DOCSLIB.ORG

A Conversation with the Exiled West Bank Mayors a Palestinian Point of View

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
A Conversation with the Exiled West Bank Mayors a Palestinian Point of View A Conversationwith the Exiled West Bank Mayors A Palestinian Point of View The American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, established in 1943, is a publicly supported, nonpartisan, research and educational organization. Its purpose is to assist policy makers, scholars, businessmen, the press, and the public by providing objective analysis of national and international issues. Views expressed in the institute's publications are those of the authors and do not neces­ sarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. Councilof Academic Advisers Paul W. McCracken, Chairman, Edmund Ezra Day University Professor of Busi­ ness Administration, University of Michigan Robert H. Bork, Alexander M. Bickel Professor of Public Law, Yale Law School Kenneth W. Dam, Harold]. and Marion F. Green Professor of Law and Provost, University of Chicago Donald C. Hellmann, Professor of Political Science and International Studies, University of Washington D. Gale Johnson, Eliakim Hastings Moore Distinguished Service Professor of Economics and Chairman, Department of Economics, University of Chicago Robert A. Nisbet, Adjunct Scholar, American Enterprise Institute Herbert Stein, A. Willis Robertson Professor of Economics, University of Virginia James Q. Wilson, HenryLee Shattuck Professor of Government, HarvardUniversity ExecutiveCommittee Richard B. Madden, Chairman of the Board Richard J. Farrell William J. Baroody, Jr., President Charles T. Fisher III Willard C. Butcher Richard D. Wood Tait Trussell, Edward Styles, Director of Vice President, Administration Publications Joseph J. Brady, Vice President, Development Program Directors Periodicals Russell Chapin, Legislative Analyses AEI Economist, Herbert Stein, Editor Thomas F. Johnson, Economic Policy Studies AEI Foreign Policy and Defense Marvin Esch, Seminars and Programs Review, Robert J. Pranger, Marvin H. Kosters, Editor; James W. Abellera, Government Regulation Studies Managing Editor Jack A. Meyer, Health Policy Studies Public Opinion, Seymour Martin W. S. Moore, Legal Policy Studies Lipset and Ben J. Wattenberg, Co-Editors; Karlyn H. Keene, Rudolph G. Penner, Fiscal Policy Studies Managing Editor Howard R. Penniman/ Austin Ranney, Regulation, Antonin Scalia, Editor; Political and Social Processes Anne Brunsdale, Robert J. Pranger, International Programs Managing Editor A Conversationwith the Exiled WestBank Mayors A Palestinian Point of View Held on May 5, 1981 at the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research Washington, D.C. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title: A Conversation with the exiled West Bank mayors. (AEI studies ; 350) 1. Jewish-Arab relations-1973- -Addresses, essays, lectures. 2. Jordan (Territory under Israeli occupation, 1967- )-Politics and government­ Addresses, essays, lectures. I. American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. II. Series. DS119.7.C657 327.56940174'927 81-19087 ISBN 0-8447-348�2 AACR2 AEI Studies 350 © 1981 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C., and London. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reprbduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. "American Enterprise Institute" and @) are registered service marks of the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. Printed in the United States of America Introduction JUDITH KIPPER American Enterprise Institute In this discussion, Mayor Fahd I<awasmeh and Mayor Mohammed Milhem address the Palestinian question from their point of view as West Bankers. Kawasmeh and Milhem, who were elected in 1976 in the towns in which they were born, were expelled from the West Bank in May 1980, by Israel's West Bank military governor. They appealed to the supreme court of Israel to return to their homes in Hebron and Halhoul. The court ruled that they be allowed to return, but the Israeli government did not accept the court's ruling. Since their expulsion, the mayors have been living in Amman, Jordan, where they are visited by family members, who still live in the West Bank. Since their expulsion, the mayors have traveled widely, meet­ ing with European leaders and Arab heads of state. They have visited the United States four times, holding discussions with senior U.S. officials. Today, the Middle East is in turmoil. Lebanon has erupted again, the peace process has stalled, and there is serious concern for the security of the Persian Gulf. As the Reagan administration continues the process of fashioning a policy for the Middle East, the intricate interrelationship of the problems in the region calls for a practical analysis of the conditions necessary for both peace and security. This discussion, like others we have had and will continue to have, pro­ vides us with the unique opportunity to hear and to debate many different perspectives on the Middle East, an area central to U.S. foreign policy. Mayor Milhem in his formal remarks will speak for himself and for Mayor I<awasmeh. 1 A Conversation with the Exiled West Bank Mayors MAYOR MOHAMMED MILHEM: I must be very honest in explaining what goes on in the West Bank and in suggesting ways to resolve the conflict. I do not boast that I am a politician; before 1976, I was a school teacher. My colleague, who is an agricultural engineer and a school teacher, became involved after 1976 in the cause of our people and in the politics of the Middle East. When I came to office, I was visited by many journalists-Is­ raelis, Americans, Europeans, Arabs-who asked me to suggest a solution to the Palestinian problem. At first I responded that the Jews and the Arabs lived together and went to the same schools during the British mandate, so they ought still to be able to live together in one state. Later, I understood that the Israelis wanted their own flag, they wanted their own state. I felt that it was my duty, in order to serve the people who elected me, to have the flexibility to understand the requirements, needs, and aspirations of everyone-Jews and Arabs alike. By 1978, I responded to the same question that Arabs and Israelis could live in two neighboring states, Israel and a Palestinian state. The journalist questioning me asked if I had given up the idea of a secular state in Palestine. I told him that one state, in which the rights of the Jews and the Arabs could be preserved, was a solution. Maybe in fifty or sixty years, after we have maintained two neigh­ boring states in peace, one state may propose to the other that we unite into one state. It could be the Israelis who move first, or it could be the Palestinians. That is not, however, a precondition for the establishment of a Palestinian state on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. I never wanted that precondition. My experience during the last four decades in Palestine has been of the British mandate, and then of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, and then of the Israeli occupation. During the British mandate there were revolutions. The Palestinians under the 3 British mandate wanted a national identity, they wanted independ­ ence. Before World War II, the Arabs wanted independence, a Pal­ estinian state, and a Palestinian flag. After World War II, the West Bank and the East Bank were united under the rule of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. As a school teacher, I could see that the Pal­ estinians were not satisfied, that they wanted equality, that they wanted a national identity. This led naturally to the development of a nationalist movement and to the emergence of the Palestine Liberation Organization. As long as the Palestinians are treated as refugees, their nationalist movement reemerges. The world continues to neglect one main ele­ ment, the desires and aspirations of the Palestinians. The Palestinians will not go away. They are there. The rest of the world tries to bypass the Palestinians, to create options, such as the proposed Jordanian option, which bypasses the Palestinians. This is wrong. There is a Palestinian option-dealing directly with the Palestinians. Mayor Kawasmeh and I attended the last meeting of the Pal­ estinian National Council (PNC) in Damascus. We did not speak; we listened, we learned, and we saw certain things. Yasser Arafat spoke to 400 or 500 Palestinian delegates. He spoke my thoughts, with no differences. He spoke as if he were an elected official of the occupied territories. He spoke of what the Israelis should get and of what the Palestinians should get. Some people say that the Jordanian option should be a precon­ dition of negotiations; if we want to talk, we must first talk to King Hussein and to the Jordanians, and then the Palestinians will be satisfiedand their aspirations met. I would say this: talk directly to the Palestinians. First talk to those of us who are elected and to the PLO whichrepresents the Palestinians. Then there can be a Jordanian role at the second stage. There can be no Jordanian role as a pre­ condition to talking directly to the Palestinians. If we secure the minimum political requirements, then we can choose what our re­ lations with the Jordanians will be. I can choose no other alternative but to have close relations with Jordan, because my brother, my sister, and my other next of kin live there. Which of the Palestinian leaders can choose to close the bor­ ders between the East Bank and the West Bank? None can. Anybody who tries to do so will lose support and not be reelected. The relations between Jordanians and Palestinians are already there in the element of human interaction.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Introduction
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-87598-1 - The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948, Second Edition Edited by Eugene L. Rogan and Avi Shlaim Excerpt More information Introduction The Palestine War lasted less than twenty months, from the United Nations resolution recommending the partition of Palestine in November 1947 to the final armistice agreement signed between Israel and Syria in July 1949. Those twenty months transformed the political landscape of the Middle East forever. Indeed, 1948 may be taken as a defining moment for the region as a whole. Arab Palestine was destroyed and the new state of Israel established. Egypt, Syria and Lebanon suffered outright defeat, Iraq held its lines, and Transjordan won at best a pyrrhic victory. Arab public opinion, unprepared for defeat, let alone a defeat of this magnitude, lost faith in its politicians. Within three years of the end of the Palestine War, the prime ministers of Egypt and Lebanon and the king of Jordan had been assassinated, and the president of Syria and the king of Egypt over- thrown by military coups. No event has marked Arab politics in the second half of the twentieth century more profoundly. The Arab–Israeli wars, the Cold War in the Middle East, the rise of the Palestinian armed struggle, and the politics of peace-making in all of their complexity are a direct con- sequence of the Palestine War. The significance of the Palestine War also lies in the fact that it was the first challenge to face the newly independent states of the Middle East.
    [Show full text]
  • The War of Attrition: Three Wars, One Story
    Research Forum ארכיון צה"ל ומערכת הביטחון The War of Attrition: Three Wars, One Story Dov Tamari 2019 marked the the fiftieth anniversary of the War of Attrition, which was fought mainly against Egypt, and on a smaller scale, was waged along the ceasefirelines with Jordan and Syria. This article refers to the mindset in the IDF and within the General Staff during the six years between the Six Day War (1967) and the Yom Kippur War (1973), and to the nature of the discourse between the military and the government. The War of Attrition against Egypt enables three wars to be merged into one story, due to the decisive prominence of Egypt in these wars against Israel. The focus is on the military echelon and the interactions between the military echelon and the political echelon during the years of the War of Attrition, and the impact of military thinking on political thinking between the Six Day War and the Yom Kippur War, while focusing on the years of the War of Attrition in the Egyptian theater. 50 Strategic Assessment | Volume 23 | No. 1 | January 2020 Introduction not refer to the arguments within the Israeli In 2019, the Israeli media covered the fiftieth governments over the six years of intensive anniversary of the War of Attrition, which was conflict. Rather, the focus is on the military fought mainly against Egypt, and on a smaller echelon and the interactions between the scale, was waged along the ceasefire lines with military echelon and the political echelon Jordan and Syria. The War of Attrition resulted during the years of the War of Attrition, and the in 968 fatalities and 3,730 wounded, 260 of impact of military thinking on political thinking whom were combatants in the Suez Canal arena.
    [Show full text]
  • Experiential Learning: Role-Play
    NON-CLASSROOM ENRICHMENT EXPERIENTIAL LEARNING How to Use Role-Play Role-play is a type of simulation that enables participants to step into the shoes of an historical or other figure and gain insight into the world in which they lived. For students or participants, assuming the role of another person allows for evaluating that individual’s ideology and viewpoint in the context of a specific moment in time as learners internalize key concepts. In addition, role-play can shed light on the emotional and psychological aspects of heroism and defeat and the struggles in decision-making at critical junctures. When working with students and assigning them roles, the more information that is learned about the individual’s experiences and views before the role-play commences, the better that person can be represented. Using this technique, participants will have the opportunity to identify with the individual and to make emotional connections with history. How does one facilitate role-play? If working with a group of participants for a role-play session or classroom activity such as a Mock Zionist Congress etc. where the participants will take in part in the role play: 1. First, identify the individuals who played a major role in shaping history in the period being studied. Then, determine sources of information that would inform a role-play (biographies, documents they authored such as diaries, memos or books, documents about them such as newspaper articles or memoirs, photos, etc.) 2. Assign each participant an individual to portray. That participant should research the individual in-depth to determine characteristics, views, experiences that influenced their expertise or opinions, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • Security Council Provisional Fifty-Eighth Year
    United Nations S/PV.4788 Security Council Provisional Fifty-eighth year 4788th meeting Thursday, 17 July 2003, 10.25 a.m. New York President: Ms. Menéndez .................................... (Spain) Members: Angola ......................................... Mr. Lucas Bulgaria ........................................ Mr. Tafrov Cameroon ....................................... Mr. Belinga-Eboutou Chile ........................................... Mr. Maquieira China .......................................... Mr. Zhang Yishan France .......................................... Mr. De La Sablière Germany ........................................ Mr. Pleuger Guinea ......................................... Mr. Boubacar Diallo Mexico ......................................... Mr. Pujalte Pakistan ........................................ Mr. Akram Russian Federation ................................ Mr. Gatilov Syrian Arab Republic .............................. Mr. Wehbe United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland ..... Sir Jeremy Greenstock United States of America ........................... Mr. Negroponte Agenda The situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the interpretation of speeches delivered in the other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Psychology of Israeli Prime Ministers: When Hard-Liners Opt for Peace Yael S
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-03838-7 - The Political Psychology of Israeli Prime Ministers: When Hard-Liners Opt for Peace Yael S. Aronoff Frontmatter More information The Political Psychology of Israeli Prime Ministers This book examines leaders of the seemingly intractable conflict between Israel and its Palestinian neighbors. It takes as an intellectual target of opportunity six Israeli prime ministers, asking why some of them have persisted in some hard-line positions, whereas others have opted to become peacemakers. The author argues that some leaders do change, and explains why and how such changes come about. She goes beyond arguing simply that “leaders matter” by analyzing how their particular belief systems and personalities can ultimately make a difference to their country’s foreign policy, especially toward a long-standing enemy. Although no hard-liner can stand completely still in the face of important changes, only those with ideologies which have specific components that act as obstacles to change and who have an orientation toward the past may need to be replaced for dramatic policy shifts to occur. Yael S. Aronoff is the Michael and Elaine Serling Chair in Israel Studies and associate professor of International Relations in James Madison College and Jewish Studies at Michigan State University. She is a recip- ient of the Michigan State University 2011 Teacher Scholar Award and is also Associate Director of Jewish Studies at Michigan State University. Professor Aronoff’s work has been published in Israel Studies, Israel Studies Forum, and the Political Science Quarterly. She serves as the book review editor for the journal Israel Studies Review and is on the Board of Directors of the Association of Israel Studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq in Crisis
    MAY 2014 Iraq in Crisis ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN AND SAM KHAZAI AND SAM ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW| Washington DC 20036 t. (202) 887-0200 | f. (202) 775-3199 | www.csis.org Iraq in ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Lanham, MD 20706 t. (800) 462-6420 | f. (301) 429-5749 | www.rowman.com Crisis AUTHORS Cover photo: Photo by Kaveh Seyedahmadian. http://www.flickr.com/photos/samanvari/3388535986/. Anthony H. Cordesman ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD ISBN 978-1-4422-2855-9 Sam Khazai Ë|xHSLEOCy228559z v*:+:!:+:! A Report of the CSIS Burke Chair in Strategy Blank Iraq in Crisis Authors Anthony H. Cordesman Sam Khazai A Report of the CSIS Burke Chair in Strategy May 2014 ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK About CSIS For over 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has worked to develop solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. Today, CSIS scholars are providing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration.
    [Show full text]
  • How to Preserve Israel As a Jewish and Democratic State
    1 ISRAEL-2015/12/05 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION SABAN FORUM 2015 ISRAEL AND THE UNITED STATES: YESTERDAY, TODAY, AND TOMORROW HOW TO PRESERVE ISRAEL AS A JEWISH AND DEMOCRATIC STATE Washington, D.C. Saturday, December 5, 2015 ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 2 ISRAEL-2015/12/05 PARTICIPANTS: TAMARA COFMAN WITTES Director and Senior Fellow, Center for Middle East Policy The Brookings Institution JEFFREY GOLDBERG, Moderator National Correspondent The Atlantic ISAAC HERZOG Leader of the Opposition in Israel’s Knesset Chair, Zionist Union Party AVIGDOR LIEBERMAN Chair Israel Beiteinu Party * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 3 ISRAEL-2015/12/05 P R O C E E D I N G S MS. WITTES: Ladies and gentlemen. Ladies and gentlemen. Shhh. Magical. I hope you enjoyed your meal, and I hope you enjoyed your desert. If you did or if you did not, we've got a little extra treat. And I want to ask for your help in welcoming to the stage this evening what I think will be a fascinating conversation between Buji Herzog, Ivette Lieberman, and Jeffrey Goldberg. Gentlemen? (Applause) MR. GOLDBERG: Good evening. (Speaking in foreign language) also. Thank you, Tammy. Mr. Ambassador, nice to see you. Other Mr. Ambassador, wherever he is. So I want to -- these two men need no introduction so I'm not going to introduce them. We're just going to go jump right into this conversation, which is an on-the-record conversation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Agenda of the Five Southeast Asian Co
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified December 29, 1954 Cable from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Intelligence Department, 'The Agenda of the Five Southeast Asian Countries from the Bogor Conference and the Five Countries’ Attitudes towards China’s Participation in the Afro-Asian Conference ' Citation: “Cable from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Intelligence Department, 'The Agenda of the Five Southeast Asian Countries from the Bogor Conference and the Five Countries’ Attitudes towards China’s Participation in the Afro-Asian Conference ',” December 29, 1954, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, PRC FMA 102-00159-21, 98-103. Translated by Jeffrey Wang http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/112445 Summary: The agenda of the Bogor Conference was to determine the purposes, timing, and participants of the Asian-African Conference. The five Southeast Asian countries agreed that China and Japan should participate in the Asian-African Conference, but some countries also insisted on the participation of US allies such as Thailand and the Philippines. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the MacArthur Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation Secret Intelligence Department Collection of Telegrams (Main Points of Telegrams from Embassies Abroad) No. 98 (six continuous pages) The Agenda of the Five Southeast Asian Countries from the Bogor Conference and the Five Countries’ Attitudes towards China’s Participation in the Afro-Asian Conference Produced by the Intelligence Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 29 December 1954 The Agenda of the Five Southeast Asian Countries from the Bogor Conference and the Five Countries’ Attitudes towards China’s Participation in the Afro-Asian Conference (Combines telegrams from India, Indonesia, and Pakistan from November 27 to December 22) The second Prime Ministers' conference of the five Southeast Asian countries will be held December 28 at Bogor in Indonesia.
    [Show full text]
  • The Prime Ministers Nobody Knows | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds The Prime Ministers Nobody Knows by Robert Satloff Mar 17, 2003 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Robert Satloff Robert Satloff is executive director of The Washington Institute, a post he assumed in January 1993. Articles & Testimony ere's a Middle East riddle: Who are Atef Obeid, Muhammad Mustafa Miro, Ali Abu Ragheb, Mohamed H Ghannouchi, Ali Benflis, and Abd al-Qadir Bajamal? Chances are that you're scratching your head. Here's a hint: They work for Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, Syrian president Bashar al-Assad, Jordan's King Abdullah, Tunisian president Zine Bin Ali, Algerian president Abdelaziz Bouteflika, and Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Salih. Still can't figure it out? Answer: They are Arab prime ministers. In most of the world, prime ministers form governments, run their countries, and lead their people. But in Arabic- speaking lands, the position of prime minister matters little. Except for Lebanon, with its unique confessional system, and Gulf monarchies, where the post is often filled by a brother, son, or cousin of the ruler, the Arab prime minister is just a glorified functionary--often quite able and effective, but a functionary nonetheless. That's why prime ministers are the anonymous men of the Middle East. Arab prime ministers are usually entrusted with the messy problems (implementing economic austerity measures in Egypt, fighting Islamist vigilantes in Algeria) from which the kings and presidents-for-life prefer to stay aloof. But in virtually no case is the Arab prime minister an independent political force. Indeed, some countries--like Libya, Iraq, Sudan, and Oman--have either dispensed with the position altogether or simply appended it to the ruler's long list of titles.
    [Show full text]
  • Unisci Dp 23
    UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 23 (May / Mayo 2010) ISSN 1696-2206 TURKISH-SYRIAN RELATIONS – WHERE ARE WE GOING? Özlem Tür 1 Middle East Technical University, Ankara Abstract: 2009 witnessed a series of developments showing the depth of the relations between Turkey and Syria. Not only in the political and security fields but in the economic relations as well the two countries deepened their relations at an unprecedented level. Just to name a few of the remarkable developments over the last year, the two countries held a joint military exercise, signed a technical military cooperation agreement, established a Turkish-Syrian High Level Strategic Cooperation Council and lifted the visa requirement. These developments were unthinkable only a decade ago. Considering that the two countries came to the brink of war in 1998, the advancement and deepening of the relations to such a level in a decade is impressive as well as interesting. This article aims at looking at the dynamics of the relationship between Turkey and Syria. It argues that not only the common security concerns over the developments in the region, especially the impact of the Iraqi War but also domestic concerns played an important role in the deepening of the relationship. On the Syrian side the coming to power of Bashar Asad, the need for economic development in the country and its international isolation has been important. On the Turkish side, the coming to power of the Justice and Development Party with a new vision for the Middle East has especially been significant. Keywords: Turkey, Syria, Iraqi war and the Middle East, economic integration, Justice and Development Party’s foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel: New Prime Minister and U.S. Relations in Brief
    Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief Updated September 16, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44245 SUMMARY R44245 Israel: Background and U.S. Relations in Brief September 16, 2021 Israel has forged close bilateral cooperation with the United States in many areas. U.S. law requires the executive branch to take certain actions to preserve Israel’s “qualitative military Jim Zanotti edge,” or QME, and expedites aid and arms sales to Israel in various ways. Additionally, a 10- Specialist in Middle year bilateral military aid memorandum of understanding—signed in 2016—commits the United Eastern Affairs States to provide Israel $3.3 billion in Foreign Military Financing and to spend $500 million annually on joint missile defense programs from FY2019 to FY2028, subject to congressional appropriations. In 2021, some Members of Congress have increased their scrutiny over Israel’s use of U.S. security assistance, contributing to debate on the subject. This report also discusses the following matters: New government and domestic issues. Prime Minister Naftali Bennett of the Yamina party heads a power-sharing government featuring a group of disparate parties from across the political spectrum that replaced the government of the long-serving Binyamin Netanyahu in June 2021. Despite reportedly holding more nationalistic positions than Netanyahu on Palestinian issues and settlements, Bennett may be constrained by left-of-center and Arab-led parties in the coalition from taking action in line with those positions. Although Bennett’s policies on various foreign policy matters may not differ significantly from those of Netanyahu, his government has thus far offered a less confrontational approach to disagreements with U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.TURKISH-SYRIAN RELATIONS
    UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Tür, Özlem TURKISH-SYRIAN RELATIONS - WHERE ARE WE GOING? UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 23, mayo, 2010, pp. 163-175 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76715004010 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 23 (May / Mayo 2010) ISSN 1696-2206 TURKISH-SYRIAN RELATIONS – WHERE ARE WE GOING? Özlem Tür 1 Middle East Technical University, Ankara Abstract: 2009 witnessed a series of developments showing the depth of the relations between Turkey and Syria. Not only in the political and security fields but in the economic relations as well the two countries deepened their relations at an unprecedented level. Just to name a few of the remarkable developments over the last year, the two countries held a joint military exercise, signed a technical military cooperation agreement, established a Turkish-Syrian High Level Strategic Cooperation Council and lifted the visa requirement. These developments were unthinkable only a decade ago. Considering that the two countries came to the brink of war in 1998, the advancement and deepening of the relations to such a level in a decade is impressive as well as interesting. This article aims at looking at the dynamics of the relationship between Turkey and Syria. It argues that not only the common security concerns over the developments in the region, especially the impact of the Iraqi War but also domestic concerns played an important role in the deepening of the relationship.
    [Show full text]