British Policy on the Margins and Centre of Iran in the Context Of
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Contemplation on Jurisprudence Principles and Necessities of Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri's Legitimate Constitutional Theory
Athens Journal of History XY Contemplation on Jurisprudence Principles and Necessities of Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri's Legitimate Constitutional Theory By Ali Mohammad Tarafdari The victory of Constitutional Revolution during Muzaffareddin Shah Qajar is considered as one of the biggest political-religious developments in Iranian contemporary history during which the Shiite Ulema (clergymen) by their serious involvement in this movement and acceptance of its leadership created a modern era of various views about the constitutional political structure through using the huge legacy of the Shiite political jurisprudence. Meanwhile, a group of these Ulema by bringing up the issue of legitimate constitution tried to present a new reading of the Shiite political thinking concerning the criteria of the legitimacy or non-legitimacy of the constitutional system. Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri is considered one of the most leading religious figures whose jurisprudential thinking regarding the Iranian constitutional movement has been reviewed and analyzed in this article historically and jurisprudentially. The main point/question in the article is that why and under what religious and historical necessities a group of the Ulema, particularly Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri, stood against the constitutional system and started to bring up the plan of Legitimate Constitutional Theory? The findings of this study show that the Legitimate Constitutional Theory was formed as a result of the Shia jurisprudential necessities and the historical conditions of that period, and that based on the Nouri's viewpoint analyzed in his main works, he in the position of religious authority and religious jurist believed he was defending the bases of Islamic religion, while the sources of pro-constitutionalists have considered Nouri's defense of Islam as the result of his support for autocracy. -
The Imperial Frontier: Tribal Dynamics and Oil in Qajar Persia, 1901-1910
The Imperial Frontier: Tribal Dynamics and Oil in Qajar Persia, 1901-1910 Melinda Cohoon A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Studies: Middle East University of Washington 2017 Committee: Arbella Bet-Shlimon Ellis Goldberg Program Authorized to Offer Degree: The Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies ©Copyright 2017 Melinda Cohoon University of Washington Abstract The Imperial Frontier: Tribal Dynamics and Oil in Qajar Persia, 1901-1910 Melinda Cohoon Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Assistant Professor Arbella Bet-Shlimon Department of History By using the Political Diaries of the Persian Gulf, I elucidate the complex tribal dynamics of the Bakhtiyari and the Arab tribes of the Khuzestan province during the early twentieth century. Particularly, these tribes were by and large influenced by the oil prospecting and drilling under the D’Arcy Oil Syndicate. My research questions concern: how the Bakhtiyari and Arab tribes were impacted by the British Oil Syndicate exploration into their territory, what the tribal affiliations with Britain and the Oil Syndicate were, and how these political dynamics changed for tribes after oil was discovered at Masjid-i Suleiman. The Oil Syndicate initially received a concession from the Qajar government, but relied much more so on tribal accommodations and treaties. In addressing my research questions, I have found that there was a contention between the Bakhtiyari and the British company, and a diplomatic relationship with Sheikh Khazal of Mohammerah (or today’s Khorramshahr) and Britain. By relying on Sheikh Khazal’s diplomatic skills with the Bakhtiyari tribe, the British Oil Syndicate penetrated further into the southwest Persia, up towards Bakhtiyari territory. -
The Historical Relationship Between Women's Education and Women's
The Historical Relationship between Women’s Education and Women’s Activism in Iran Somayyeh Mottaghi The University of York, UK Abstract This paper focuses on the historical relationship between women’s education and women’s activism in Iran. The available literature shows that education is consid- ered to be one important factor for Iranian women’s activism. The historical anal- ysis of women’s demand for education helps us to gain an understanding of the past in order to relate it to the future. This paper analyzes Iranian women’s active participation in education throughout the Safavid period (1501-1722) and the Qajar period (1794-1925). Women’s demand for education continued into the twentieth century and by the time of the constitutional revolution (1905-1911), during which Iranian women participated immensely in political affairs, the alliance of elite and non-elite women was clearly visible around educational issues. Women’s demand for education gained particular visibility; however, the focus shifted from modernization based on Westernization during the Pahlavi period (1925-1979), towards Islamization from 1979 onwards. This paper analyzes the ways in which, during different eras, women have been treated differently regard- ing their rights to education and at some points they faced difficulties even in exercising them; therefore, they had to constantly express their demands. Key words Iran, Education, Women’s movement, Historical perspective Introduction The historical analysis of women’s activism in Iran shows that educa- tion has always been considered an important factor for Iranian women and something that they have always demanded. The right to education is non-negotiable, embedded in the teaching of Islam as well as in hu- ㅣ4 ❙ Somayyeh Mottaghi man rights provisions. -
Afterword: Social Justice in Iran: Further Research
AFTeRWORD: SOCIAL JUSTICe IN IRAN: FURTHeR ReSeARCH This book offers possibly the first collection dedicated to social justice studies in Iran. It is hoped that the multi- and interdisciplinary contribu- tions in this book, written by scholars and activists from wide-ranging aca- demic and nonacademic backgrounds, set the stage for the much-needed, future research on the subject. Understandably, this volume cannot possi- bly address the complexities of the multiple issues pertaining to social jus- tice, including gender justice, justice for workers, vulnerable, the socially and economically disenfranchised, ethnic, religious, and sexual minorities, as well as ecological justice. This project therefore invites further research on the topic of the Iranians’ struggles for social justice since Iran’s entry into political modernity around the turn of the nineteenth to the twen- tieth century. As such, future research can be accommodated within four tentative and nonexclusive thematic–conceptual categories. POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECONOMIC JUSTICe Understanding the economic, policy, and legal factors that enable or deny social and economic justice is key to understanding this phenomenon. It is through the implementation of state policies that ideology and power are exercised, negotiated, or forced, causing measurable impact on the peo- ple’s lives. Iran’s reliance on oil revenue is of particular interest in that such a national resource tends to yield an unresponsive state and ties a country to the world market. The resource revenue can either be monopolized by the ruling class or be distributed in the form of social programs among the © The Author(s) 2017 307 P. Vahabzadeh (ed.), Iran’s Struggles for Social Justice, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-44227-3 308 AFTERWORD: SOCIAL JUSTICE IN IRAN: FURTHER RESEARCH population, just as it can be utilized for either the developmental projects that benefit a capitalist class or a development that increases the human development index and collective growth of a nation. -
The Lion and Sun Art from Qajar Persia New Bond Street, London | 30 April 2019 Bonhams 1793 Limited Bonhams International Board Registered No
The Lion and Sun Art from Qajar Persia New Bond Street, London | 30 April 2019 Bonhams 1793 Limited Bonhams International Board Registered No. 4326560 Malcolm Barber Co-Chairman, Registered Office: Montpelier Galleries Colin Sheaf Deputy Chairman, Montpelier Street, London SW7 1HH Matthew Girling CEO, Asaph Hyman, Caroline Oliphant, +44 (0) 20 7393 3900 Edward Wilkinson, Geoffrey Davies, James Knight, +44 (0) 20 7393 3905 fax Jon Baddeley, Jonathan Fairhurst, Leslie Wright, Rupert Banner, Simon Cottle. The Lion and the Sun Art from Qajar Persia New Bond Street, London | Tuesday 30 April 2019, from 11:30 am VIEWING Please note: REGISTRATION ILLUSTRATIONS Thursday 25 April Telephone bidding is available only IMPORTANT NOTICE Front cover: 62 12pm to 4.30pm on lots where the lower end Please note that all customers, Back cover: 63 Friday 26 April estimate is at £1000 or above. irrespective of any previous Inside front cover: 119 Inside back cover: 60 9am to 4.30pm activity with Bonhams, are Sunday 28 April ENQUIRIES Oliver White required to complete the Bidder 11am to 3pm Registration Form in advance of Monday 29 April (Head of Department) IMPORTANT INFORMATION the sale. The form can be found 9am to 4.30pm +44 207 468 8303 In February 2014 the United at the back of every catalogue [email protected] States Government SALE NUMBER and on our website at www. announced the intention to 25434 Matthew Thomas bonhams.com and should be ban the import of any ivory +44 207 468 8270 returned by email or post to the into the USA. -
British and Russian Intervention in Iran
100 CHAPTER 7 SOCIAL STRUCTURE: BRITISH AND RUSSIAN INTERVENTION IN IRAN The Qajar period of governance, from 1795-1925, generally coincided with a decline in the Iranian regional power as the Russians (in the North) and the British (in the South) gained influence in the region. Confronting the increasing power of foreigners within the country, and the conditions that allowed this domination to occur, became a preoccupation of all movement groups in Iran during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The last strong Safavid ruler, Nader Shah, was assassinated in 1747 during a revolt by the Najaf tribes who were opposed to his liberalizing policies. Upon his death—after a period of instability—Agha Mohammad and the Qajar tribe assumed control of Iranian governance. At various times during the nineteenth century the Russians, British and French established strategic relations with the Qajars. At first the Qajars were looking for allies as a means of stopping the expansion of the Russian Empire into the Caucuses, and also for allies to fight their traditional rivals, the Ottoman Turks. First the French, and then the British, formed alliances with the Qajars and provided them with military training and modern weapons to fight the Russians. Soon the Qajars became captive to changes in the shifting alliances negotiated between the Russians, Europeans and Ottomans. For instance, in 1807 an alliance with Napoleon was abrogated once France made peace with the Russians at Tilsit. This led to a period of strategic alliance with the British. But following the defeat of Napoleon, the British and the Russians both vied for political power in Persia for the next 100 years. -
A Tale of Two Railways and the Reuter Family
Middle Eastern Studies ISSN: 0026-3206 (Print) 1743-7881 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmes20 A tale of two railways and the Reuter family Ceren Uçan To cite this article: Ceren Uçan (2019) A tale of two railways and the Reuter family, Middle Eastern Studies, 55:1, 22-32, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2018.1485658 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2018.1485658 Published online: 13 Nov 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 81 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmes20 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES 2019, VOL. 55, NO. 1, 22–32 https://doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2018.1485658 A tale of two railways and the Reuter family Ceren Uc¸an Department of History, I.D. Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey Baron Julius de Reuter, the founder of Reuters, and his family were first and foremost news agency owners. However, their pedigree involved more than the mere conveyance of news, for the family sought to muster and exert political influence. Reuter, a German immigrant, estab- lished his life in the British Empire at the age of 35. He gained his wealth and influence through news reporting and distribution, and shortly thereafter, became a capitalist investor who could secure concessions all over the world. His close ties with both domestic and foreign govern- ments allowed him and his family to influence governments’ policies. Through these ties, the family was granted two extensive concessions: the Reuter Concession granted by the Persian government to Baron Julius de Reuter in 1872 and another granted by the Greek government to Baron George de Reuter’s company in 1900 for the construction of the Piraeus–Larissa railway (George Reuter was the Baron’s second son). -
Iranian Democracy: a Century of Struggle, Setback, and Progress Bridget Marie Heing Washington University in St
Washington University in St. Louis Washington University Open Scholarship All Theses and Dissertations (ETDs) Winter 12-1-2013 Iranian Democracy: A Century of Struggle, Setback, and Progress Bridget Marie Heing Washington University in St. Louis Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/etd Recommended Citation Heing, Bridget Marie, "Iranian Democracy: A Century of Struggle, Setback, and Progress" (2013). All Theses and Dissertations (ETDs). 1208. https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/etd/1208 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Theses and Dissertations (ETDs) by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY IN SAINT LOUIS University College International Affairs Iranian Democracy A Century of Struggle, Setback, and Progress by Bridget Marie Heing A thesis presented to the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts December 2013 Saint Louis, Missouri Table of Contents Introduction . 1 • The Ongoing Struggle Towards Democarcy . .4 Part I: Under the Peacock Throne . 6 • Constitutional Revolution . 7 • Foreign Interference in Persia . 11 • Islam and Democracy in Persia . .12 • World War I . 14 • The Pahlavi Dynasty . 16 • World War II . 20 • Allied Occupation of Iran . 23 • Mohammed Reza and Operation Ajax . 26 • Iran After Mossadegh . 28 • The Rise of Ayatollah Khomeini . 30 • The Shah’s Iran . 33 Part II: The Islamic Republic . .35 • Rule of the Jurisprudent and the Islamic Iranian Constitution . 37 • Early Years: Consolidation of Power . -
Shahr-E Now, Tehran's Red-Light District (1909–1979)
SHAHR-E NOW, TEHRAN’S RED-LIGHT DISTRICT (1909–1979): THE STATE, “THE PROSTITUTE,” THE SOLDIER, AND THE FEMINIST By Samin Rashidbeigi Submitted to Central European University Department of Gender Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of European Master in Women’s and Gender History Supervisor: Professor Francisca de Haan CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2015 Abstract This thesis deals with the history of Shahr-e Now, Tehran’s red-light district from 1909 until the 1979 Islamic Revolution. The district, as large as two football pitches, functioned as a sex market for almost seventy years with around 1,500 prostitutes living and working there. Shahr-e Now’s existence as “Tehran’s red-light district before the 1979 Revolution” has been only briefly mentioned in a number of scholarly works; however, the district has not been analyzed as a gendered and politically relevant urban construction in the context of modern Iranian history. This thesis uses the archival documents collected from The National Archive of Iran and The Document Center of Iran’s Parliament to explain Shahr-e Now’s long-lasting functioning in front of the public eye—despite the fundamental tension with Islamic morale. This thesis argues, firstly, that Shahr-e Now was initiated by state officials, and preserved during the Pahlavi period (1925–1979), mainly for the sake of the military population in Tehran. Using the vast literature on the rise of the modern army in Iran as part of the Pahlavi Dynasty’s establishment, this thesis explains that the increasing number of soldiers in Tehran was the main reason why the Pahlavi regime enabled/allowed the creation of Shahr-e Now; the state-regulated prostitution in Shahr-e Now served to provide the military with “clean women.” Moreover, this thesis suggests that the system of regulation within SN was pretty much similar to systems of regulation enforced by other modern(izing) nation states in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. -
Development of Energy Sector in Iran in Light of Energy Trilemma. an Analysis of Legal and Policy Challenges
Development of Energy Sector in Iran in Light of Energy Trilemma. An Analysis of Legal and Policy Challenges Mohammad Mohsen Masjedi ADVERTIMENT. L'accés als continguts d'aquesta tesi doctoral i la seva utilització ha de respectar els drets de la persona autora. Pot ser utilitzada per a consulta o estudi personal, així com en activitats o materials d'investigació i docència en els termes establerts a l'art. 32 del Text Refós de la Llei de Propietat Intel·lectual (RDL 1/1996). Per altres utilitzacions es requereix l'autorització prèvia i expressa de la persona autora. En qualsevol cas, en la utilització dels seus continguts caldrà indicar de forma clara el nom i cognoms de la persona autora i el títol de la tesi doctoral. No s'autoritza la seva reproducció o altres formes d'explotació efectuades amb finalitats de lucre ni la seva comunicació pública des d'un lloc aliè al servei TDX. Tampoc s'autoritza la presentació del seu contingut en una finestra o marc aliè a TDX (framing). Aquesta reserva de drets afecta tant als continguts de la tesi com als seus resums i índexs. ADVERTENCIA. El acceso a los contenidos de esta tesis doctoral y su utilización debe respetar los derechos de la persona autora. Puede ser utilizada para consulta o estudio personal, así como en actividades o materiales de investigación y docencia en los términos establecidos en el art. 32 del Texto Refundido de la Ley de Propiedad Intelectual (RDL 1/1996). Para otros usos se requiere la autorización previa y expresa de la persona autora. -
Mehranrazy-Document-2020
Biting Sanctions: An Effective Strategy Against the Islamic Republic of Iran, or a Devastating Burden on Its Citizens The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Mehran Razy, Golafarin. 2020. Biting Sanctions: An Effective Strategy Against the Islamic Republic of Iran, or a Devastating Burden on Its Citizens. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link https://nrs.harvard.edu/URN-3:HUL.INSTREPOS:37365409 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use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
Iranian Masculinities Sivan Balslev Index More Information Www
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-47063-6 — Iranian Masculinities Sivan Balslev Index More Information Index ‘aba, 208 Bahar (newspaper), 166, 196 ‘Abdo, Jalal, 214, 271 Baker, Patricia, 230 adamiyyat, 58–59, 95 Balasescu, Alec, 290 Afary, Janet, 181, 186, 290 Bamdad, Mohammad Ali, 250 Afshar, Mirza Reza Khan, 224 bast, 89, 109, 113, 120 Ahmad Shah Qajar, 107 bastinado, 37, 78, 83, 105 Akhtar (newspaper), 15, 56, 73, 125 Bazargan, Mehdi, 69–70, 105, 134, Akhundzadeh, Mirza Fath Ali, 63, 177 142, 259, 270 Al-e Ahmad, Jalal, 149 beard, 97, 136, 138, 176, 211, 217, American College, 246, 257, 261 219, 226, 234, 240, 282 Amin, Camron Michael, 9, 166, 289 beardless boys. See amrad Amin ol-Dowleh, Mirza Ali Khan, 56, Behbahani, Seyyed Abdollah, 89 108 Behdad, Ali, 127, 135, 203 Aminzadeh, Ahmad, 187, 261, 266 biopower, 169 amrad, 21, 46, 97, 153, 156–158, Bird, Isabella, 126, 129 161–162, 179, 188, 260 body image, 47, 225, 242–243, amrad-numa, 153, 161, 180, 188, 258–260, 275, 277–278, 282, 217 291 Anglo-Persian War, 4, 32, 91 Boone, Joseph, 180 Anglo-Russian Entente, 144 Bourdieu, Pierre, 67 Anjoman-e Ma’aref,57 bowtie, 124, 143, 153, 156–157 Ansari, Abdol Hosein Mas’ud, 105 boy dancers, 180–181, 259 Arasteh, Reza, 30 Boy Scouts, 33, 187, 205, 260–268 Arfa, Hasan, 168, 215, 241 boy-loving, 65, 98, 179–190, 259, 266, Arjomand, Said Amir, 230 288, 290 Ashraf, Ahmad, 25 Browne, Edward Granville, 39 Astarabadi, Bibi Khanom, 185, 201 Ataturk, Mustafa Kemal, 207, 226 chador, 95, 213, 236, 266 ‘Ayn ol-Dowleh, Abd ol-Majid, 113 chair, 77, 124, 127, 133, 154, 159, 208, ‘Ayyar, 28–29, 36 212, 235 ‘Azad ol-Molk, 107 chapeau.