Prince Arfa' of Iran
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In the Eyes of the Iranian Intellectuals of The
“The West” in the Eyes of the Iranian Intellectuals of the Interwar Years (1919–1939) Mehrzad Boroujerdi n 1929, after a lecture by Arnold Toynbee (from the notes of Denison Ross, the fi rst director of the School of Oriental and African Studies) on the subject of the modern- ization of the Middle East, a commentator said, Persia has not been modernized and has not in reality been Westernized. Look at the map: there is Persia right up against Russia. For the past hundred years, living cheek by jowl with Russia, Persia has maintained her complete independence of Russian thought. Although sixty to seventy percent of her trade for the past hundred years has been with Russia, Persia remains aloof in spirit and in practice. For the past ten years, Persia has been living alongside the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, and has remained free from any impregnation by their basic ideas. Her freedom is due to her cultural independence. For the safety of Persia it is essential, if she is to continue to develop on her own lines, that she should not attempt modernization, and I do not think that the attempt is being made. It is true that the Persians have adopted motor-cars and in small way railways. But let us remember that the Persians have always been in the forefront in anything of that sort. The fi rst Eastern nation to enter the Postal Union and to adopt a system of telegraphs was Persia, which country was also among the fi rst of the Eastern nations to join the League of Nations and to become an active member. -
7 Mirza Ghulam Ahmad
7 Mirza Ghulam Ahmad In 1530, the last year of the Emperor Babar’s reign, Hadi Baig, a Mughal of Samarkand, emigra- ted to the Punjab and settled in the Gurdaspur district. He was a man of some learning and was appointed Qazi or Magistrate over 70 villages in the neighbourhood of Qadian, which town he is said to have founded, naming it Islampur Qazi, from which Qadian has by a natural change arisen. For several generations the family held offices of respectability under the Imperial Government, and it was only when the Sikhs became powerful that it fell into poverty. Gul Muhammad and his son, Ata Muhammad, were engaged in perpetual quarrels with Ramgarhia and Kanahaya Misals, who held the country in the neighbourhood of Qadian; and at last, having lost all his estates, Ata Muhammad retired to Begowal, where, under the protection of Sardar Fateh Singh Ahluvalia (ancestor of the present ruling chief of the Kapurthala State) he lived quietly for twelve years. On his death Ranjit Singh, who had taken possession of all the lands of the Ramgarhia Misal, invited Ghulam Murtaza to return to Qadian and restored to him a large portion of his ancestral estate. He then, with his brothers, entered the army of the Maharaja, and performed efficient service on the Kashmir frontier and at other places. During the time of Nao Nahal Singh and the Darbar, Ghulam Murtaza was continually employed on active service. In 1841 he was sent with General Ventura to Mandi and Kalu, and in 1843 to Peshawar in command of an infantry regiment. -
Aqasi, Haji Mirza (‘Abbas Iravani) (C
Aqasi, Haji Mirza (‘Abbas Iravani) (c. 1783–1849) Prime minister of Iran under Muhammad Shah Qajar from 1835 to 1848; regarded by Bahá’ís as the Antichrist of the Bábí dispensation. ARTICLE OUTLINE: LIFE Life Haji Mirza Aqasi, whose given name was ‘Abbas Relations with the Báb and Bábís Iravani, was born and raised in Mákú, Azerbaijan, Haji Mirza Aqasi in the Bábí and Bahá’í in northwestern Iran. His father was a mullá and Writings small landowner from Yerevan, Armenia. During ARTICLE RESOURCES: his youth Mírzá ‘Abbás Íravání studied with Mullá ‘Abdu’s-Samad, a guide and elder of the Notes Ni‘matu’lláhí Sufi order, in the holy city of Karbala Other Sources and Selected Reading in Iraq. Mírzá ‘Abbás Íravání then spent a period of time living as a dervish, wandering from place to place, before taking up residence in Yerevan. Later he went to Tabriz, where he was employed by Mírzá Buzurg Qá’im-Maqám as a tutor to one of his sons, Músá, and gained both rank and wealth. Mírzá Buzurg gave him the title Aqasi (Chief Officer of the Household) by which he was subsequently known. After his patron’s death in 1821, factionalism stemming from the rivalry between Mírzá Buzurg’s sons caused Aqasi to fall into disfavor for a time, but by 1824 he was back in Tabriz, tutoring several of the sons of the crown prince, ‘Abbás Mírzá. In his position as tutor, Aqasi succeeded in becoming the confidant and spiritual guide of Muhammad Mírzá (b. 1808), the crown prince’s eldest son, who acceded to the throne as Muhammad Shah in 1834. -
Contemplation on Jurisprudence Principles and Necessities of Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri's Legitimate Constitutional Theory
Athens Journal of History XY Contemplation on Jurisprudence Principles and Necessities of Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri's Legitimate Constitutional Theory By Ali Mohammad Tarafdari The victory of Constitutional Revolution during Muzaffareddin Shah Qajar is considered as one of the biggest political-religious developments in Iranian contemporary history during which the Shiite Ulema (clergymen) by their serious involvement in this movement and acceptance of its leadership created a modern era of various views about the constitutional political structure through using the huge legacy of the Shiite political jurisprudence. Meanwhile, a group of these Ulema by bringing up the issue of legitimate constitution tried to present a new reading of the Shiite political thinking concerning the criteria of the legitimacy or non-legitimacy of the constitutional system. Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri is considered one of the most leading religious figures whose jurisprudential thinking regarding the Iranian constitutional movement has been reviewed and analyzed in this article historically and jurisprudentially. The main point/question in the article is that why and under what religious and historical necessities a group of the Ulema, particularly Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri, stood against the constitutional system and started to bring up the plan of Legitimate Constitutional Theory? The findings of this study show that the Legitimate Constitutional Theory was formed as a result of the Shia jurisprudential necessities and the historical conditions of that period, and that based on the Nouri's viewpoint analyzed in his main works, he in the position of religious authority and religious jurist believed he was defending the bases of Islamic religion, while the sources of pro-constitutionalists have considered Nouri's defense of Islam as the result of his support for autocracy. -
JIPS Volume 1
Archive of SID Journal of Islamic Political Studies JIPS Volume 1. Issue 2. September 2019 DOI: 10.22081/JIPS.2019.68401 (pp. 151-175) The Idea of “Law” in the Iranian Tanzimat Period Dr. Mohammad Hadi Ahmadi PhD of Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. [email protected] Received: 28/02/2019 Accepted: 02/09/2019 Abstract To seek the intellectual roots of the Iranian constitutionalism, one has to be back to the pre- constitutionalism epoch. Indeed, in that time, Iranian elites had recognized the "deterioration" as the main crisis of Iran, which was rooted in the problem of “despotism.” Their strategy to overcome this crisis was the “Law.”However, the key point was that the majority of intellectual elites had thoughtcodifying the law is the only job that has to be done. Nevertheless, they did not pay attention to the mechanism of how to move from traditional legal logic to the new one in Iran. In the Iranian Tanzimat period, considering the two concepts of law in the European lands (the political and the rational concepts), the idea of law seems to base on the rational concept. In that time, debates were on the explanation, justification, and interpretation of the law. All the utterances were about: which law is the right one? What is the proper criterion to pass a legal regulation? Must the law be written based on nature, the tradition, the practices, or the divine Sharia? This article is going to assess the represented hypothesis by investigating some works of intellectual elites and historical documents of Iranian pre-constitutionalism. -
The Historical Relationship Between Women's Education and Women's
The Historical Relationship between Women’s Education and Women’s Activism in Iran Somayyeh Mottaghi The University of York, UK Abstract This paper focuses on the historical relationship between women’s education and women’s activism in Iran. The available literature shows that education is consid- ered to be one important factor for Iranian women’s activism. The historical anal- ysis of women’s demand for education helps us to gain an understanding of the past in order to relate it to the future. This paper analyzes Iranian women’s active participation in education throughout the Safavid period (1501-1722) and the Qajar period (1794-1925). Women’s demand for education continued into the twentieth century and by the time of the constitutional revolution (1905-1911), during which Iranian women participated immensely in political affairs, the alliance of elite and non-elite women was clearly visible around educational issues. Women’s demand for education gained particular visibility; however, the focus shifted from modernization based on Westernization during the Pahlavi period (1925-1979), towards Islamization from 1979 onwards. This paper analyzes the ways in which, during different eras, women have been treated differently regard- ing their rights to education and at some points they faced difficulties even in exercising them; therefore, they had to constantly express their demands. Key words Iran, Education, Women’s movement, Historical perspective Introduction The historical analysis of women’s activism in Iran shows that educa- tion has always been considered an important factor for Iranian women and something that they have always demanded. The right to education is non-negotiable, embedded in the teaching of Islam as well as in hu- ㅣ4 ❙ Somayyeh Mottaghi man rights provisions. -
CURRICULUM VITAE Prof. Dr. MIRZA MAHMOOD BAIG
CURRICULUM VITAE Department of Mathematics, NED University of Engineering & Technology, Karachi, Pakistan. Office Phone: +92(21)99261261 Ext: 2609 Mobile Phone: +92 300 2282697 E-mail: [email protected] Prof. Dr. MIRZA MAHMOOD BAIG Educational Profile: 2005-2009 PhD in Computer Science, NED University of Engineering & Technology, Karachi Pakistan. Thesis title: “New Software Testing Strategy” 1995-1998 M.S. (Computer Science), (First Division) Department of Computer Science & IT, NED University of Engineering & Technology, Karachi. 1990-1992 M. Sc (Mathematics), (First Class First), University of Karachi. 1986-1989 B. Sc (Mathematics, Physics, Statistics), (First Division). University of Karachi. 1983-1985 H. S. C. (Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry), (Second Division). Intermediate Board Karachi. 1981-1983 S. S. C. (Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry), (First Division), Secondary Board Karachi. Teaching/ Professional (24 years) Experience: Professor & Chairman Department of Mathematics, NED University of Engineering & Technology, Karachi (From 21 Dec 2011 to-date) Associate Professor & Co-Chairman Department of Mathematics NED University of Engineering & Technology, Karachi. Pakistan (From 2nd Nov 2009 to 20 Dec 2011) Assistant Professor Department of Mathematics & Basic Sciences NED University of Engineering & Technology, Karachi Pakistan (From 18th June 2001 to 1st Nov 2009) Lecturer Department of Mathematics & Basic Sciences NED University of Engineering & Technology, Karachi Pakistan (From 10th Dec 1996 to 17th June 2001) Lecturer Sir Syed University of Engineering & Technology, Karachi Pakistan. (From 1995 to 1996) Cooperative Teacher (Full Time) University of Karachi, Pakistan (From 1993 to 1995). Research Experience: Ph.D Level Supervision (in Progress) As Principal Supervisor, Supervising Ms Huma Nergis research scholar in CS & IT department NEDUET As Principal Supervisor, Supervising Mr Tauqeer Hashmi research scholar in Mathematics department NEDUET. -
The Idea of “Law” in the Iranian Tanzimat Period
Archive of SID Journal of Islamic Political Studies JIPS Volume 1. Issue 2. September 2019 DOI: 10.22081/JIPS.2019.68401 (pp. 151-175) The Idea of “Law” in the Iranian Tanzimat Period Dr. Mohammad Hadi Ahmadi PhD of Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. [email protected] Received: 28/02/2019 Accepted: 02/09/2019 Abstract To seek the intellectual roots of the Iranian constitutionalism, one has to be back to the pre- constitutionalism epoch. Indeed, in that time, Iranian elites had recognized the "deterioration" as the main crisis of Iran, which was rooted in the problem of “despotism.” Their strategy to overcome this crisis was the “Law.”However, the key point was that the majority of intellectual elites had thoughtcodifying the law is the only job that has to be done. Nevertheless, they did not pay attention to the mechanism of how to move from traditional legal logic to the new one in Iran. In the Iranian Tanzimat period, considering the two concepts of law in the European lands (the political and the rational concepts), the idea of law seems to base on the rational concept. In that time, debates were on the explanation, justification, and interpretation of the law. All the utterances were about: which law is the right one? What is the proper criterion to pass a legal regulation? Must the law be written based on nature, the tradition, the practices, or the divine Sharia? This article is going to assess the represented hypothesis by investigating some works of intellectual elites and historical documents of Iranian pre-constitutionalism. -
Every Inch a King
Every Inch a King Comparative Studies on Kings and Kingship in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds Edited by Lynette Mitchell Charles Melville LEIDEN •• BOSTON 2013 © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-22897-9 CONTENTS List of Illustrations ........................................................................................... vii Notes on Contributors .................................................................................... xi Acknowledgements ......................................................................................... xvii “Every Inch a King”. Kings and Kingship in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds ................................................................................. 1 Lynette Mitchell and Charles Melville Defijining the Divine in Achaemenid Persian Kingship: The View from Bisitun .............................................................................. 23 Margaret Cool Root Xenophon’s Cyropaedia: Fictive History, Political Analysis and Thinking with Iranian Kings ........................................................... 67 Christopher Tuplin Alexander the Great: Divinity and the Rule of Law .............................. 91 Lynette Mitchell Seleucus I, Zeus and Alexander ................................................................... 109 Kyle Erickson Machiavelli and Xenophon’s Cyrus: Searching for the Modern Conceptions of Monarchy ........................................................................ 129 Waller R. Newell Ruling “Virtually”? Royal Images in Medieval English Law Books -
"Désintérêt" Politique À Une Fascination Culturelle Mutuelle DISSERTATION
France-Iran: dans le sillage du "désintérêt" politique à une fascination culturelle mutuelle DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Jaleh Sharif, MA Graduate Program in French and Italian The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Professor Jennifer Willging, Adviser Professor Danielle Marx-Scouras Professor Richard Davis 1 Copyright by Jaleh Sharif 2015 2 Abstract This dissertation studies the history of Francophonie in Iran since the first fructuous official interactions between France and Persia in 17th century. Francophonie, i.e., the use of the French language and culture outside of France, has followed a winding path throughout several centuries in Persia (Iran). It grew from the interest of the Persian elite in a French society that neither engaged Persia militarily, nor attempted to compete with other European powers doing so. France's apparent lack of political interest in Persia became an official French diplomatic policy of "désintéressement," or "disinterest." This "hands off" policy nourished a Persian/Iranian fascination with French culture during the 19th and 20th centuries, as France was seen as a potential ally against the growing menace of Russia and Great Britain. As a result, and despite the growing political influence of other Western powers in Persia/Iran, the French language enjoyed the privileged status of first foreign Western language in Persia/Iran for almost a century, before being replaced by the English language due to the entry of the United States onto the international stage after the Second World War. -
THE MAKING of the ARTIST in LATE TIMURID PAINTING Edinburgh Studies in Islamic Art Series Editor: Professor Robert Hillenbrand
EDINBURGH STUDIES IN ISLAMIC A RT EDINBURGH STUDIES IN ISLAMIC A RT S E RIES E DITOR:ROBE RT HILLE NBRAND Painting Timurid late in Artist the of Making The S E RIES E DITOR:ROBE RT HILLE NBRAND This series offers readers easy access to the most up-to-date research across the whole range of Islamic art, representing various parts of the Islamic world, media and approaches. Books in the series are academic monographs of intellectual distinction that mark a significant advance in the field. Isfahan and its Palaces Statecraft, Shi ’ ism and the Architecture of Conviviality in Early Modern Iran Sussan Babaie This beautifully illustrated history of Safavid Isfahan (1501–1722) explores the architectural and urban forms and networks of socio-cultural action that reflected a distinctly early modern and Perso-Shi ’ i practice of kingship. An immense building campaign, initiated in 1590/1, transformed Isfahan from a provincial, medieval and largely Sunni city into an urban-centered representation of the first Imami Shi ’ i empire in the history of Islam. The historical process of Shi ’ ification of Safavid Iran, and the deployment of the arts in situating the shifts in the politico-religious agenda of the imperial household, informs Sussan Babaie’s study of palatial architecture and urban environments of Isfahan and the earlier capitals of Tabriz and Qazvin. Babaie argues that, since the Safavid claim presumed the inheritance both of the charisma of the Shi ’ i Imams and of the aura of royal splendor integral to ancient Persian notions of kingship, a ceremonial regime was gradually devised in which access and proximity to the shah assumed the contours of an institutionalized form of feasting. -
Afterword: Social Justice in Iran: Further Research
AFTeRWORD: SOCIAL JUSTICe IN IRAN: FURTHeR ReSeARCH This book offers possibly the first collection dedicated to social justice studies in Iran. It is hoped that the multi- and interdisciplinary contribu- tions in this book, written by scholars and activists from wide-ranging aca- demic and nonacademic backgrounds, set the stage for the much-needed, future research on the subject. Understandably, this volume cannot possi- bly address the complexities of the multiple issues pertaining to social jus- tice, including gender justice, justice for workers, vulnerable, the socially and economically disenfranchised, ethnic, religious, and sexual minorities, as well as ecological justice. This project therefore invites further research on the topic of the Iranians’ struggles for social justice since Iran’s entry into political modernity around the turn of the nineteenth to the twen- tieth century. As such, future research can be accommodated within four tentative and nonexclusive thematic–conceptual categories. POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECONOMIC JUSTICe Understanding the economic, policy, and legal factors that enable or deny social and economic justice is key to understanding this phenomenon. It is through the implementation of state policies that ideology and power are exercised, negotiated, or forced, causing measurable impact on the peo- ple’s lives. Iran’s reliance on oil revenue is of particular interest in that such a national resource tends to yield an unresponsive state and ties a country to the world market. The resource revenue can either be monopolized by the ruling class or be distributed in the form of social programs among the © The Author(s) 2017 307 P. Vahabzadeh (ed.), Iran’s Struggles for Social Justice, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-44227-3 308 AFTERWORD: SOCIAL JUSTICE IN IRAN: FURTHER RESEARCH population, just as it can be utilized for either the developmental projects that benefit a capitalist class or a development that increases the human development index and collective growth of a nation.