The Amazing, Rapidly Shrinking "Holocaust"
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Holocaust Denial in Australia
ABSTRACT This paper explores the nature of Holocaust denial in Australia. It does so through a study of the beliefs and activities of the three organizations for whom Holocaust denial is a central belief: the Australian League of Rights, the Australian Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), and the Adelaide Institute. Their activities, their international ties, and their relationship with the broader racist Right in Australia is considered. The paper concludes by reflecting on the future directions and responses to Holocaust denial. INTRODUCTION The nature of Australian Holocaust denial organizations, their activities, and their place in broader far Right circles is different from denial organizations in other countries. This is explained by the dominant role of the Australian League of Rights in far Right politics, the civil liberties origins of the Australian Civil Liberties Union, the lack of sizeable neo- Nazi groups in Australia, and the dominance of anti-Aboriginal and anti- Asian issues on the far Right agenda. In addition, unlike many European countries where denial is explained as a response to their wartime collaboration with the Nazis, this motive does not exist in Australia which fought against the Nazis and her allies. Although Holocaust denial is a fringe activity in Australia, it has significantly increased over the last two decades with a concomitant growth in collaboration between Australian and overseas Holocaust deniers. This is not just a Jewish concern for Holocaust deniers have become a leading element within the racist Right with whom they share a common worldview. This is because in addition to their antisemitism, Australian Holocaust deniers expound racist and xenophobic policies and views. -
Patterns of Cooperation, Collaboration and Betrayal: Jews, Germans and Poles in Occupied Poland During World War II1
July 2008 Patterns of Cooperation, Collaboration and Betrayal: Jews, Germans and Poles in Occupied Poland during World War II1 Mark Paul Collaboration with the Germans in occupied Poland is a topic that has not been adequately explored by historians.2 Holocaust literature has dwelled almost exclusively on the conduct of Poles toward Jews and has often arrived at sweeping and unjustified conclusions. At the same time, with a few notable exceptions such as Isaiah Trunk3 and Raul Hilberg,4 whose findings confirmed what Hannah Arendt had written about 1 This is a much expanded work in progress which builds on a brief overview that appeared in the collective work The Story of Two Shtetls, Brańsk and Ejszyszki: An Overview of Polish-Jewish Relations in Northeastern Poland during World War II (Toronto and Chicago: The Polish Educational Foundation in North America, 1998), Part Two, 231–40. The examples cited are far from exhaustive and represent only a selection of documentary sources in the author’s possession. 2 Tadeusz Piotrowski has done some pioneering work in this area in his Poland’s Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces, and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918–1947 (Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland, 1998). Chapters 3 and 4 of this important study deal with Jewish and Polish collaboration respectively. Piotrowski’s methodology, which looks at the behaviour of the various nationalities inhabiting interwar Poland, rather than focusing on just one of them of the isolation, provides context that is sorely lacking in other works. For an earlier treatment see Richard C. Lukas, The Forgotten Holocaust: The Poles under German Occupation, 1939–1944 (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1986), chapter 4. -
The Holocaust and the Historical Revisionists
The Holocaust and the Historical Revisionists Mark Silverberg Assistant Director, Jewish Community Council, Edmonton, Alberta To put it as plainly as possible, it is common knowledge that in times of acute social crisis, anti-Semitism takes to the streets. The corollary, however, appears to be that in times of acute ideological crisis, anti-Semitism takes to the intellectual presses. It is a sad reflection on our times. The Third Reich was to last for a postcard addressed to me at Boston Univer thousand years. In fact, it lasted for twelve sity. It said "I recently completed reading'The years and four months, specifically, from Hoax of the 20th Century,'and the professor January, 1933 until April, 1945. During who wrote the book claims that the six million is a total fiction, that no Jews were gassed or that time, more than twenty-nine million toasted in the ovens in German concentration persons were killed—six million of them camps, that there was nothing in German Jews, slaughtered because they were records to substantiate the Jewish claims, that Jewish. the confessions that were obtained, were ob The claim that the extermination of the tained under duress. I guess Hitler was right Jews at the hands of the Nazis was a greater when he said that the Jew is master of the Big tragedy than what has befallen other Lie . .2 persecuted people is both unfeeling and Wiesel continued by saying that he re heartless. It is, however, the uniqueness of ceived a second letter from a professor at their annihilation that is historically signi the Sorbonne. -
Smith's Report
SMITH’S REPORT On the Holocaust Controversy No. 157 www.Codoh.com January 2009 See Back Issues at: www.smithsreport.com Challenging the Holocaust Taboo Since 1990 The Growing Self-Accusation Movement In Germany By Kevin Käther Translated by J. M. Damon [Translator’s note.] Truth Is Coming to the In the tradition of Henry Tho- Reich Capitol Day 2 of the of the Self- reau and Mahatma Gandhi, the Accusation Trial of Kevin new activists demand that they be Kevin Käther Käther tried and punished for their crimes. My self-accusation trial con- r. Kevin Käther is a rep- tinued on 18 November 2008, and M resentative of the grow- let me begin by saying that it was ing "Self-Accusation" movement, the best trial day so far! Court re- or citizens’ demanding that they be sumed shortly after 1 pm, at which charged and tried for crimes of time I continued submitting my opinion. evidentiary motions, namely the The following trial report re- body of facts establishing the sci- flects the growing courage, enthu- entific validity of Germar Rudolf’s siasm and freshness of vision analyses of the so-called “gas among patriotic young Germans as chambers” at Auschwitz. they answer the call for a new kind Today I submitted the Rudolf of civil disobedience. They are Kevin Käther Expert Report on the ‘Gas Cham- publicly “confessing” the “crime” bers’ of Auschwitz, making clear to of expressing opinions critical of Growing numbers of judges the Court that Rudolf’s critics have their government’s inquisitorial and public officials are also ex- been unable to disprove it. -
Heterotopia, Utopia, and the Extermination Camps of Operation Reinhard
ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: DARK MIRROR: HETEROTOPIA, UTOPIA, AND THE EXTERMINATION CAMPS OF OPERATION REINHARD Sarah Wanenchak, Doctor of Philosophy, 2019 Dissertation directed by: Professor Roberto P. Korzeniewicz, Chair, Department of Sociology, University of Maryland In Michel Foucault's body of work, the notion of heterotopia stands out as both particularly intriguing and particularly underdeveloped. Introduced in the introduction of The Order of Things (first published 1966) and further described in the lecture “Of Other Spaces” (1967), heterotopia has been used by scholars in a variety of fields, from social theory to architecture. Of special interest is the way Foucault describes the relationship between heterotopia and utopia, one defined by its liminal nature and the other by its unreality. This work seeks to shed new light on that relationship, by focusing on heterotopias as threshold spaces between the real social world and the perfected but unreal world to come. I approach the concept of utopia with an eye toward its eliminationist implications, and use three extermination camps established as part of the Nazi regime’s Operation Reinhard as cases through which to explore significant features of a heterotopia, how those features manifest in these cases, and what connects these spaces to the world that can be glimpsed in the mirror they create. Although I primarily use historical cases as a way to expand existing theory, I aim to build upon that expansion by pointing the way toward the development of new theoretical tools for historical-comparative analysis of spaces of both extermination and detention. Finally, I suggest that work might be done focusing on embodied identities as themselves forms of heterotopia, which introduces possibilities for additional analysis of the roles of bodies and identity in cases of certain kinds of mass violence and death. -
Holocaust Denial Cases and Freedom of Expression in the United States
Holocaust Denial Cases and Freedom of Expression in the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom By Charla Marie Boley Submitted to Central European University, Department of Legal Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of … M.A. in Human Rights Supervisor: Professor Vladimir Petrovic Budapest, Hungary 2016 CEU eTD Collection Copyright 2016 Central European University CEU eTD Collection i EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Freedom of expression is an internationally recognized fundamental right, crucial to open societies and democracy. Therefore, when the right is utilized to proliferate hate speech targeted at especially vulnerable groups of people, societies face the uncomfortable question of how and when to limit freedom of expression. Holocaust denial, as a form of hate speech, poses such a problem. This particular form of hate speech creates specific problems unique to its “field” in that perpetrators cloak their rhetoric under a screen of academia and that initial responses typically discard it as absurd, crazy, and not worth acknowledging. The three common law jurisdictions of the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom all value free speech and expression, but depending on national legislation and jurisprudence approach the question of Holocaust denial differently. The three trials of Holocaust deniers Zundel, Irving, and the the Institute for Historical Review, a pseudo academic organization, caught the public’s attention with a significant amount of sensationalism. The manner in which the cases unfolded and their aftermath demonstrate that Holocaust denial embodies anti-Semitism and is a form of hate speech. Furthermore, examination of trial transcripts, media response, and existing scholarship, shows that combating denial in courtrooms can have the unintended consequence of further radicalizing deniers and swaying more to join their ranks. -
Carrier / Chiriac with Niran / Sinai Explaining the Holocaust And
Carrier / Chiriac with Niran / Sinai 2021 Explaining the Holocaust and Genocide in Contemporary Curricula, Textbooks and in Pupils’ Writings in Europe Country Studies Peter Carrier / Christine Chiriac with Ben Niran and Stavit Sinai Explaining the Holocaust and Genocide in Contemporary Curricula, Textbooks and in Pupils’ Writings in Europe Country Studies urn:nbn:de:0220- 2021-0037 This publication was published under the creative commons licence: Attribution 3.0 Germany (CC BY 3.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0/. Cite as: Peter Carrier and Christine Chiriac with Ben Niran and Stavit Sinai. Explaining the Holocaust and Genocide in Contemporary Curricula, Textbooks and in Pupils’ Writings in Europe: Country Studies. (2021). urn:nbn:de:0220- 2021-0037. Explaining the Holocaust and Genocide in Contemporary Curricula, Textbooks and in Pupils’ Writings in Europe COUNTRY STUDIES The National Dimensions of Explanations of the Holocaust and Genocides in European Educational Media Peter Carrier / Christine Chiriac with Ben Niran and Stavit Sinai Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 3 ALBANIA .................................................................................................................................. 4 AUSTRIA ................................................................................................................................. 10 BELARUS ............................................................................................................................... -
Introduction: History and Its Discontents
Notes Introduction: History and Its Discontents 1. Compare Bain Attwood’s comments in ‘In the Age of Testimony: The Stolen Generations Narrative, “Distance”, and Public History’, Public Culture, 20, 1 (2008), 94–95. My thanks go to Becky Jinks for reading – and greatly improving – an earlier version of this Introduction. 2. See, for example, Lothar Kroll, Utopie als Ideologie: Geschichtsdenken und politisches HandelnimDrittenReich(Paderborn: Schöningh, 1999). 3. On the distinction between historicism in the sense of the speculative philos- ophy of history and historicism in the sense of setting events meaningfully in their historical context in the tradition of Ranke, see Frank Ankersmit, Meaning, Truth and Reference in Historical Representation (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2012). 4. See my discussions of these issues in Chapter 12 and in ‘History, Memory, Testi- mony’, in Jane Kilby and Antony Rowland (eds.), The Future of Testimony (London: Routledge, 2013). 5. Tony Judt with Timothy Snyder, Thinking the Twentieth Century (London: William Heinemann, 2012). That does not mean I agree wholeheartedly with their partic- ular contextualisations; for example, Judt and Snyder suggest that the emergence of Holocaust consciousness in the West has buried an awareness of the sophistica- tion of Central and Eastern European history and thought, which is now regarded as interesting only insofar as it illuminates the background to and possibility of the Holocaust. Other, positive traditions have been forgotten (237). I would suggest that things are a little more complicated than that, both with respect to Holocaust consciousness – which has hardly been a uniform process in ‘the West’ – and to Western knowledge of the history of Eastern Europe. -
Ulster Unionists in America, 1972-1985 Author(S): Andrew J
University of St. Thomas (Center for Irish Studies) Ulster Unionists in America, 1972-1985 Author(s): Andrew J. Wilson Reviewed work(s): Source: New Hibernia Review / Iris Éireannach Nua, Vol. 11, No. 1 (Spring, 2007), pp. 50-73 Published by: University of St. Thomas (Center for Irish Studies) Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20558138 . Accessed: 17/10/2012 12:31 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of St. Thomas (Center for Irish Studies) is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to New Hibernia Review / Iris Éireannach Nua. http://www.jstor.org Andrew J.Wilson Ulster Unionists in America, 1972-1985 Throughout the "Troubles" inNorthern Ireland, Irish nationalists received vital support from across the Atlantic.1 Leading Irish-American politicians formed a powerful political network that pressured the British government and worked for a constitutional nationalist agenda on Capitol Hill. In addition, millions of dollars and supplies of weapons were channeled to the IRA and played a key role in sustaining its campaign of violence. While this Irish-American connection has been the focus of extensive media and scholarly analysis, virtually nothing has been written about the simultaneous small, but determined, Unionist sup port network in the United States. -
A Guide to Online Radical-Right Symbols, Slogans and Slurs
April 02, 2020 A Guide to Online Radical-Right Symbols, Slogans and Slurs Produced by Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right Report Author: Dr John E Richardson, Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right Glossary Author: Dr Matthias Wasser, Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right Edited by Professor Matthew Feldman & Dr David Tucker, Academic Consulting Services Ltd. This work has been supported by Facebook. 2 Table of Contents Introduction………………………..…...…..4 Images and Symbols………………………..8 Language: Codes, Acronyms and Key Phrases………………….………………….36 Glossary of Far-Right Terminology………62 3 Introduction 4 Introduction 1 Extremist online discourse valorises, exonerates and so at minimum implicitly acts to incite violence against opponents and those deemed (genetically, ethnically, religiously, sexually, politically or nationally) ‘inferior’. Given that such goals are socially unacceptable, and often illegal, extremist speech communities need to camouflage their politics by either shifting the context in which they take place (e.g. private meetings, encrypted communications) or by coding and cloaking their terminology and symbols. Codes, euphemisms and veiled signs are therefore a defining feature of online extremist discourse.1 2 The use of such codes serves a range of interpersonal, rhetorical and political functions. First, codes help to ensure that communication remains within accepted (typically legal) boundaries. These codes shift over time, partly because what is socially and/or legally proscribed changes. Second, since codes essentially offer a new way to convey political extremism, they signal the continued advocacy of a political ideology for those able to interpret the code. Just as a party logo might change but will continue to represent the party in question, so too a new word, image or meme can communicate an established ideological commitment. -
Willis Carto
Willis Carto This document is an archived copy of an older ADL report and may not reflect the most current facts or developments related to its subject matter. INTRODUCTION Willis Carto has been one of the most influential American anti-Semitic propagandists of the past 50 years. Since emerging as a right-wing organizer in San Francisco in the early 1950s, he has been associated with nearly every significant far-right movement in the country, from neo-Nazism to militias, segregationism to Holocaust denial. Known for his reclusiveness, he has founded and overseen from behind the scenes an intricate network of bigotry whose outlets have included Liberty and Property, Western Destiny, the Noontide Press, American Mercury, National Youth Alliance, the Institute for Historical Review, the Populist Party and, most notably, Liberty Lobby. In 2001, both Carto and Liberty Lobby were bankrupted after Carto lost a long court battle with the Institute for Historical Review (which broke with him in 1993). His editorial staff at Liberty Lobby's now-defunct Spotlight, the most widely read publication on the fringe right, resumed publication under the title American Free Press in August 2001, however. And while Carto is in his 70s and financially constrained, his energy for purveying paranoia and hatred appears to be undiminished. Year of birth: 1926 Headquarters: Washington, D.C. (Carto's home is in Escondido, California) Ideology: Anti-Semitism, racial determinism, conspiratorial anti-government, Holocaust denial Background: Carto has founded and been involved with dozens of far-right organizations and front groups. These include: Congress of Freedom, Liberty and Property, Liberty Lobby, John Birch Society, National Youth Alliance, Institute for Historical Review, Populist Party Publications: Defunct: Right, Western Destiny, Liberty Letter, Washington Observer, American Mercury, The Spotlight, IHR Newsletter, Journal for Historical Review. -
Where Truth Is No Defence I
Where Truth Is No Defence, I Want To Break Free attack him. No-one disliked him. And so we walked away from school thinking about finding some lovely girls at Kyneton! Yes, there were some lovely girls there, though I had a girl at Woodend. But whenever a group of boys is on the prowl, nothing ever happens. We would have been pleased to see Veal marry Miss Edna Pool, the wonderful music teacher. Her task was not an easy one in an environment where many students did not care for classical music. It was not surprising for me to note the rapid decline of music teaching in Victoria’s schools. Twenty years later the scene was somewhat better – but the reluctance or general inertia is just as marked. At Edenhope, where I completed my matriculation, it was a different matter as regards discipline. By this time the education system is entirely voluntary – anyone who does not wish to learn may exit the system. Many students who make it to Year 11 – and this is a worldwide phenomenon – cannot bring along the discipline to complete the final school year. So, what had to be done? The final school year was adapted to such students – it was a democratic right of all students to achieve success at school. The dumbing down of the Western nations had begun. I look back on my education and thank those who dared fail me. No work and thought = no results. But that kind of philosophy is still considered to be oppressive and discriminatory – even racist and anti-Semitic.