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Australian Left Review No.99 Autumn 1987

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Australian Left Review No.99 Autumn 1987 Autumn 1987 no. 99 $2.50 THI UNIVERSITY O f WOLLONGOM Images of Ourselves the best on the Tribune Subscribe TRIBUNE left every week 2 years $50 Q ) 1 year $28 Q j concession $22 | r Tribune. Tribune >ihunf' Uttiattftur1 6 months $15 Q concession $12 [~ | 3months Q concession $ 7 Q , Institutions: 1year $35 [ _ 6 months $18 [ J Prisoners free. Name________________________________________________ Address_____________________________________________ Tribune! / enclose $ ______________________________________ Bankcard □ □ □ □ □ • stands aside from the media monopolies to support socialist and progressive movements □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ □ • has opposed the mining and export of uranium for over 10 years Signature_____________________ Date____________ • supports landrights • provides a valuable news and background service on the Send to: Tribune Circulation, environment movement, feminism, trade unions and national and international politics? 4 Dixon Street, Sydney NSW2000. I'm flying off to ... Intervention Bookshop HOURS: Mon — Fri 9.30 to 9.00 Sat 9.30 to 4.30 Sun 11.00 to 5.00 NOW OPEN 7 DAYS A WEEK! 230 KING STREET, NEWTOWN Ph: 550.1581 10% discount to students/unemployed/pensioners. CONTENTS AUSTRALIAN IEFT BRIEFINGS 2 REVIEW 99 Joh's March on Canberra?; After the Wages Case; The Philippines Revisited. AUTUMN 1987 FEATURES TWS ri»n— THE u n iv e r s it t o f w o u o n g o n . „ fMBANDPUtLISHEt SCOOP! The Media Takeovers « The federal government’s changes to meaia laws led to unprecedented selling, at RED PEN PUBLICATIONS PTV. LTD. unprecedented prices. And it seems more than happy with the result. In the process, the whole 4 DIXON STREET, SYDNEY 2000 sorry affair highlighted the passivity of our media ‘watchdog1, and the remoteness of the legal processes from unions and the community at large. And it may not yet he over ... EDITORIAL COLLECTIVE KATE HARRISON BRIAN AARONS, ERIC AARONS, DIANA AND SARAH: Images of Ourselves 13 HILDA ANDREWS, MALCOLM ANDREWS, DAVID BURCH ELL, Princess D1 was destined to be the disastrous ic on of the eighties, a paragon of androgy ny and STEVE CATT, MIKE DONALDSON, anorexia. Her treatment in the mass media highlighted the massive contradictions In the LYNDELL FAIRLEIGH. BERNADETTE public face of ideal womanhood. Sarah, meanwhile, was plumpish, down to earth, and she had a The twin images uf Diana and Sarah say a lot ahout where women have come these FOLEY, GLORIA GARTON, JANE past. last ten to fifteen years, and not a little about the future. INGLIS (SYDNEY) SHERIL BERKOVITCH, JIM CROSTHWAITE, DIANA SIMMONDS ANITRA NELSON, LOUISE CONNOR, PAVLA MILLER, KEN NORLING. STRIKING A CHORD: Rock and Politics 19 OLGA SILVER, JANNA THOMPSON (MELBOURNE) in the Eighties First there was the sixties, then there was punK. Then there was — what? What d id happen to ACCOUNTS AND DISTRIBUTION political pop, and where is the rocK industry heading now? Are Live Aid and Red Wedge the heralds of a new era of commitment? DIRECT SALES: HILDA ANDREWS AND MALCOLM ANDREWS DAVID ROWE (SYDNEY) OLGA SILVER (MELBOURNE) ALL QUIET ON THE HOME FRONT? 24 NEWSAGENTS: WRAPAWAY DIST­ Contradictions of Family Life RIBUTORS, 1 CHALDER STREET, MARRICKVILLE, NSW 2204. The right has been maKing much of its support of ‘family values'. And, while its picture of PH: (02) 550.1622. family life may be a rather dubious one, the family does have a vital place in most people's emotional lives. How can the left come to terms with some of the positive aspects of family DESIGN AND LAYOUT relations, without capitulating to the oldest patriarchal institution of them all? REBECCA AI.BURY MARIUS FOLEY KAREN VANCE POL POT’S ALLIES: The Kampuchean Right 30 BETH GIBBINGS The KPNLF are supposed, in Washington, to be the flagbearers of Kampuchea 's' Democratic TYKSETTINC Resistance'. As such, they form a useful figleaf for support of the Khmer Rouge. But the KPNLF’s own record is hardly a pretty one. GLORIA GARTON BEN KIERNAN com TIME OUT 35 A National Character; Style Revisited. DAVID BROMLEY CORRESPONDENCE AND ENQUIRIES LETTERS; DISCUSSION AND REPLY 40 DAVID BURCHELL REVIEWS 43 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW BOX A247, SYDNEY SOUTH RethinKing Feminism; After the Accord; The Modern Girl. SYDNEY 2000 AUSTRALIA PRINTED BY SPO TPR ESS ALR WELCOMES CONTRIBUTiD ARTICLES AND REVIEWS WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF 21 ROSS ST, FOREST LODGE NSW 2037. PH: (02)660.2364. AN OPEN CONCEIT OF S0C1AUSM. CONTRIBUTIONS SHOULD BE TYPED, DOUBLE SPACED, O N A4 SIZE PAPER OR SMALLER. MANUSCRIPTS WHICH ARE NOT CLEARLY TYPED AND EASILY LEGIBLE WILL NOT BE CONSIDERED FOR PUBLICATION. UNUSED MANUSCRIPTS WILL BE RETURNED IF ACCOMPANIED BY A STAMPED ADDRESSED ENV&0PE. MAXIMUM WORD LENGTH FOR ARTICLES IS 4500 WORDS, AND REVIEWS 1500 WORDS. 2 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW BRIEFINGS wanted Joh in Canberra: later in the process, the whole arena of political month, more reputable polling debate has taKen another great lurch methods reduced this figure to only 60 to the right. percent. There are two distinct aspects of the current political situation which It was one of the great symbolic have helped to create this astonishing moments of media reporting: soon political phenomenon. One we could enough it was impossible to tell call a “crisis of representation"; the whether the media was leading Joh on, other a crisis of popular appeal, or of or Joh was leading the media on. Not mass politics which follows from since the Philippines state television the first. station had formed the strategic battleground of Cory's “revolution" In early February the ABC twelve months earlier had the inter­ television program Four Corners ran a relationship of the media and mass detailed report on the Bankstown by- politics been so evocatively election in Sydney, where support for the AI.P (and, interestingly, for the represented. Some on the left chose to coalition too) ran at an historic low. interpret this in conspiratorial terms: The camera crew interviewed we were being “brainwashed" yet suburban families, groups of young again. Rather, it was a case of the people, and pensioners: the electronic media in particular, with its instinctive populist touch, coming to overwhelming message was that the Labor Party and, in fact, parties in embrace with Australia's greatest general, no longer represented its populist politician. electorate; the ties of appeal between By mid-February, Joh's campaign which, at first, the “quality" party and passive supporter had become unpreccdcntcdly slim. press had treated with amused contempt, was definitely to be taken This is hardly a uniquely seriously. The leaders of the official Australian phenomenon: indeed, it Opposition responded with escalating has been noted by social observers threats (federal National Party leader abroad for some years now. But, in the Ian Sinclair recalled Germany in Australian case, it was concealed for 1933). Then federal National M Ps met quite some time by apparently and appeared to endorse Joh's crusade undisturbed "traditional" conserv­ against {among other things) their atism during the Fraser years. The leader. Thereafter Sinclair, as if impetus has rather been the HawKe stricKen by some dreadful irrational government's restless search fora role disease, was treated by the media as a as a "natural government "of the crisis, doomed man. Soon. Queensland arbitrating between the various social National MPs were coerced into actors but actively representing none. putting a unilateral end to the As we all Know, this has now led to the Coalition: at the time of writing (early A I . P’s "traditional” constituencies March) control of the National Party, becoming perilously unstuck. It is by and thus of the future prospects of the no means clear any longer to the Coalition, hung in the balance. government itself, let alone its Of course, it still remains unliKely electorate, exactly what it “stands for". Job’s March on that the entire structure of the party But the official opposition has proved system will split asunder to provide itself singularly incapable of Canberra? Joh with the Prime Ministership — fashioning itself a constituency or although it is far from an constituencies on this alienated impossibility. Indeed, were Joh's ground. Where the “New* Right” in “impossible dream" to begin to take Britain articulated popular more tangible form, his popularity as a discontents around the welfare state, arly in February the Murdoch “mavericK” might suffer iri and the American New Right has press was first to herald signs of consequence. But in his primary manoeuvred on the ground of the Ea drive on federal politics by objective the refashioning of the crisis of the family and traditional Queensland’s seventeen-year premier, cliijiate of politics at the conservative values with aplomb, their Australian Joh Bjelke-Petersen. One “exclusive” end of the spectrum, in the run-up to cousins have talked of market forces phone-in poll in the Sydney Telegraph the next election — he has been and the sovereign right to manage: claimed that 70 percent of Australians spectacularly successful. And, in the hardly inspiring stuff. BRIEFINGS AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW 3 •H ow the Sydney Morning Herald’s M oir .saw the future Joh Cabinet (March). Inio both of these historic Has amassed a potent repertoire ol genuinely articulate popualr currents, vacuums Joh has leapt as into the populist images strong-man but in extreme reactionary directions, breach. On the one hand he politician and father-figure, a have always seemed difficult to demonstrates his disdain for all of the commitment to a "traditionalist”- reconcile to our conceptions of their traditional parties — including his morality, a vivid portrayal of the class basis. Joh’s particular brand of own. He has set about single-mindedlv average taxpayer as the put-upon populism is, in addition, something breaking up the forces of “little man” (sic), and a deep reservoir rather new to this country.
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