhe Hindus hai the custom of distributing Khir (rice cooked in milk and sugar) to the childrenwhile the Muslims distributed Saltish Khir which was known ad Doad- Wag££. ^ 36, Ibid., p. 160. 37, Gervis Pearce, op. clt,, p, 260; Kaumudl, op. cit,, p, 195., See also The Martand, June, 27, 1934, Feb., 12, 1936, Festival have played an important role In the life of the Kashmiris from time inroemorial. There are numerous festivals which have been shared and participated in both by the Hindus and Muslims of the Valley, especially Idd and Shlvratri, Muslims end Hindus (Pandits) participated in each other's festivities and congratulated each other with love and respect. K.T. Sept,, 1961, Vol. 5, NOx 8, p, 21, 38, Gervis Pearce, op, clt., p. 260. 312 Brehmins viz., Bhat, Pandit., Nehru, Dar, Reshi, Rsina, Aitu, and Keul 39• Formerly the marriages of the Hindus were contracted through professional go-betweens who were usually Muslims by faithi the Muslims also cremate the dead bodies of pandits— a custom still prevailing in Kashmir, These professional cremators are given 40 the name of Kaviij. f^s regards their dress— both the Hindus end iluslims of the Valley wore more or less the same dress having trails of both the cultures. The wearing of pheran was as popular with Pandits as it was with the Muslims, Infact, they regarded it an indispensable article of costume. Formerly it was customary for the Hindu and Muslim brides to wear the skull-ceps at the time of marriage. The Taranqa or the head dress a Hindu woman wore <»i this occasion was almost the same as the Kasaba worn by the Muslim women, the variation being slight. In the sphere of the male attire the Hindus and Muslims of the Valley used turban as a conmon feature of dress. Thus the use of Dustar or Paqrl (turban) has been 41 current among both the commianities of the Valley from early times • 39, Kalla, R. L, op, cit,, p. 263, 40, Ibid,, The Oulture of Kashmir (ed.), p, ll7, 41, Kaumudi, op, cit,, p, 196, 3ir. Even during Medieval period Abul Fazl and Jahangir failed 42 to dlstingxiish a Hindu from a Muslim • Pulhoros (straw shoes) and Kharavoos (wooden footwear) were generally used by the Muslims and the Hindus of the Valley, Kharaws were used during mud and rainy saasan while the Pulhors were worn in all weathers. Thus, there was not much difference between the dress used by the Muslims and that of the Fendits, Similarities — Food Hebits» We find that the two communities had so much In common in customs and dress, the same holds true ebout their food. We find no major difference In their food habits, Hak (a green leafy vegetable) and Bhatta (boiled rice) was then as now a 43 fevourite food among both the comniunities • The practice of distributing Tahar (rice cooked in turmeric, salt and oil) w«s and is still common among both the Muslims «nd the Hindus of the Valley, The Kashmiri Hindus observed this practice on their birth-days and on several other 42, FarlmVL,R.K,, op, cit,, p, 448, 43, K. T, 1954, Vol. IV, N0» 6, pp, 138—139, The expression Hak-Bhatta has the same ccainotetion In Kashmir as Dal-Rotj, in Hindustani, "For the Kashmiris this food has such sentimental associations that It would be unfair to aspect him to change it". Ibid,, 31; occeslons. The Muslims distribute Tahar among the relatives, children and poor people 44 in fulfilment of a vow. There is another practice of religious offering called (Cakes made of flour) kneaded in milk and sugar. It is p a practice common both to the Hindus 45 and the Muslims. Roath is prepared for purpose of religious offering et different shrines and temples by the Hindus as well as the Muslims, In addition to it, both the comniunities were very fond of tea-- both Shirichai (salt tea) and Kahwa (sweat tea without milk). These were taken with bread by all irrespective of csste, creed, sex or status. It is also interesting to note that the Pandits have been and still continue to be reguler meat-eaters like their Muslim brethren. In this case, it is remarkable to observe that there was not much difference in food habits between 46 the Muslims and the Hindus. Both enjoyed mutton, fish and fowl • We need not lay stress on the point beyond saying that the Kashmiri Fandits had no hesitation in drinking water brought by a Muslim. Infact, they were not very particular about matters of pollufcfola by touch of the Muslim brethren. They were generally free from the 47 idea of untouchability. 44. Khan, Ishaq, pp. clt., p. 102 (F.N, 142); Jala, Z. L., op. cit., p. 459, 45. Jala, Z. L,, op. cit., p. 459.^ 46. Sufi, G.M.D, Kashir, Vol, I, pp, 78—79, Buhlar George, op. cit., p. 23. 47. Beyond the Pirpanlal. p, 82.,. Lawrence, Valley, p, 300., See also Ganeshi Lai, op. cit., p. 32, 31 u Congnon Language* For centuries Keshmiri has been the common language of the Muslims and the Pandits of the Valley, rhe two religious communities have contributed greatly towards the development of this language, Kashmiri language, which was the pro From this brief survey it is clear that the distinctions in customs, dress, food and language are virtually rcjmote among the two communities. But inspite of their common cultural heritage, there were certain points of difference in their customs, food habits, language and dress. In certain respects, many beliefs end customs of the Hindus and the iluslims were poles apart. The Pandits worshipp* the cow because cow was a sacred animal to them, while the fiuslims were not bound by any such consideration. Similarly for the Muslims 48, Iqbal and Nirash, op. cit., pp. 117—119; K. T., 1978, NOj 8, pp. 8—9, The basis of national* solidarity is reinforced by uniformity la dress and language among people of all shodiiSi Ibid,, 49, Ibid, 31G 50 the pig W8S unclean while the Pan^ts had no such inhibition • The Muslims burled their deaf|^%*iile the Hindus cremated thenu Che custom of circumcision was corarrKXi amonq the >Cuslinis« On the contrary, the sacred thread ceremony was essential and coiryncm anoong the Pandits, The Pandits worshipped in ten? les or in their homes before gods using a statue or a picture for concentration* The Hindu women commonly went to the temple li)ce their raen-folki while the Jtualira women were usually conspicuous by their ab&ence In mosques. The Muslims very often worshipped enmesse in the mosque, even though they were not forbidden to worship et home. Both believed in God; the .'Muslims prayed directly to Him; but the Hindus had faith in small gods as well. The Pandits believed in rein- 51 carnation while the Muslims believed in resurrection • •*rhe Hindu decorated his temples with pictures, stetues and carvings of gods aid other figures, Che Muslims only permitted to adhorn their mosques with scrolls and texts from the Curani 52 there is nowhere a picture of Prophet Muhammad* , Amonc the Hindus there was no practice of divorce and no Hindu ledy could remarry but Muslima widows and divorced womoi were allowed to marry 50. Gervis Pearce, qp, clt,, pp, 259—260, 51. Ibid,, pp. 259-.-60. 52. Ibid,,, 317 again. Polygeny was common among the rich 'Muslims. This 53 practice did not find fcwvour with the Hindus , There was the usual practice among the Kashmiri Hindus to write the name of God just inside the front gate of the house during .Tiarriages, while the Kashmiri Muslims did not have any such thing written on their doors. There was yet another peculiar practice or belief among the Kashmiri Pandits. They abstained Irom scsrting a journey in different directions on days which they regarded jOxtspicious, Besides they did not move into a new house on a day which was not recorded as auspicious in their calendar, rhese practices were not common among the Muslims of the Valley 54• It should be remembered that the Kashmiri Pandits had much faith in 55 good end bad omens • Then the distinguishing feature between the two communities wes a holy mark (tilak) which the Pandits alone put on their foreheads. Difference in Press* There were certain points of difference between the dress habits of the Kashmiri Pandits and the nuslims of the Valley during the period under review. It is but natural for co-religionists to possess soir.e easily identifiable signs, Inspite of apparent identity 53, Sharma, D.C., op. cit., p. 99, 54, Ibid,, p, 321, Ahnr)U M- lioi^lLusz^J'a^ /V/<12L/V.^6/-6?^-?'^^ 3//-ai^,3H. 55, Census of India^ 1961, JSiC, A Village Purvey monocraph. Matt an. Vol. VI, Part. VI, N0» 2, p, 25, 31 56, Ahm«r) Tmtiaz, e>/. ^,zf J /? ^4. • , , 57, Vigne, G.f,, op, cit. Vol, II, pp. 140,318; I'lOorcraft, qp.cit,. Vol, II, p, 131,, Lawrence, op* cit., p. 258, 58, Lawrence, }j Difference In Food Habitsi There were certain remarlcable points of difference in their food habits. In the case of preparation of dishes on occasions of wedding the Muslims would prepare Wazawan which was en absolutely new thing for the Hindus. Jixcept for Regan-1o3h# other meat dishes like Kalia^ Machh, Tsuk Pserwan were jecullar to the Kashmiri Hindus and these recipes were not very corrunon among the Muslims, The method of preparing Karamsac was el so different between the Kashmiri Pandits and the Muslims, The Hindus would not use Mawal and powdered chillies but used only turmeric, oil, and salt in its preparation. Sochal (a variety of green leafy vegetable) was taken mostly by the Hindus, while the Muslims very seldom took this vegetable. In the case of the Kashmiri i andlts, fish and pickles were prepared in the most tasty manner through the rich use of oil and spices. The Muslims did not use much of oil and spices in the preparations of these dishes, which were 59 obviously less tasty , Formerly the Kashmiri Pandits carried to the extreme their abharrence for certain fruits and vegetables , But there was no restriction among the Muslims about certain fruits and vegetables. They largely consumed these vegetables and fruits, 59. Based on interview with Shri Moti Lai 3aql (Cultural Ac ad amy), 60, Lawrence, -^oJia^. p. 300, Rhmad Nazir, op. clt., pp. 314—320, Impact of modern tendencies made the Kashmiri pandits less rigid in the use of certain articles of food which they looked upon as forbidden in the past. 32 o Generally speaking Kashmiri Pandits were very fond of K^rtwa— tea, (sweet tea), %*hlle the Muslims frequently used saltish-tea (Shir 1-chad). Difference in L^nouaae* Kashmiri spoken by Muslims differed slichtly from that spoken by the Kashmiri Fendits, Not only v/cs the vacabulery of the former more overlaid with the words borrowed from Persian 61 but there was a slight difference in their pronunciation too « The variations in language were observable at different levels between Kashmiri Pandits and Muslims. Most of the words used by Kashmiri Muslims were greatly influenced by Persian words while the language of the Pandits were derived from Sanskrit words. Infect, a distinction has been m^talned between the speech of the Kashmiri Hindus and the Muslims of the Valley • For instance, the waxJix Hindus use such words as Pap, Nerukh, Dharma etc., while 63 Muslims, on the other hand use Gun ah, Jahnam, Din» for these terms respectively. These are nrjinor differences. Thus even though both the communities speak the same language, there are striking 64 differences in their lexical usage , It is clear from the above discussion that there were some differences in the spoken language of the Hindus and i^lusllms of the Valley, 61, Iqbal and Nirash, op. cit., pp. 131~135, 62, Koul, M.K, op. cit., pp. 26,24? Kachru, B.B,, op, cit., p. 21, 63, Kachru, fi.e^., op, cit,, p, 21, 64, Ahmad Imtiyaz, op, cit,, p, 24, 3'^ ' -L In the words of Kauimidl, "This process of interaction did not stop there* it went far deeper and changed the very out-look of sections of the people. It united both the Hindus 65 and the Muslims on a higher metaphysical plane" • In this way we find the Kashmiris to have been the legatees of a connposite culture which is neither exclusively Hindu nor exclusively Muslim but the compound of two cultures and the result of an evolutionary process originating from the mutual interaction and combinati<»i 66 of the two streams of influences and treditlons • 65. Kaumudi, op, cit,, p, 61, 66. Ibid,, p. 143, * * 112.: Chapter VIII Conclusion CONCLUSION! The main aim of the thesis has been.to examine and analyse the customs and habits o£ the Pandits and the Muslims of Kashmir, The two conmunltles together constitute the majority of population of the Valiay* Attempt has been made to determine the social relevance of these customs and habits. The thesis also takes care of several Reform Acts meant to secure betterment of the womenfolk. Most of these reforms^ as would be observed^ had become imperative in the best interests of the emerging values of an enlightened and progressive society. In addition to a discussicm of the customs and ceremonies of these two commxinltles^ the project also deals with the food habits, use of dress, ornaments, linguistic patterns and general habits of the people* It also seeks to present the process of interaction and consequent Integration in respect of these customs and habits of the two communities. On the whole the customs of the Kashmiris, the Fandits and the Muslims, did not undergo much perceptible change. Many rituals and ceremonies connected with birth, marriage and death hardly under-went much change. However, there were ripples visible in the stre»m of people* s thinking. Several reform movements were launched during the period under review. Of course, these movements did influence the socio-economic life of the • •/• • 32: two coitmunitles. As such these movements together with the positive role of the government helped to usher in a period of change. The trend of diange, thus set, helped to further the process of rationalization of customs and habits which eventually gave the society a semblance of modernity* Infact the period under review forms a momentous stage in the evolution of Kashmiri society from the old to the new. The later Docra rulers were, indeed, enlightened in thair approach to the problems of the people in the Valley, They understood the spirit of the new age and with their hand on the pulse of the changinc times they introduced reforms which went a long way in releasing the society from the evils of widowhood, child-marriage, •satl' and infant-mortality. However, the people of the Valley also deserve credit for their humanism and nobility of heart, which Induced them to accept and welcome some, if not all reforms. The evil customs of satl and female infanticide were prohibited in the whole state during Maharaja Ranblr Singh's time (which falls within the purview of our study)• The Dogra rulers also by a legislative act prevented Infant marriages and enforced wido%#-remarriages— the latter being a need of the changing times among the young Fandit widows who became destitute and forlorn due to the death of their respective partners. • •/•, • 32. Several social reform organizations, primarily among the Pandits also made an effort to reform dowry system, the practice of widow-reitarriage and other oxitdated and eaqjensive social ceremonies. The feeling for wholesale social reform among the educated youth was becoming more intense* This period did not witness mudn change in the conception«).pt<9» It may be stated that the villagers did not very much benefit from the reform movements and acts. They still continued following their conservative habits and customs. In this respect the Pandits and the Muslims in the villages were virtually alike and still pursued their age old customs and habits. The social set-v53 among the two communities—Muslims and the Kashmiri Pandits • was almost similar. The division into castes and classes, enter tainment of superstitions beliefs, prevalence of customs and habits were almost identical during'the period under review. • ,/• • • 32C, The pericxJ witnessed* especially in its last phase* a considerable change in the habits of dress among the people. The in^Dact of modem westernized education particularly that imparted by the Christian Missionary Schools contributed a good deal in effecting a change in the dress of the Kashmiris. The pheran and the long stretched muslin tiirban started getting discarded, mainly by the new generation that took to the use of coatS/ pants and the puqree would round their heads in the Punjabi style. The pandits took the lead in this direction. Another important change among the European influenced young men was the use of shoes which repleced almost ell indigenous types of foot wear used by the people in the past. The sartorial habits of the villagers continued, more or lessj, to be the same as in the past. They still stuck to their pheran« dastar, indigenous foot-wear and other forms of dress as in the past. The construction or building of the Jhelum Valley Cart Road opened a new vista of ideas and fashions through the facili ties of corwnunicaticai and transport between the virtually land- , locked Valley and the plains. This phenomenon resulted in the import and use of cotton of various shades of colour, quality and design in the Valley. People started discarding the use of coarse and drab cloth woven by the indigenous artisan. The drabness • •/. • of colour In the dress of the Kashmiri population in general and Kashmiri Pandit women in particular got replaced by the newly bright cotton dresses* Political, social and economic changes produced corres ponding changes in the life of the Kashmiris, These changes in the direction of modernization had a healthier influence upon the people's way of life. Phis period also saw some changes in the food habits of the people. These changes, though slow, had started becoming perceptible in due rourse of time. In fact conditions undergo change from time to time. It is ver^' desirable, therefore, that traditions and ceremonies should change with the changing times. Otherwise even good customs and practices corrupt, in course of time, due to lack of change. During the period under review the use of jewellry and ornaments also under-went a great change due to the changing conception of fashions among the Kashmiri women. The women of upper stratum started using new designs of silver and gold ornaments which were almost always in vogue among the women* The Dogra rulers were patrons of art, literature and language. This period witnessed the lyrical out-bursts of many poets bubbling with the spirit of the new age. The period also saw many prose writers who contributed to the improvemoit of 1, Bamzai, P» N, K,, Socio—Economic History of Kashmir^ p, 334* 32O f> ,» - languages spoken by people In the Valley. Infect these rulers encouraged the progress of different languages in several ways. Kashmiri language also received much ln¥>etus during the period under review* All factors together contributed to the development of the spirit of the new age which eventually ushered In the era of Independence, The Oogra rulers were Infact the men of the soil with their religious beliefs and even sv^erstltlons exactly like those of the people of this Valley, Effort has been made to Illustrate this feature of the Doqra rulers In the Illustrations about religious performances that they undertook on official level during times of such calamities as famines, epidfemica and what not. The two communities caitje nearer to each other through the process of mutual Interaction and the Influences of the one became perceptible In the social life of the other and the vls«- versa. Attempt has been made to trace and analyse the Influences resulting from the Interaction, Infact, the most prominent feature In the Valley during the period under study w as the prevalence of mutual amity and fraternal ties between the two communities which have continued Intact to date. The two communities together shared each other's Joys and sorrows In a spirit of brotherhood and mutual love and respect as also the appreciation of each other's difficulties and problems* 32C MUf ^t>i ^y^y^8Jf-.!Bus.S jysftwu^^M 33:> APPENDIX— I TREATY OF #>MRITSAR» • • • "Treaty between the British Government on the part, end Maharaje Gulab Singh, of Jannu, on the other, concludecl on the part ^f the British Government by Frederick Currie Esq, and Brevet Major Henry Montgoncry Lciwrence, acting under the > orders of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B, one of Her Britannic Majesty's HonourebJ.e Privy Council Governor- General, appointed by the Honourable Company to direct and control all their affairs in the East Indias, and by Maharaja Gulab Singh in person, Article I« The British Government transfers and makes over for ever, in independent possession to Maharaja Golab Singh, and the heirs male of his body, all the hilly or mountainous country with its dependencies, situated on the eastward of the River Indus and westward of the River Ravee, including Chumba and excluding Laho'il, being part of the territory ceded to the British Government by the Lahore State, according to the provisions of Article 4 of the Treaty of Lahore, dated 9th March, 1846, ' Article 2t The eastern boundry of the tract, transfered by the foregoing article to Maharaja Golab'singh, shall be laid down by Commissioners appointed by the British Government end Maharaja Golab Singh respectively for that purpose, and shall be Aefitied In a separate engagement after survey. 3 3: Article 3> In consideration of the transfer made to him and his h<=>irs t>r the provisions of the foregoing articles, Maharaja Golab Singh will pay to the British Government the sum of seventy- five lacs of rupees (Nanakshahee), fifty lacs to be paid on ratification of this Treaty, and twenty-fiva .-ac3 on or before the 1st October o." the current year /».D, 1846. Article 4» The limits of the territories of Meh.jraja Goleb Singh shall not be at any time changed without the concurrence of the British Government. Article 5« Maharaja Goiab Singh will refer to the arbitration to the British Government any disputes or questions that may arise between himself and the Government of Lahore, or any other neighbouring state, and will abide by the decision of the British Government. Article 68 Maharaja Golab Singh engages for himself and heirs to join with the whole of his military force, the British troops when employed within the hills, or in the territories adjoining his possessions, Arnicle 7t Maharaja Golab Singh engpces never to cake '^r retain in his service any British subjects, nor the subjects of any iiuropean or American state, without the consent of the British Government, ••/••• 33:: Article 8i Meharaja Golab Singh engages to respect, in regard to the territory transferred to him, the provisions of Article 5,6 and 7 of the separate engagepent between the British Government and the Lahore Durbar, dated 11th March, 1846, Article 9» The British Governraen*- will give its aid to Maharaja Golab Singh in protecting his territories from external enemies. Article lot Maharaja Golab Singh acknowledges the supermacy of the British Government, and will, in token of such super.nacy, present annually to the British Government one horse; twelve perfect shawl-goats, of approved breed (six male and six female), and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This Treaty, consisting of ten articles, has been this day settled by Frederick '^urrie. Esq,, und Brenet-Major Henry Montgomery Lawrence, acting under the directions of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Herdluge, G, C, B, Governor—General, on the part of the British Government, and by Maharaja Golab Singh in person; and the said Treaty has been this day ratified by the Seal of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardjnge, G, C, B., Governor—General, Done at Amritsar this sixteenth day of March, in the year of ovu: Lord 1846, corresponding with* the 17th day of Rubbee-ool- awal 1264 Hijree, • Sources History of Kashmir & the Kashmiris, The Happy Valley By W, Wakefield, M,D, pp. 282—284, APP ENDIX «»II 33r. List of Zlllas and Tehsils in the Kashmir Vallev In 1887 CS. 1943) Revenue Vill- Chllkl not ZJll^ N0» Tehall aqes Rupees Remarks 1. Shahr Khas or 1 Yedi 85 1,01,190 Srlnagar 2 Nag am 95 1,11,194 •* Vihew N£hame 74 87,712 4 Lai with Salr Mojia Pain 142 97,481 5, Phak 116 96,929 6. Donsu Mechhama 151 1,27,297 7, Mir Behrl 12 32,275 (or R:, 969 per 675 6.54,078 village) 2. Haripur or 1 Densar 141 1,23,214 Shuplon 2 aiuplon 137 1,19,378 3 Tral 67 1,08,070 4 Charsu 92 1,14,053 5 Ram Petri 121 1,16,634 6 Chlrat 65 1.06,822 (or R , 623 6.83.181 1,104 per — village) 3, KamraJ or 1 Uttar Machlpura 148 9 2,868 Wular Lake 2. Hamal Zalnaglr 131 1,09,55^ 3. Khulhame 60 72,132 4. Mahal Sungara (Wular Lake) 51 37,397 (& 46,075 • Wiarwars) 5. Knohan Baraimall a 108 1,06,621 6. Blroh Magum 160 93,590 7. Pettan 120 1,06,226 8. ChaJda DrugiT.al 10 22,063( or 1^, 812 788 6.40.454 per village) (& 46,075 Idiarwxrn) 33: Revenue Vill- Chilkl I0» Zllle NOt Tehsil aqes Rupees REMARKS u Anantnag 1. Anantneg or or Islamabad 81 1,07,861 Islamabad 2. SaMb«ibad 52 93,511 3. Hoikorsc Bring 52 87,594 4. Sri Hanblr Siaghpiira 63 91,483 5. Khorpora Mart and 91 91.313 6. Dechinpora 61 1,06,449 7. Krena Ranbirpora 1 11,144 Cor R . 1,469 401 5^89,355 - per village) SOURCEj Gazetteer of Kashmir and LadaWi, pp.445> 446. ****•***••****•*****« ***«*)********«r**t»*'l(***«rjlr******* Lawrence's Account of the three Wazarats which were there during the period of study, also he has giv^n an account of TehsiIs existing under each Wazart, 1. Khas Wazarat 1 1, Khas 2. Ich Nagam 3. Donsu Manchama 4. Wular Vihu 5. Cherat. 2« ^nantnag Wazerat 6.. Anantnag • 7. Sri Ranbir Singhpora 8. Deosar 9. Dachanpora 10. Shupiyon 3, Sopur or Kamraj 11. Lai 12. Hamalzalnigir 13. Uttar Ha chip or a 14. Biru Magaxn 15. Krlhun r>oxmcE» Lawrence, Valley, p. 222. 33.-: O O yj BI BLI OGRAPHYi • • • I, Primery Sources* Official Records and Reports: I, Th^ Jammu and K«5shrtH r State Archives. Janinu Repository. 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