Experiential Learning: Role-Play
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7. Politics and Diplomacy
Hoover Press : Zelnick/Israel hzeliu ch7 Mp_119 rev1 page 119 7. Politics and Diplomacy as israeli forces were clearing recalcitrant settlers from their Gaza homes on August 16, 2005, Khalil Shikaki, director of the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PSR) in Ra- mallah, published a column in the Jerusalem Post headlined, “How Sharon and Abbas Can Both Win.”1 Shikaki, a pollster and political analyst respected in Israel and the west, questioned the wisdom of Israeli unilateralism in Gaza and on the West Bank as opposed to Lebanon, where no one on the other side wanted to talk. Here, he argued, Hamas may be as close-minded as Hez- bollah, preferring to paint Israel’s withdrawal as a victory for Pal- estinian resistance, but Abu Mazen, supported by Palestinian pub- lic opinion, wanted to reduce tensions and negotiate. Make him look good by easing restrictions on Palestinian trade and move- ment, and he will help Sharon and Israel by defeating Hamas and talking about the terms for settling the conflict. In other words, let the PA rather than Hamas control the Palestinian narrative of withdrawal. Shakaki updated his survey data two months later for a con- ference at Brandeis University hosted by Shai Feldman, director of the Crown Center for Middle East Studies and former director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies in Tel Aviv. By that October conference, 84 percent of Palestinians were convinced that violence had played a role in the Israeli withdrawal. Irre- 1. Khalil Shikaki, “How Sharon and Abbas Can Both Win,” Jerusalem Post, August 16, 2005. -
The Labor Party and the Peace Camp
The Labor Party and the Peace Camp By Uzi Baram In contemporary Israeli public discourse, the preoccupation with ideology has died down markedly, to the point that even releasing a political platform as part of elections campaigns has become superfluous. Politicians from across the political spectrum are focused on distinguishing themselves from other contenders by labeling themselves and their rivals as right, left and center, while floating around in the air are slogans such as “political left,” social left,” “soft right,” “new right,” and “mainstream right.” Yet what do “left” and “right” mean in Israel, and to what extent do these slogans as well as the political division in today’s Israel correlate with the political traditions of the various parties? Is the Labor Party the obvious and natural heir of The Workers Party of the Land of Israel (Mapai)? Did the historical Mapai under the stewardship of Ben Gurion view itself as a left-wing party? Did Menachem Begin’s Herut Party see itself as a right-wing party? The Zionist Left and the Soviet Union As far-fetched as it may seem in the eyes of today’s onlooker, during the first years after the establishment of the state, the position vis-à-vis the Soviet Union was the litmus test of the left camp, which was then called “the workers’ camp.” This camp viewed the centrist liberal “General Zionists” party, which was identified with European liberal and middle-class beliefs in private property and capitalism, as its chief ideological rival (and with which the heads of major cities such as Tel Aviv and Ramat Gan were affiliated). -
Introduction
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-87598-1 - The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948, Second Edition Edited by Eugene L. Rogan and Avi Shlaim Excerpt More information Introduction The Palestine War lasted less than twenty months, from the United Nations resolution recommending the partition of Palestine in November 1947 to the final armistice agreement signed between Israel and Syria in July 1949. Those twenty months transformed the political landscape of the Middle East forever. Indeed, 1948 may be taken as a defining moment for the region as a whole. Arab Palestine was destroyed and the new state of Israel established. Egypt, Syria and Lebanon suffered outright defeat, Iraq held its lines, and Transjordan won at best a pyrrhic victory. Arab public opinion, unprepared for defeat, let alone a defeat of this magnitude, lost faith in its politicians. Within three years of the end of the Palestine War, the prime ministers of Egypt and Lebanon and the king of Jordan had been assassinated, and the president of Syria and the king of Egypt over- thrown by military coups. No event has marked Arab politics in the second half of the twentieth century more profoundly. The Arab–Israeli wars, the Cold War in the Middle East, the rise of the Palestinian armed struggle, and the politics of peace-making in all of their complexity are a direct con- sequence of the Palestine War. The significance of the Palestine War also lies in the fact that it was the first challenge to face the newly independent states of the Middle East. -
Australian Politicians
Asem Judeh Melbourne 19 October 2009 The Hon Arch Bevis MP Chair Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security Parliament House CANBERRA ACT 2600 Dear Mr Bevis Supplementary Submission on re-listing Hamas’s Brigades and PIJ As you know the politics of Israel-Palestine issue is always attracting the international community attention and always there are important development day-to-day basis. Because of that I am writing this supplementary submission that summarises the important developments in relation to re-listing the Brigades and PIJ since I submitted my original submission to PJCIS. The recent development supports all the facts, analysis and serious allegations included in my previous submission. These recent facts and reports show clearly the root causes of the violence and terrorism in Palestine. It proves that occupation is violence and terrorism; colonization is violence and terrorism. This new evidence proves that ASIO’s assessment report is politically motivated and misleading the parliament and public. Finally, when I appear before the Committee to give oral evidence, I will present more facts and answer all clarifications and questions from the Committee members. Sincerely yours, Asem Judeh Supplementary Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security Review of the re-listing of Hamas' Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades and PIJ Page: 1 of 1 Asem Judeh’s Supplementary Submission on re-listing Hamas’s Brigades and PIJ 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................... 4 2. UN FACT FINDINGS MISSION ON THE GAZA CONFLICT ................ 4 WHY UN FACT FINDINGS MISSION ON THE GAZA CONFLICT REPORT IS RELATED TO PJCIS INQUIRY? .................................................................................................... 5 ISRAEL AND HAMAS RESPONSE TO UN FACT FINDING MISSION AND UNHR DECISION ENDORSING THE REPORT, OCTOBER 16. -
The War of Attrition: Three Wars, One Story
Research Forum ארכיון צה"ל ומערכת הביטחון The War of Attrition: Three Wars, One Story Dov Tamari 2019 marked the the fiftieth anniversary of the War of Attrition, which was fought mainly against Egypt, and on a smaller scale, was waged along the ceasefirelines with Jordan and Syria. This article refers to the mindset in the IDF and within the General Staff during the six years between the Six Day War (1967) and the Yom Kippur War (1973), and to the nature of the discourse between the military and the government. The War of Attrition against Egypt enables three wars to be merged into one story, due to the decisive prominence of Egypt in these wars against Israel. The focus is on the military echelon and the interactions between the military echelon and the political echelon during the years of the War of Attrition, and the impact of military thinking on political thinking between the Six Day War and the Yom Kippur War, while focusing on the years of the War of Attrition in the Egyptian theater. 50 Strategic Assessment | Volume 23 | No. 1 | January 2020 Introduction not refer to the arguments within the Israeli In 2019, the Israeli media covered the fiftieth governments over the six years of intensive anniversary of the War of Attrition, which was conflict. Rather, the focus is on the military fought mainly against Egypt, and on a smaller echelon and the interactions between the scale, was waged along the ceasefire lines with military echelon and the political echelon Jordan and Syria. The War of Attrition resulted during the years of the War of Attrition, and the in 968 fatalities and 3,730 wounded, 260 of impact of military thinking on political thinking whom were combatants in the Suez Canal arena. -
Interest in Past Leaders Reflects the Crisis on the Israeli Left
Interest in Past Leaders Reflects the Crisis on the Israeli Left by Prof. Hillel Frisch BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 875, June 26, 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: The crisis of the Israeli left is reflected in the sharply declining interest within Israel in Yitzhak Rabin compared to Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir. The opposite trend is visible abroad. The problem of the left is that it is Israelis who vote, not the world community. A search for the term “Yitzhak Rabin” in Hebrew in Google Trends reveals a sharp decline in interest since 2005, the tenth anniversary of Rabin’s assassination. The decline is precipitous in the years immediately following 2005 and then levels off. Still, the decline over time is substantial. If searches for Rabin in 2004 represent 100, the high point, this figure was down to 6 by October 2017 – less than one-twelfth the number of searches 13 years before. Interest in Rabin is also sharply correlated to the period of commemoration that occurs in November of each year on the anniversary of the assassination. Obviously, official remembrance days heighten awareness in any particular year, but they have done little to arrest the overall decline in interest in Rabin. “Yitzhak Rabin” in Google Trends The same exercise regarding Menachem Begin and Shamir shows a stark contrast. Whereas interest in Rabin has declined sharply, interest in Begin and Shamir remains surprisingly constant – not only over the years, but within the calendar year. These comparisons say nothing about the absolute number of searches over time among the three leaders. They do say something conclusive, however, about trends in interest and therefore in the collective historical memory. -
Security Council Provisional Fifty-Eighth Year
United Nations S/PV.4788 Security Council Provisional Fifty-eighth year 4788th meeting Thursday, 17 July 2003, 10.25 a.m. New York President: Ms. Menéndez .................................... (Spain) Members: Angola ......................................... Mr. Lucas Bulgaria ........................................ Mr. Tafrov Cameroon ....................................... Mr. Belinga-Eboutou Chile ........................................... Mr. Maquieira China .......................................... Mr. Zhang Yishan France .......................................... Mr. De La Sablière Germany ........................................ Mr. Pleuger Guinea ......................................... Mr. Boubacar Diallo Mexico ......................................... Mr. Pujalte Pakistan ........................................ Mr. Akram Russian Federation ................................ Mr. Gatilov Syrian Arab Republic .............................. Mr. Wehbe United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland ..... Sir Jeremy Greenstock United States of America ........................... Mr. Negroponte Agenda The situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the interpretation of speeches delivered in the other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of -
A Decade Since the Outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada: a Strategic the IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland the Rise and Fall
Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade |Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | Shiri Tal-Landman המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 CONteNts Abstracts | 3 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | 7 Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | 27 Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | 39 Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | 49 Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | 63 Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | 71 Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | 85 Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | 101 Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade | 123 Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | 133 Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | 141 Shiri Tal-Landman The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and Strategic enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, ASSESSMENT on Israel’s national security agenda. -
Piety and Mayhem: How Extremist Groups Misuse Religious Doctrine to Condone Violence and Achieve Political Goals
Ursinus College Digital Commons @ Ursinus College Religious Studies Honors Papers Student Research 5-4-2020 Piety and Mayhem: How Extremist Groups Misuse Religious Doctrine to Condone Violence and Achieve Political Goals Noah Garber Ursinus College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.ursinus.edu/rel_hon Part of the Biblical Studies Commons, Buddhist Studies Commons, Ethics in Religion Commons, Islamic Studies Commons, Jewish Studies Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons, and the Terrorism Studies Commons Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Garber, Noah, "Piety and Mayhem: How Extremist Groups Misuse Religious Doctrine to Condone Violence and Achieve Political Goals" (2020). Religious Studies Honors Papers. 3. https://digitalcommons.ursinus.edu/rel_hon/3 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at Digital Commons @ Ursinus College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Religious Studies Honors Papers by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Ursinus College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Piety and Mayhem: How Extremist Groups Misuse Religious Doctrine to Condone Violence and Achieve Political Goals Noah Garber May 4, 2020 Submitted to the Faculty of Ursinus College in fulfillment of the requirements for Honors in the Departments of Politics and Religious Studies 1 Abstract This thesis examines the way in which various groups have used religion as a justification for violent action towards political ends. From the Irgun, which carried out terrorist acts in Palestine, to the Palestinian Islamist organization Hamas, which has waged war on Israel, to the Buddhist leadership of Myanmar, which has waged a genocidal campaign against Rohingya Muslims living in the country, these groups have employed a narrow interpretation of their religious texts as a means to justify the actions they take. -
From Cast Lead to Protective Edge: Lessons from Israel's Wars in Gaza
From Cast Lead to Protective Edge Lessons from Israel’s Wars in Gaza Raphael S. Cohen, David E. Johnson, David E. Thaler, Brenna Allen, Elizabeth M. Bartels, James Cahill, Shira Efron C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1888 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9787-3 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover photos (clockwise): Nir Elias/Reuters; Amir Cohen/Reuters; Abu Mustafa/Reuters; Tsafrir Abayov/AP Photo Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report examines the Israel Defense Forces operations in Gaza from the end of Operation Cast Lead in 2009 through Operation Pillar of Defense in 2012 to Operation Protective Edge in 2014. -
The Political Psychology of Israeli Prime Ministers: When Hard-Liners Opt for Peace Yael S
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-03838-7 - The Political Psychology of Israeli Prime Ministers: When Hard-Liners Opt for Peace Yael S. Aronoff Frontmatter More information The Political Psychology of Israeli Prime Ministers This book examines leaders of the seemingly intractable conflict between Israel and its Palestinian neighbors. It takes as an intellectual target of opportunity six Israeli prime ministers, asking why some of them have persisted in some hard-line positions, whereas others have opted to become peacemakers. The author argues that some leaders do change, and explains why and how such changes come about. She goes beyond arguing simply that “leaders matter” by analyzing how their particular belief systems and personalities can ultimately make a difference to their country’s foreign policy, especially toward a long-standing enemy. Although no hard-liner can stand completely still in the face of important changes, only those with ideologies which have specific components that act as obstacles to change and who have an orientation toward the past may need to be replaced for dramatic policy shifts to occur. Yael S. Aronoff is the Michael and Elaine Serling Chair in Israel Studies and associate professor of International Relations in James Madison College and Jewish Studies at Michigan State University. She is a recip- ient of the Michigan State University 2011 Teacher Scholar Award and is also Associate Director of Jewish Studies at Michigan State University. Professor Aronoff’s work has been published in Israel Studies, Israel Studies Forum, and the Political Science Quarterly. She serves as the book review editor for the journal Israel Studies Review and is on the Board of Directors of the Association of Israel Studies. -
Deir Yassin Massacre (1948)
Document B The 1948 War Deir Yassin Massacre Deir Yassin Massacre (1948) Early in the morning of April 9, 1948, commandos of the Irgun (headed by Menachem Begin) and the Stern Gang attacked Deir Yassin, a village with about 750 Palestinian residents. The village lay outside of the area to be assigned by the United Nations to the Jewish State; it had a peaceful reputation. But it was located on high ground in the corridor between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. Deir Yassin was slated for occupation under Plan Dalet and the mainstream Jewish defense force, the Haganah, authorized the irregular terrorist forces of the Irgun and the Stern Gang to perform the takeover. In all over 100 men, women, and children were systematically murdered. Fifty-three orphaned children were literally dumped along the wall of the Old City, where they were found by Miss Hind Husseini and brought behind the American Colony Hotel to her home, which was to become the Dar El-Tifl El-Arabi orphanage. (source: http://www.deiryassin.org) Natan Yellin-Mor (Jewish) responded to the massacre: When I remember what led to the massacre of my mother, sister and other members of my family, I can’t accept this massacre. I know that in the heat of battle such things happen, and I know that the people who do these things don’t start out with such things in mind. They kill because their own comrades have being killed and wounded, and they want their revenge at that very moment. But who tells them to be proud of such deeds? (From Eyal naveh and Eli bar-Navi, Modern Times, part 2, page 228) One of the young men of the Deir Yassin village reported what he has been told by his mother: My mother escaped with my two small brothers, one-year old and two-years old.