Congressional Authorization of the Campaign Against ISIL
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Turkey 2020 Website.Indd
TURKEY Quick Facts Population: 82,017,514 (July 2020 est.) Area: 783,562 sq km Ethnic Groups: Turkish 70-75%, Kurdish 19%, other minorities 7-12% (2016 est.) Government Type: Presidential republic GDP (official exchange rate): $851.5 billion (2017 est.) Source: CIA World FactBook (Last Updated August 2020) INTRODUCTION While Turkey remains a nominally secular republic, political Islam has been ascendant in the country since the military coup of 1980. The consolidation of power by Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party in the past 15 years, however, has led to the gradual weakening of secularism and the promotion of political Islam in Turkish public life. Political Islam has become increasingly visible at the grassroots level, as pious Turks enjoy growing representation in the political process. In parallel, the mounting authoritarian tendencies of the Turkish government have stifled political opposition. The transformation of Turkey from a parliamentary to a presidential system of government in a 2017 referendum has ensured, for the time being, that Erdogan’s political agenda faces no serious domestic challenges. That said, following the fallout with the Gülen Movement with whose support Erdoğan came to power, he has been forced into an uneasy alliance with domestic ultra-nationalists. This has not diminished Erdoğan’s Islamism, however, but rather injected it with greater doses of Turkish nationalism. Turkey’s foreign policy has been transformed accordingly. Following the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings, Turkey actively intervened to secure the victory of political Islam across the Middle East and North Africa, lending support especially to the Muslim Brotherhood and affiliated organizations. -
The Path to Terrorism: the Islamic State and Its Recruitment Strategies
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Honors Scholar Theses Honors Scholar Program Spring 5-1-2018 The aP th to Terrorism: The slI amic State and Its Recruitment Strategies Laura Turner [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/srhonors_theses Part of the International Relations Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Terrorism Studies Commons Recommended Citation Turner, Laura, "The aP th to Terrorism: The slI amic State and Its Recruitment Strategies" (2018). Honors Scholar Theses. 585. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/srhonors_theses/585 1 The University of Connecticut The Path to Terrorism: The Islamic State and Its Recruitment Strategies Laura Turner Honors Senior Thesis Advisor: Professor Jeremy Pressman Individualized & Interdisciplinary Studies Program 19 April 2018 2 Introduction 13,488 terrorist attacks occurred around the world in 2016.i 1,468 of these, or 10.9%, were perpetrated by the Islamic State.1 The Islamic State (IS), also known as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) or the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), is an extremely violent Islamist terrorist organization that follows Salafism, a strict interpretation of Sunni Islam. The group’s ultimate goal is to establish a worldwide caliphate, or a state governed by Islamic law. ISIS is rooted in Abu Musad al-Zarqawi’s Al Qaeda in Iraq, a militant organization so extreme and violent that even Al Qaeda’s leadership criticized its methods and eventually renounced connections with the group. When Zarqawi was killed by a U.S. airstrike in 2006, Abu Ayyub al Masri became the leader of the group and renamed it the Islamic State in Iraq (ISI). -
Administrative National Security
ARTICLES Administrative National Security ELENA CHACHKO* In the past two decades, the United States has applied a growing num- ber of foreign and security measures directly targeting individualsÐ natural or legal persons. These individualized measures have been designed and carried out by administrative agencies. Widespread appli- cation of individual economic sanctions, security watchlists and no-¯y lists, detentions, targeted killings, and action against hackers responsible for cyberattacks have all become signi®cant currencies of U.S. foreign and security policy. Although the application of each of these measures in discrete contexts has been studied, they have yet to attract an inte- grated analysis. This Article examines this phenomenon with two main aims. First, it documents what I call ªadministrative national securityº: the growing individualization of U.S. foreign and security policy, the administrative mechanisms that have facilitated it, and the judicial response to these mechanisms. Administrative national security encompasses several types of individualized measures that agencies now apply on a routine, inde®- nite basis through the exercise of considerable discretion within a broad framework established by Congress or the President. It is therefore best understood as an emerging practice of administrative adjudication in the foreign and security space. Second, this Article considers how administrative national security integrates with the presidency and the courts. Accounting for administra- tive national security illuminates the President's constitutional role as chief executive and commander-in-chief and his control of key aspects of * Lecturer on Law, Harvard Law School (Fall 2019); Post-doctoral Fellow, Perry World House, University of Pennsylvania; S.J.D. Candidate, Harvard Law School; LL.B., Hebrew University of Jerusalem (2014). -
Change and Structure in the Law of Armed Conflict After September 11 Peter Margulies
Marquette Law Review Volume 95 Article 13 Issue 4 Summer 2012 The ogF of War Reform: Change and Structure in the Law of Armed Conflict After September 11 Peter Margulies Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Law Commons Repository Citation Peter Margulies, The Fog of War Reform: Change and Structure in the Law of Armed Conflict After September 11, 95 Marq. L. Rev. 1417 (2012). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol95/iss4/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 18 - MARGULIES (DO NOT DELETE) 7/9/2012 10:27 PM THE FOG OF WAR REFORM: CHANGE AND STRUCTURE IN THE LAW OF ARMED CONFLICT AFTER SEPTEMBER 11 * PETER MARGULIES Salim Hamdan’s conviction in a military commission for material support of Al Qaeda separates utilitarians, who generally defer to state power, from protective theorists, who seek to shield civilians by curbing official discretion. Utilitarians view military commissions as efficient means for trying suspected terrorists. Protective theorists criticize the amorphous nature of material support charges. The clash between utilitarians and protective theorists colors other issues, including “enhanced” interrogation and limits on targeting. Protective theorists merit praise for their scrutiny of interrogation. In contrast, utilitarians have trivialized interrogation abuses. However, protective theorists’ scrutiny of states is burdened by hindsight bias. -
Questioning the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution
Questioning the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution The Plan As the 1964 presidential elections approached, President Johnson (Democrat) saw the need for a congressional resolution that would endorse the growing US involvement in Vietnam. Such a resolution would strengthen the president’s credibility, and would make him look tough on Communism at a time when his challenger Republican Barry Goldwater was criticizing LBJ for being soft. Accordingly, LBJ decided to wait for North Vietnamese provocation before sending his request to Congress. However, it is VERY significant that both the request was written prior to any provoking incident, as well as plans to attack North Vietnam. The Incident According to LBJ According to the public announcements of President Lyndon Johnson and Defense Secretary Robert McNamara, twice in two days the North Vietnamese had attacked U.S. warships “on routine patrol in international waters,” and engaged in a “deliberate” pattern of “naked aggression”; evidence of both attacks was “unequivocal,” and these had been unprovoked.” According to Johnson and McNamara, the United States would respond in order to deter future attacks but was planning no wider war. The Request This lesson invites students to travel back to August 1964 and to imagine that they were members of Congress when the Johnson administration proposed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. It asks them to practice critical thinking. Divide into groups and imagine that you are members of Congress when this resolution was introduced in 1964. Your assignment is to come up with at least 5 critical questions that you would have wanted fully answered before you voted on the resolution. -
Bruce Ackerman
BOOK REVIEW CONSTITUTIONAL ALARMISM THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC. By Bruce Ackerman. Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. 2010. Pp. 270. $25.95. Reviewed by Trevor W. Morrison∗ INTRODUCTION The Decline and Fall of the American Republic is a call to action. Professor Bruce Ackerman opens the book with the claim that “some- thing is seriously wrong — very seriously wrong — with the tradition of government that we have inherited” (p. 3). The problem, he says, is the modern American presidency, which he portrays as recently trans- formed into “an especially dangerous office” (p. 189 n.1) posing “a se- rious threat to our constitutional tradition” (p. 4). Ackerman urges us to confront this “potential for catastrophic decline — and act before it is too late” (p. 11). Concerns of this kind are not new. Indeed, in some respects De- cline and Fall reads as a sequel to Professor Arthur Schlesinger’s 1973 classic, The Imperial Presidency.1 Ackerman writes consciously in that tradition, but with a sense of renewed urgency driven by a convic- tion that “the presidency has become far more dangerous today” than in Schlesinger’s time (p. 188). The sources and mechanisms of that purported danger are numerous; Decline and Fall sweeps across jour- nalism, national opinion polls, the Electoral College, civilian-military relations, presidential control of the bureaucracy, and executive branch lawyering to contend that “the foundations of our own republic are eroding before our very eyes” (p. 188). ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– ∗ Professor of Law, Columbia University. For helpful comments on earlier drafts, I thank Akhil Amar, David Barron, Ariela Dubler, Jack Goldsmith, Marty Lederman, Peter Margulies, Gillian Metzger, Henry Monaghan, Rick Pildes, Jeff Powell, John Witt, and participants in faculty workshops at Vanderbilt University and the University of Washington. -
Social Media and the ISIS Narrative Daniel Cunningham, MA Sean F
Social Media and the ISIS Narrative Daniel Cunningham, MA Sean F. Everton, PhD Robert Schroeder, MA Department of Defense Analysis Naval Postgraduate School Monterey, CA 93943 March 20, 2015 Abstract The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has attracted the world’s attention and much of its wrath, primarily because of its rapid expansion in Iraq and Syria, its brutal treatment of religious minorities (e.g., Yazidis, Christians), and its beheadings of hostages from Western countries. At this point, it is unclear whether the group represents a global or a sectarian form of jihadism. Is it similar to al-Qaeda, which seeks to target the far enemy (i.e., Western countries such as the U.S. that some in the Muslim world believe exert a corrupting influence on Islamic countries), or is it more sectarian in that it focuses on targeting what it perceives to be the near enemies of Islam (i.e., “corrupt” Islamic nations)? In this paper we address this debate by examining ISIS’s online presence on the social media platform, Twitter, which serves as a forum for supporters to post and receive messages, images, videos, and links to websites to and from a wide-audience. The speed at which users can transmit and receive information via Twitter suggests that an analysis of ISIS-related user accounts and the key themes and concepts they disseminate can contribute to a better understanding of the group’s overall narrative. We examine ISIS’s online presence by extracting from Twitter the semantic networks of its most influential users. We find that a shift may be occurring in the ISIS narrative, from one that focuses on the near enemy to one that focuses on the far enemy. -
The Protean Take Care Clause
ARTICLE THE PROTEAN TAKE CARE CLAUSE JACK GOLDSMITH† & JOHN F. MANNING†† INTRODUCTION ............................................................................ 1835 I. THE CASE LAW ........................................................................ 1839 A. The Removal Power ................................................................... 1839 B. Standing Doctrine ...................................................................... 1844 C. Prosecutorial Discretion ............................................................... 1847 D. Legislative Supremacy and the Antidispensation Principle ................ 1848 E. Presidential “Completion Power” ................................................... 1851 II. “TAKE CARE” QUESTIONS FOR THE COURT ............................ 1853 A. (Non)interpretation of the Take Care Clause .................................. 1853 1. Text and Structure .............................................................. 1854 2. Interpretive Canons ............................................................ 1859 3. History and Constitutional Meaning ................................... 1861 B. Consistency and Line Drawing ..................................................... 1863 CONCLUSION ................................................................................ 1867 INTRODUCTION Most of Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution sets forth mundane presidential responsibilities or powers. Section 3 prescribes the President’s duty “from time to time” to report to Congress on “the State of the Union” -
The Contributions of the Obama Administration to the Practice and Theory of International Law
\\jciprod01\productn\H\HLI\57-2\HLI205.txt unknown Seq: 1 14-OCT-16 13:24 Volume 57, Number 2, Spring 2016 The Contributions of the Obama Administration to the Practice and Theory of International Law Jack Goldsmith* My aim in this essay is to give a tour of the horizon of the Obama admin- istration’s international law record in order to identify the distinctiveness of its approach and to tie it in to some general themes in international and foreign relations law. Due to his upbringing and education, Barack Obama came to the Presi- dency with a cosmopolitan outlook and an informed commitment to inter- national law. This attitude differed sharply from his predecessor, George W. Bush, who was suspicious of international law and generally viewed it as an obstacle to the exercise of American power. By contrast, Obama devoted a chapter of his 2006 book The Audacity of Hope to international relations and made plain that he understood international law intimately and viewed it as a constructive force in international relations.1 He criticized the view that “international law [was] an encroachment on American sovereignty [and] a foolish constraint on America’s ability to impose its will around the world”—a position that Obama associated with Henry Cabot Lodge, but one that might also describe the early Bush administration.2 And Obama argued it was “in America’s interest to work with other countries to build up international institutions and promote international norms . because the more international norms were reinforced and the more America sig- naled a willingness to show restraint in the exercise of its power, the fewer the number of conflicts that would arise.”3 On the campaign trail Obama gave voice to this attitude when he criticized the Bush administration for its weak compliance with U.S. -
The US Media's Propaganda During the Gulf of Tonkin Incident
Student Publications Student Scholarship Spring 2020 “Reds Driven Off”: the US Media’s Propaganda During the Gulf of Tonkin Incident Steven M. Landry Gettysburg College Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship Part of the Journalism Studies Commons, and the United States History Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Recommended Citation Landry, Steven M., "“Reds Driven Off”: the US Media’s Propaganda During the Gulf of Tonkin Incident" (2020). Student Publications. 787. https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/787 This open access student research paper is brought to you by The Cupola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The Cupola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Reds Driven Off”: the US Media’s Propaganda During the Gulf of Tonkin Incident Abstract In 2008, the Annenburg Public Policy Center of the University of Pennsylvania conducted a poll to determine just how informed voters were following that year’s presidential election. One of the most shocking things they found was that 46.4% of those polled still believed that Saddam Hussein played a role in the terrorist attacks on the US on September 11th, 2001. No evidence had ever emerged linking him to it after 5 years of war in Iraq, but that did not matter, as “voters, once deceived, tend to stay that way despite all evidence.” Botched initial reporting can permanently entrench false information into the public’s mind and influence them ot come to faulty conclusions as a result. This power of first impressions gives journalists an immense and solemn responsibility when conveying events. -
International Law in Black and White
INTERNATIONAL LAW IN BLACK AND WHITE Daniel Bodansky* I. INTRODUCTION Is the study of international law an art or a science? Can the role of international law be explained by general rules, with predictive value? Or does it require the exercise of judgment, in order to account for the richness and complexity of international life? Traditionally, international lawyers have gravitated to the latter view, analyzing issues in an essentially ad hoc and eclectic manner. In their controversial new book, The Limits of International Law,1 Jack Goldsmith and Eric Posner argue forcefully for a more scientific approach, relying on the methodology known as "rational choice theory." The book makes many specific claims about the limits of international law. But its ambition to develop an overarching theory of international law, which reduces the role played by international law to a few simple explanatory models, is perhaps its most distinctive feature. In his work on the sociology of law, Max Weber identified three complementary perspectives on law, which he called the dogmatic, the ethical and the sociological:2 9 The dogmatic (or as we would now say, "doctrinal") perspective takes law as a given-a dogma, as Weber put it-and seeks to ascertain what it says. It focuses on doctrinal questions: Did the invasion of Iraq violate the U.N. Charter? Does the treatment by the United States of detainees at Guantanamo violate customary and treaty obligations prohibiting torture? Does international law prohibit significant transboundary pollution, or require states to take precautionary actions against potentially irreversible threats to the environment? * Robert and Emily Woodruff Chair of International Law, University of Georgia School of Law. -
China Versus Vietnam: an Analysis of the Competing Claims in the South China Sea Raul (Pete) Pedrozo
A CNA Occasional Paper China versus Vietnam: An Analysis of the Competing Claims in the South China Sea Raul (Pete) Pedrozo With a Foreword by CNA Senior Fellow Michael McDevitt August 2014 Unlimited distribution Distribution unlimited. for public release This document contains the best opinion of the authors at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor. Cover Photo: South China Sea Claims and Agreements. Source: U.S. Department of Defense’s Annual Report on China to Congress, 2012. Distribution Distribution unlimited. Specific authority contracting number: E13PC00009. Copyright © 2014 CNA This work was created in the performance of Contract Number 2013-9114. Any copyright in this work is subject to the Government's Unlimited Rights license as defined in FAR 52-227.14. The reproduction of this work for commercial purposes is strictly prohibited. Nongovernmental users may copy and distribute this document in any medium, either commercially or noncommercially, provided that this copyright notice is reproduced in all copies. Nongovernmental users may not use technical measures to obstruct or control the reading or further copying of the copies they make or distribute. Nongovernmental users may not accept compensation of any manner in exchange for copies. All other rights reserved. This project was made possible by a generous grant from the Smith Richardson Foundation Approved by: August 2014 Ken E. Gause, Director International Affairs Group Center for Strategic Studies Copyright © 2014 CNA FOREWORD This legal analysis was commissioned as part of a project entitled, “U.S. policy options in the South China Sea.” The objective in asking experienced U.S international lawyers, such as Captain Raul “Pete” Pedrozo, USN, Judge Advocate Corps (ret.),1 the author of this analysis, is to provide U.S.