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Centre-Province Relations, 1988-1993: a Case Study of the Punjab
Centre-Province Relations, 1988-1993: A Case Study of the Punjab A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY By Syed Tahir Hussain Bukhari Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad, Pakistan 2016 Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Department of History Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad, Pakistan 2016 DECLARATION I hereby declare that this thesis is the result of my individual research, and that it has not been submitted concurrently to any other university for any other degree. _____________________ Syed Tahir Hussain Bukhari DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY QUAID-I-AZAM UNIVERSITY ISLAMABAD Approval for Thesis Submission Dated: 2016 I hereby recommend the thesis prepared under my supervision by Syed Tahir Hussain Bukhari, entitled “Centre-Province Relations, 1988-1993: A Case Study of the Punjab” in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. __________________________ Dr. Razia Sultana Supervisor DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY QUAID-I-AZAM UNIVERSITY ISLAMABAD Dated: 2016 FINAL APPROVAL This is to certify that we have read the thesis submitted by Syed Tahir Hussain Bukhari, entitled “Centre-Province Relations, 1988-1993: A Case Study of the Punjab” and it is our judgment that this thesis is of sufficient standard to warrant acceptance by the Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. _ ____________________ -
Political Role of Religious Communities in Pakistan
Political Role of Religious Communities in Pakistan Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema Maqsudul Hasan Nuri Muneer Mahmud Khalid Hussain Editors ASIA PAPER November 2008 Political Role of Religious Communities in Pakistan Papers from a Conference Organized by Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI) and the Institute of Security and Development Policy (ISDP) in Islamabad, October 29-30, 2007 Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema Maqsudul Hasan Nuri Muneer Mahmud Khalid Hussain Editors © Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden Islamabad Policy Research Institute House no.2, Street no.15, Margalla Road, Sector F-7/2, Islamabad, Pakistan www.isdp.eu; www.ipripak.org "Political Role of Religious Communities in Pakistan" is an Asia Paper published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy. The Asia Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Institute’s Asia Program, and addresses topical and timely subjects. The Institute is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research centers worldwide. Through its Silk Road Studies Program, the Institute runs a joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center with the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute of Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies. The Institute is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. This report is published by the Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI) and is issued in the Asia Paper Series with the permission of IPRI. -
I Leaders of Pakistan Movement, Vol.I
NIHCR Leadersof PakistanMovement-I Editedby Dr.SajidMehmoodAwan Dr.SyedUmarHayat National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research Centre of Excellence, Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad - Pakistan 2018 Leaders of Pakistan Movement Papers Presented at the Two-Day International Conference, April 7-8, 2008 Vol.I (English Papers) Sajid Mahmood Awan Syed Umar Hayat (Eds.) National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research Centre of Excellence, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad – Pakistan 2018 Leaders of Pakistan Movement NIHCR Publication No.200 Copyright 2018 All rights reserved. No part of this publication be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing from the Director, National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, Centre of Excellence, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. Enquiries concerning reproduction should be sent to NIHCR at the address below: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research Centre of Excellence, New Campus, Quaid-i-Azam University P.O. Box 1230, Islamabad-44000. Tel: +92-51-2896153-54; Fax: +92-51-2896152 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] Website: www.nihcr.edu.pk Published by Muhammad Munir Khawar, Publication Officer Formatted by \ Title by Khalid Mahmood \ Zahid Imran Printed at M/s. Roohani Art Press, Sohan, Express Way, Islamabad Price: Pakistan Rs. 600/- SAARC countries: Rs. 1000/- ISBN: 978-969-415-132-8 Other countries: US$ 15/- Disclaimer: Opinions and views expressed in the papers are those of the contributors and should not be attributed to the NIHCR in any way. Contents Preface vii Foreword ix Introduction xi Paper # Title Author Page # 1. -
Muslim Urban Politics in Colonial Punjab: Majlis-I-Ahrar's Early Activism
235 Samina Awan: Muslim Urban Politics Muslim Urban Politics in Colonial Punjab: Majlis-i-Ahrar’s Early Activism Samina Awan Allama Iqbal Open University, Pakistan ________________________________________________________________ The British annexed Punjab in 1849, and established a new system of administration in form and spirit. They also introduced western education, canal colonies and a modern system of transportation, which had its impact on the urban population. In rural Punjab they collaborated with the landlords and feudal elite to get their support in strengthening the province as ‘grain basket’ for the British Army. The Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam(hereafter MAI) was an urban Muslim organisation, comprised of ex-Khilafatists, trained in agitational politics during the period 1919-1929, many of whom were ex-Congrssites. Ahrar leaders split with the INC over the issue of the Nehru Report in 1929. Soon after the formation of the new party, they decided to participate in INC-led civil disobedience movement of 1930 and were interred in large numbers. The MAI’s platform was based on a united India, but one, which was free from imperial control, anti-feudal, with less economic disparities and had an Islamic system for the Muslims of India. _______________________________________________________________ Introduction A number of religio-political movements emerged from Punjab during the first half of the twentieth century. A study of the history, politics and social structure of Punjab is necessary in order to understand these movements. The Majlis-i- Ahrar-i-Islam (MAI) was founded in 1929 in Lahore, and reflected a unique blend of religion and politics in the multi-cultural province of Punjab in British India. -
Jenkins and the Partition of Punjab 1947
Jenkins and the Partition of Punjab 1947 Farah Gul Baqai National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research Centre of Excellence, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan 2018 Jenkins and the Partition of Punjab 1947 FARAH GUL BAQAI NIHCR Publication No.216 Copyright 2018 All rights reserved. No part of this publication be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing from the Director, National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research (NIHCR). Enquiries concerning reproduction should be sent to NIHCR at the address below. National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, Centre of Excellence, Quaid-i-Azam University, (New Campus) P.O.Box No.1230, Islamabad 44000, Pakistan. Email: [email protected], [email protected] Website: www.nihcr.edu.pk Published by Muhammad Munir Khawar (Publication Officer) Edited by Mohammad Saleem (Sub-Editor) Rao Tahir Hussain (Sub-Editor) Printed at M/s IF Graphics, Royal Centre, Blue Area, Islamabad, Pakistan Price Pak Rs.700.00 SAARC Countries Rs.1500.00 ISBN: 978-969-415-133-5 US $.20.00 In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful DEDICATED TO MY PARENTS Anwar Zamani (Mother) Zulfiqar Ali Khan Baqai (Father) AND MY CHILDREN Aiza, Danish and Jamal ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS For the achievement of this task I am thankful to late Dr. Rizwan Malik who encouraged me to jump into this pursuit of truth. I am grateful to my school day’s friend late Dr. Aizaz Vardag who was very happy to know that I was doing Ph.D. -
Punjab Muslim League and Its Victory of Elections 1945-46: an Analysis of Internal Party Organization
Pakistan Social Sciences Review P-ISSN 2664-0422 June 2019, Vol. 3, No. 1 [358-370] O-ISSN 2664-0430 RESEARCH PAPER Punjab Muslim League and its Victory of Elections 1945-46: An Analysis of Internal Party Organization Samia Khalid 1 Muhammad Fiaz Anwar2 1. Assistant Professor, Department of History, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan 2. Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan PAPER INFO ABSTRACT Received: The victory of Punjab Muslim League in elections of 1945-46 January 08, 2019 represented a turning point in the political history of India. Accepted: Since that time a scholarly debate started about the causes of June 24, 2019 this swiping victory of the Muslim League. In this regard, most Online: of the scholars focused on external factors like that it was not June 30, 2019 the Muslim League, but its opponents that failed to perform Keywords: well and they gave the chance to Muslim League to win the Political elections. In the same way, some scholars presented that Leadership, Party slogan ‘Islam in danger’, support of landlords, or weaknesses Manifesto, of Unionists or support from the salaried class made Muslim Organizational League popular in Punjab; while they ignored the internal Structure, cohesiveness of the Punjab Muslim League in that election. So Landlords, in this context, this paper contends that along with external factors, the internal party organizational strength like its Salaried Class leadership, manifesto, organization, electoral campaign also Corresponding contributed in the victory of Punjab Muslim League in the Author: elections. In this regard, in order to advance the argument this Samia.Khalid@ paper is divided into two parts. -
Cultural Foundation of India's Look East Policy
J. S. Asian Stud. 06 (01) 2018. 51-65 Available Online at ESci Journals Journal of South Asian Studies ISSN: 2307-4000 (Online), 2308-7846 (Print) http://www.escijournals.net/JSAS THE ROLE OF CULTURAL DYNAMICS IN THE CREATION OF PAKISTAN Naseer A. Habib* Archive Department of Ahmadiyya Jamat International London, United Kingdom. A B S T R A C T The emergence of Pakistan has been the topic of many discussions. An effort has been made to view it through the prism of Oswald Spengler’s Cultural theory. Every culture has its own soul, distinctive entity, symbols and dynamics. The Hindus and Muslims belong to different cultures. They have their own past and cultural traditions. After the debacle of 1857, the challenge of British domination created a fissure in their body politic. In this situation, these cultural symbols came to their rescue. The Muslim community of India seems to have been attracted to the symbol of Turkish Khilafat in order to rehabilitate its history in India. But every upheaval that took place in Turkey caused a stir among the Indian Muslims. It evoked unprecedented response among the Indian Muslims. It was the magnetic field of these strong emotions that directed the needle of high politics. In 1924, The Muslims of India lost their important plank when the institution of Khilafat was abolished in Turkey. They replaced it with the idea of an Independent Muslim state. Having accepted it, Jinnah emerged as a symbol of “pious Sultan” for the masses. When Gandhi united the goals of arhta and moksha, he emerged like Janaka for Hindu masses. -
Research Landed Elites and Politics of Agrarian Reforms in Pakistan: A
Available Online at www.ijcrr.in International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review ISSN 0976 – 4852 Research CrossRef DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr/2018/9/01/402 January, 2018|Volume 09|Issue 01| Section: Social Science Landed Elites and Politics of Agrarian Reforms in Pakistan: A Case study of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Era Khizar Abbass1, Sanwal Kharl2, Xie Xiaoqing3 1Corresponding author- student at School of Public Administration, China University of Geosciences Wuhan P. R. China, 430074 2School of Public Administration CUG Received 2017-11-25; Accepted 2017-12-22 Abstract: The harsh fact, history of India, confessed that landed gentry comprised of feudal lords, landlords, jagirdars and zamindars were created in British colonial raj. Before that in Mughal epoch, mansabdars or zamindars played a role of middleman. They performed a duty of government employer and got stipulated salary. They were responsible to collect land revenue on annual bases. They had not given vast powers. All the land was belonged to none but king. But when Britishers conquered India, they started to reform the whole social structure by making constitutional changes and introducing constitutional reforms. They created a class of local collaborators which voluntarily agreed to assist imperial power to control social imperatives. They were Indians in blood, race and color but had colonial mindset. The provinces that would form Pakistan, jagirdars and feudalism became a potent social organization; that could not be culminated even after independence despite of much so called radical experiments; Zulfqar Ali Bhutto‟s „Islamic Socialism‟ in 1970s. Landed elites perpetuating colonial legacy obstructed every constitutional reform or policy regarding agrarian sector either it was „green revolution‟ of Ayub Khan or so called radical land reforms of Z.A. -
Bertrand Glancy and Ministry Formation in Punjab in 1946
AsimaNoureen* Bertrand Glancy and Ministry Formation in Punjab in 1946 Abstract: This paper attempts to investigate the response of Sir Bertrand Glancy, the governor of Punjab from 1941 to 1946, to the Muslim politics of Punjab. It also explores the response of Punjab political parties towards the actions and opinions of Bertrand Glancy who was against the division of India and the demand of Pakistan so he created hurdles in the creation of Pakistan. Although various factors were responsible for the situation in Punjab during 1945-1946 elections and the ministry formation in the province but the dictated policies, the anti- Pakistan moves and conspiracies of Bertrand Glancy created the main troubles. The secret reports and documents proved that Governor Glancy adopted the course of British imperialism to keep India united and he remained unfair in dealing with the provincial affairs. This paper discusses how he manipulated the elections of 1945-1946 and how he worked vigorously to prevent the formation of Muslim ministry. The Muslim League was denied its legal right to form the ministry in Punjab, even after it won the elections of 1945-46 and proved itself as the greatest party of the province. Keywords: Punjab Politics, division of India, Bertrand Glancy’s prejudice, Unionist, Elections of 1945-46. Introduction: Bertrand Glancy was appointed as the Governor of the Punjab at the retirement of Sir Henry Craik, on 8th April 1941. He was supposed to carry on the policy of his predecessors. At the time of Glancy’s arrival in Punjab, the Pakistan movement was gaining strength in Muslim masses. -
Dilemma of Political Culture: Case Study of Pakistan (1988-1997)
DILEMMA OF POLITICAL CULTURE: CASE STUDY OF PAKISTAN (1988-1997) Ph.D. Dissertation Submitted By: Muhammad Javaid Akhter Department of Pakistan Studies Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan Supervised By: Prof. Dr. Khawaja Alqama Prof. Dr. Khurram Qadir i CONTENTS Acknowledgement Abstract Glossary CHAPTER- 1: P.1 INTRODUCTION 1.1. Understanding of the Terminologies: 1.1.1 Politics: 1.1.2 Political: 1.1.3 Culture: 1 .1.4 Dilemma: 1.1.5 Political Culture: 1.1.5.1. Political Culture and its Components: i. Cognitive Orientation; ii. Affective Orientation; iii. Evaluative Orientation; 1.1.5.2. Types of Political Culture: i. Parochial Political Culture; ii. Subject Political Culture; iii. Participant Political Culture; 1.2. Genesis of the Problem: 1.3. Study of Sources: 1.4. Methodology: 1.5. The Scheme of Chapters: 1.5.1. Political Parties’ Structure and Their Elections’ Manifestos: 1.5.2. Electoral Politics of Pakistan: 1.5.3. Electoral Politics in North West Frontier Province: 1.5.4. Electoral Politics in Punjab: ii 1.5.5. Electoral Politics in Sindh: 1.5.6. Electoral Politics in Baluchistan: Conclusion CHAPTER- 2: P. 43 POLITICAL PARTIES’ STRUCTURE AND THEIR ELECTIONS’ MANIFESTOS 2.1. Conceptual Study of Political Party 2.2. Description of Political Milieu of Pakistan 2.3. Genesis of Pakistan Muslim League and its Alliance Islami Jamhoori Ittehad(IJI) 2.4. Pakistan Peoples Party/Peoples Democratic Alliance (PPP/PDA): 2.4.1. Party’s Structure; 2.5. Muttahida Qaumi Movement/Haq Prast Group (MQM/HPG) 2.6. Genesis of Jammiat Ulamma-i-Islam- Fazal-ur-Rehman JUI(F): 2.6.1. -
PAKISTAN FOREIGN POLICY FORMULATION, 1947-65: An
PAKISTAN FOREIGN POLICY FORMULATION, 1947-65: An analysis of institutional interaction between American policy making bodies and the Pakistan Army. By Syed Hussain Shaheed Soherwordi Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of History and Classics University of Edinburgh Year of submission: 2009 This thesis is dedicated to my Parents- my Papa Syed Maqsood Ali Pirzada and my lovely Ammi (late) Hasnain Khatoon. Both of them always wanted to see me at the zenith of my education. Their aspiration remained a confidence boost for my academic achievements. ii Abstract This thesis examines through the use of archives and oral evidence the role of the Pakistan Army in the context of Pakistan’s domestic politics and foreign policy. Its main purpose is to explore the autonomy of the Pakistan Army in shaping national and foreign policy between the years 1947-1965. Focusing on its independent relationship with three instruments of policy-making in the United States – the Department of State, the White House and the Pentagon – the thesis argues that the relationship between the Army and these policy-making bodies arose from a synergistic commonality of interests. The Americans needed a country on the periphery of the Soviet Union to contain Communism while the Pakistan Army needed US military support to check Indian regional military hegemonism in South Asia. This alliance was secured to the disadvantage of democratic political institutions of Pakistan. The Army, which became stronger as a result of US military and economic support, came progressively to dominate domestic politics. This led not only to weakened civilian governments in the period I am examining, but in 1958 to the military seizure of political control of the country itself. -
2 the Three Partitions of 1947
2 The three partitions of 1947 Elections, commissions, protest and strife The years 1945 to 1947 were marked by intense struggle in the sub continent. What the Second World War established, and the end of the war only underlined, was the changed military, political and economic position of Britain in the world and the radical transformation of the political temper in India. All this lent unprecedented urgency to the question of the transfer of power and the establishment of national gov- ernment(s) in the subcontinent. It was in this situation that the Indian National Congress leadership was released from jail, efforts at mobilisa tion of different sections of the society were actively renewed, large-scale urban demonstrations and rural uprisings occurred, new elections were held and sustained high-level constitutional negotiations took place after 1945. Much of the politics of the previous three or four decades had been about national liberation. It was a serious complication that the call for Indian self-government was now joined by the call for Muslim self- government in a new country to be named Pakistan. Talk of independence was rife. However, while the Congress and those in sympathy with it ex pected the independence of a united India, the Muslim League slogan became 'Pakistan for Independence'. There were two nations in India, it was argued, and the acceptance of the Pakistan demand was the only road to the genuine independence of all Indians, the Muslims in a free Pakistan and the Hindus in a free Hindustan. Yet the idea of Pakistan itself, the proposal for a partition of British India between its Muslim-majority and its Hindu-majority provinces, had not had a long history.