Introduction: History and Its Discontents

Notes

1. Compare Bain Attwood’s comments in ‘In the Age of Testimony: The Stolen Generations Narrative, “Distance”, and Public History’, Public Culture, 20, 1 (2008), 94–95. My thanks go to Becky Jinks for reading – and greatly improving – an earlier version of this Introduction. 2. See, for example, Lothar Kroll, Utopie als Ideologie: Geschichtsdenken und politisches HandelnimDrittenReich(Paderborn: Schöningh, 1999). 3. On the distinction between historicism in the sense of the speculative philosophy of history and historicism in the sense of setting events meaningfully in their historical context in the tradition of Ranke, see Frank Ankersmit, Meaning, Truth and Reference in Historical Representation (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2012). 4. See my discussions of these issues in Chapter 12 and in ‘History, Memory, Testi- mony’, in Jane Kilby and Antony Rowland (eds.), The Future of Testimony (London: Routledge, 2013). 5. Tony Judt with Timothy Snyder, Thinking the Twentieth Century (London: William Heinemann, 2012). That does not mean I agree wholeheartedly with their partic- ular contextualisations; for example, Judt and Snyder suggest that the emergence of Holocaust consciousness in the West has buried an awareness of the sophistica- tion of Central and Eastern European history and thought, which is now regarded as interesting only insofar as it illuminates the background to and possibility of the Holocaust. Other, positive traditions have been forgotten (237). I would suggest that things are a little more complicated than that, both with respect to Holocaust consciousness – which has hardly been a uniform process in ‘the West’ – and to Western knowledge of the history of Eastern Europe. 6. For a fuller discussion of these ideas, see my introduction to Dan Stone (ed.), The Holocaust and Historical Methodology (New York: Berghahn Books, 2012). 7. See, for example, Donald Bloxham, The Final Solution: A Genocide (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), and the review forum on that book in the Journal of Genocide Research, 13, 1&2 (2011), 107–52. 8. Judt and Snyder, Thinking the Twentieth Century, 104. 9. Judt and Snyder, Thinking the Twentieth Century, 177–78. One should note the remarkable conditions in which Judt’s and Snyder’s book was produced. My comments should not be read as lacking sympathy for a dying man who was speaking without the aid of reference materials. 10. Federico Finchelstein, ‘Fascism and the Holocaust’, in Stone (ed.), The Holocaust and Historical Methodology, 265. Also Finchelstein, Transatlantic Fascism: Ideology, Violence, and the Sacred in Argentina and Italy, 1919–1945 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010), 27. 11. Finchelstein, Transatlantic Fascism. See also Andrea Mammone (ed.), Borderless Fascism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming). 12. Finchelstein, ‘Fascism and the Holocaust’, 260.

184 Notes 185

13. Michael Wildt, Hitler’s Volksgemeinschaft and the Dynamics of Racial Exclusion: Vio- lence against Jews in Provincial Germany, 1918–1939 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2011); Frank Bajohr and Michael Wildt (eds.), Volksgemeinschaft: Neue Forschungen zur Gesellschaft des Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt/M: Suhrkamp Taschenbuch Verlag, 2009). 14. For greater detail, see my Responses to Nazism in Britain, 1933–1939: Before War and Holocaust, 2nd edn (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012). 15. For a fuller discussion, see my Histories of the Holocaust (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010). 16. See Alon Conﬁno, Foundational Pasts: The Holocaust as Historical Understanding (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012). 17. Dan Diner, ‘Historical Experience and Cognition: Juxtaposing Perspectives on National Socialism’, in Dan Diner, Beyond the Conceivable: Studies on Germany, Nazism, and the Holocaust (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000), 163. 18. See the essays in Stone (ed.), The Holocaust and Historical Methodology. 19. The reference is to Gil Anidjar, ‘Against History’, afterword to Marc Nichanian, The Historiographic Perversion (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 125–59. See my discussion in ‘The Harmony of Barbarism: Locating the “Scrolls of Auschwitz” in Holocaust Historiography’, in Nicholas Chare and Dominic Williams (eds.), Inside Auschwitz: New Perspectives on Holocaust Testimony (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, forthcoming). 20. Apart from Chapters 10 and 11, see A. Dirk Moses, ‘Genocide and the Terror of History’, Parallax, 17, 4 (2011), 90–108; Jens Meierhenrich, ‘Topographies of Remembering and Forgetting: The Transformation of Lieux de Mémoire in Rwanda’, in Scott Straus and Lars Waldorf (eds.), Remaking Rwanda: State Build- ing and Human Rights after Mass Violence (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2011), 283–96. 21. See, for example, Waldorf, ‘Instrumentalizing Genocide: The RPF’s Campaign against “Genocide Ideology”’, in Straus and Waldorf (eds.), Remaking Rwanda, 48–66, on the Rwandan government’s attacks on ‘genocide ideology’ and ‘divi- sionism’, which, as Waldorf shows, have done more to strengthen old animosities and divisions than overcome or replace them. See also Janine Natalya Clark, ‘The “Crime of Crimes”: Genocide, Criminal Trials and Reconciliation’, Journal of Genocide Research, 14, 1 (2012), 55–77, which argues for limiting our expecta- tions of the extent to which criminal trials can aid social reconciliation; and Jens Meierhenrich, Lawfare: The Formation and Deformation of Gacaca Jurisdictions in Rwanda, 1994–2010 (New York: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming), which questions the success of Rwanda’s gacaca process. 22. See Paul Connerton’s interesting suggestions in ‘Seven Types of Forgetting’, Memory Studies, 1, 1 (2008), 59–71. 23. Brandon Hamber, Liz Ševcenkoˇ and Ereshnee Naidu, ‘Utopian Dreams or Prac- tical Possibilities? The Challenges of Evaluating the Impact of Memorialization in Societies in Transition’, International Journal of Transitional Justice, 4 (2010), 397–420. 24. On France, Zeev Sternhell, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994); on Italy, David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1979); Roberts, ‘How Not to Think about Fas- cism and Ideology, Intellectual Antecedents and Historical Meaning’, Journal of Contemporary History, 35, 2 (2000), 185–211. One might also mention the role of 186 Notes

the anti-Irish Home Rulers in the House of Lords, whose pre-1914 position surely has a good claim to be counted as one of the originating loci of fascism. 25. Roberts, ‘How Not to Think about Fascism’, 208.

1 Beyond the ‘Auschwitz Syndrome’: Holocaust Historiography after the Cold War

1. Lev Rozhetsky, ‘My Life in a Fascist Prison’, in Joshua Rubenstein and Ilya Altman (eds.), The Unknown Black Book: The Holocaust in the German-Occupied Soviet Territories (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2008), 128. 2. Sara Gleykh, ‘The Destruction of the Jews of Mariupol’, in Rubenstein and Altman (eds.), Unknown Black Book, 216. 3. Joshua Rubenstein, ‘The War and the Final Solution on the Russian Front’, in Rubenstein and Altman (eds.), Unknown Black Book, 13. 4. Dalia Ofer, ‘Holocaust Historiography: The Return of Antisemitism and Ethnic Stereotypes as Major Themes’, Patterns of Prejudice, 33, 4 (1999), 87–106. 5. Jeffrey Herf, The Jewish Enemy: Nazi Propaganda during World War II and the Holocaust (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006). 6. As noted by Alon Conﬁno, ‘A World without Jews: Interpreting the Holocaust’, German History, 27, 4 (2009), 540–41. And see the essays in Mark Roseman, Devin Pendas and Richard Wetzell (eds.), Beyond the Racial State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013). 7. Robert Gellately, ‘The Third Reich, the Holocaust, and Visions of Serial Genocide’, in Robert Gellately and Ben Kiernan (eds.), The Specter of Genocide: Mass Murder in Historical Perspective (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 241–63; Christopher R. Browning, ‘The Nazi Empire’, in Donald Bloxham and A. Dirk Moses (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Genocide Studies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 407–25. 8. Peter Hayes, ‘Auschwitz: Capital of the Holocaust’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 17, 2 (2003), 330–50. 9. Jan Erik Schulte, Zwangsarbeit und Vernichtung: Das Wirtschaftsimperium der SS. Oswald Pohl und das SS-Wirtschafts-Verwaltungshauptamt 1933–1945 (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2001); Michael Thad Allen, The Business of Genocide: The SS, Slave Labor, and the Concentration Camps (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2002); Jan Erik Schulte, ‘Zwangsarbeit für die SS: Juden in der Ostindustrie GmbH’, and Bernd C. Wagner, ‘Gerüchte, Wissen, Verdrängung: Die IG Auschwitz und das Vernichtungslager Birkenau’, both in Norbert Frei, Sybille Steinbacher and Bernd C. Wagner (eds.), Ausbeutung, Vernichtung, Öffentlichkeit: Neue Studien zur nationalsozialistischen Lagerpolitik (Munich: K. G. Saur, 2000), 43–74 and 231–48. 10. Ray Brandon and Wendy Lower, ‘Introduction’, in R. Brandon and W. Lower (eds.), The Shoah in Ukraine: History, Testimony, Memorialization (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2008), 6. 11. Patrick Montague, Chełmno and the Holocaust: The History of Hitler’s First Death Camp (London: I. B. Tauris, 2012); Shmuel Krakowsi, Das Todeslager Chełmno/Kulmhof: Der Beginn der Endlösung (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2007); Yitzhak Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1987); Bogdan Musial (ed.), ‘Aktion Reinhardt’: Der Völkermord an den Juden im Generalgouvernement 1941–1944 (Osnabrück: Fibre, 2004). Notes 187

12. See for example, the descriptions in Jules Schelvis, Sobibor: A History of a Nazi Death Camp (Oxford: Berg, 2007); Witold Chrostowski, Extermination Camp Treblinka (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2004); Jacek Andrzej Młynarczyk, ‘Treblinka—ein Todeslager der “Aktion Reinhard”’, in B. Musial (ed.), ‘Aktion Reinhardt’; Michael Wildt, ‘Die Lager im Osten: kommentierende Bemerkungen’, in Ulrich Herbert, Karin Orth and Christoph Dieckmann (eds.), Die nationalsozialistischen Konzentrationslager (Frankfurt/M: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 2002), vol. 1, 508–20. 13. Dieter Pohl, ‘The Holocaust and the Concentration Camps’, in Jane Caplan and Nikolaus Wachsmann (eds.), Concentration Camps in Nazi Germany: The New Histories (London: Routledge, 2010), 149. 14. Omer Bartov, ‘Eastern Europe as the Site of Mass Murder’, Journal of Modern His- tory, 80, 3 (2008), 576; Frank Bajohr, ‘The “Folk Community” and the Persecution of the Jews: German Society under National Socialist Dictatorship’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 20, 2 (2006), 195; Konrad Kwiet, ‘Perpetrators and the Final Solu- tion’, in Stephanie McMahon-Kaye (ed.), The Memory of the Holocaust in the 21st Century: The Challenge for Education (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2001), 79. 15. On which the historiography is sparse. See Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler’s Will- ing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (London: Little, Brown, 1996), chapters 13 and 14 and, especially, the work of Daniel Blatman, ‘The Death Marches and the Final Phase of Nazi Genocide’, in Caplan and Wachsmann (eds.), Concentration Camps in Nazi Germany, 167–85, and The Death Marches: The Final Phase of Nazi Genocide (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010). 16. Timothy Snyder, ‘Holocaust: The Ignored Reality’, New York Review of Books (16 July 2009). 17. Timothy Snyder, ‘The Life and Death of Western Volhynian Jewry, 1921–1945’, in Brandon and Lower (eds.), The Shoah in Ukraine, 102. See also Bartov, ‘Eastern Europe’; Omer Bartov, Erased: Vanishing Traces of Jewish Galicia in Present-Day Ukraine (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007); Yehuda Bauer, The Death of the Shtetl (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010). 18. Saul Friedländer, Nazi Germany and the Jews: The Years of Persecution 1933–39 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1997), ch. 3. For discussion, see Christian Wiese and Paul Betts (eds.), Years of Persecution, Years of Extermination: Saul Friedländer and the Future of Holocaust Historiography (London: Continuum, 2010). 19. Jonathan Petropoulos, ‘The Nazi Kleptocracy: Reflections on Avarice and the Holocaust’, in Dagmar Herzog (ed.), Lessons and Legacies, Vol. 7: The Holocaust in International Perspective (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2006), 34. 20. Martin Dean, Robbing the Jews: The Confiscation of Jewish Property in the Holocaust, 1933–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). 21. Frank Bajohr, Aryanization in Hamburg: The Economic Exclusion of Jews and the Confiscation of Their Property in Nazi Germany (New York: Berghahn Books, 2002). 22. See the survey in Gerhard Paul, ‘Von Psychopathen, Technokraten und “ganz gewöhnlichen” Deutschen: Die Täter der Shoah im Spiegel der Forschung’, in Gerhard Paul (ed.), Die Täter der Shoah: Fanatische Nationalsozialisten oder ganz normale Deutsche? (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2002), 13–90. 23. Frank Bajohr, ‘The Holocaust and Corruption’, in Gerald D. Feldman and Wolfgang Seibel (eds.), Networks of Nazi Persecution: Bureaucracy, Business and the Organization of the Holocaust (New York: Berghahn, 2005), 118–38. 24. On the ‘antisemitic consensus’, see Mark Roseman, ‘Ideas, Contexts, and the Pursuit of Genocide’, Bulletin of the German Historical Institute, London, 25, 1 188 Notes

(2003), 83; Michael Wildt, ‘Gewalt als Partizipation: Der Nationalsozialismus als Ermächtigungsregime’, in Alf Lüdtke and Michael Wildt (eds.), Staats-Gewalt: Ausnahmezustand und Sicherheitsregimes. Historische Perspektiven (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2008), 236–38; Frank Bajohr and Dieter Pohl, Massenmord und schlechtes Gewissen: Die deutsche Bevölkerung, die NS-Führung und der Holocaust (Frankfurt/M: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 2008), 10. 25. Wolfgang Seibel, ‘A Market for Mass Crime? Inter-institutional Competition and the Initiation of the Holocaust in France, 1940–1942’, International Journal of Organization Theory and Behavior, 5, 3&4 (2002), 236. 26. As is explained by, for example, Andrej Angrick, Besatzungspolitik und Massenmord: Die Einsatzgruppe D in der südlichen Sowjetunion 1941–1943 (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2003), 450; Christopher R. Browning, Nazi Policy, Jewish Workers, German Killers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 169. 27. Davide Rodogno, ‘Italiani brava gente? Fascist Italy’s Policy towards the Jews in the Balkans, April 1941–July 1943’, European History Quarterly, 35, 2 (2005), 213–40; Guri Schwarz, ‘On Myth Making and Nation Building: The Genesis of the “Myth of the Good Italian”’, Yad Vashem Studies, 36, 1 (2008), 111–43; MacGregor Knox, ‘Die faschistische Italien und die “Endlösung”’, Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 55, 1 (2007), 53–92. 28. Renée Poznanski, Jews in France during World War II (Waltham: Brandeis Univer- sity Press, 2001); Ahlrich Meyer, Täter im Verhör: Die ‘Endlösung der Judenfrage’ in Frankreich 1940–1944 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2005). 29. Geoffrey P. Megargee (ed.), The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclo- pedia of Camps and Ghettos 1933–1945, 7 vols. (Washington, DC: USHMM, 2009); Guy Miron (ed.), The Yad Vashem Encyclopedia of the Ghettos during the Holocaust, 2 vols. (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2009). 30. Sara Bender, The Jews of Białystok during World War II and the Holocaust (Waltham: Brandeis University Press, 2009), 293. 31. Dan Michman, The Emergence of Jewish Ghettos during the Holocaust (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010). 32. Christopher R. Browning, ‘Before the “Final Solution”: Nazi Ghettoization Pol- icy in Poland (1940–1941)’, in Ghettos 1939–1945: New Research and Perspectives on Deﬁnition, Daily Life and Survival, Symposium Presentations (Washington, DC: USHMM, 2005), 1–13. 33. Radu Ioanid, The Holocaust in Romania: The Destruction of Jews and Gypsies under the Antonescu Regime, 1940–1944 (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2000); Jean Ancel, ‘The German-Romanian Relationship and the Final Solution’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 19, 2 (2005), 252–75; Dennis Deletant, Hitler’s Forgotten Ally: Ion Antonescu and His Regime, Romania 1940–1944 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006); Mihail E. Ionescu and Liviu Rotman (eds.), The Holocaust and Romania: History and Contemporary Signiﬁcance (Bucharest: Institute for Studies of Defense and Military History, 2003). 34. Yehuda Bauer, Jews for Sale? Nazi-Jewish Negotiations, 1933–1945 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994). 35. Donald Bloxham, ‘Europe, the Final Solution and the Dynamics of Intent’, Pat- terns of Prejudice, 44, 4 (2010), 317–35, and Donald Bloxham, ‘The Holocaust and European History’, in Dan Stone (ed.), The Holocaust and Historical Methodology (New York: Berghahn Books, 2012), 233–54. 36. Wendy Lower, ‘ “Anticipatory Obedience” and the Nazi Implementation of the Holocaust in the Ukraine: A Case Study of Central and Peripheral Forces in the Notes 189

Generalbezirk Zhytomyr, 1941–1944’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 16, 1 (2002), 1–22; Jürgen Matthäus, ‘Controlled Escalation: Himmler’s Men in the Summer of 1941 and the Holocaust in the Occupied Soviet Territories’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 21, 2 (2007), 218–42; Peter Longerich, Heinrich Himmler (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). 37. See Ulrich Herbert (ed.), National Socialist Extermination Policies: Contemporary German Perspectives and Controversies (New York: Berghahn Books, 2000). 38. Raphael Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws of Occupation, Analysis of Government, Proposals for Redress (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1944); Dominik J. Schaller and Jürgen Zimmerer (eds.), The Origins of Genocide: Raphael Lemkin as a Historian of Mass Violence (London: Routledge, 2009). On ‘genocide studies’ as a discipline, see Bloxham and Moses (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Genocide Studies; Dan Stone (ed.), The Historiography of Genocide (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008). 39. Dirk Moses and Dan Stone (eds.), Colonialism and Genocide (London: Routledge, 2007); Jürgen Zimmerer, ‘Kolonialer Genozid? Vom Nutzen und Nachteil einer historischen Kategorie für eine Globalgeschichte’, in Zimmerer, Von Windhuk nach Auschwitz? Beiträge zum Verhältnis zwischen Kolonialismus und Holocaust (Münster: LIT, 2010), 131–50. 40. John Connelly, ‘Nazis and Slavs: From Racial Theory to Racist Practice’, Central European History, 32, 1 (1999), 1–33. 41. Wolf Gruner, Jewish Forced Labor under the Nazis: Economic Needs and Racial Aims, 1938–1944 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006). 42. Zimmerer, Von Windhuk nach Auschwitz?; A. Dirk Moses (ed.), Empire, Colony, Genocide: Conquest, Occupation, and Subaltern Resistance in World History (New York: Berghahn Books, 2008). 43. Feldman and Seibel (eds.), Networks of Nazi Persecution. 44. Christopher Kobrak and Andrea H. Schneider, ‘Big Business and the Holocaust: An Appraisal of the Historical Arguments’, in Dan Stone (ed.), The Historiography of the Holocaust (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 141–72; Francis R. Nicosia and Jonathan Huener (eds.), Business and Industry in Nazi Germany (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004); Martin Dean, Constantin Goeschler and Philipp Ther (eds.), Robbery and Restitution: The Conﬂict over Jewish Property in Europe (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007). 45. Adam Krzeminski, ‘As Many Wars as Nations: The Myths and Truths of World War II’, Sign and Sight (6 April 2005), online at: www.signandsight.com/features/ 96.html (original in Polityka, 23 March 2005). 46. Andrea Mammone and Giuseppe A. Veltri (eds.), Italy Today: The Sick Man of Europe (London: Routledge, 2010). 47. Gregory Carleton, ‘Victory in Death: Annihilation Narratives in Russia Today’, History & Memory, 22, 1 (2010), 135–68; Thomas C. Wolfe, ‘Past as Present, Myth, or History? Discourses of Time and the Great Fatherland War’, in Richard Ned Lebow, Wulf Kansteiner and Claudio Fogu (eds.), The Politics of Memory in Postwar Europe (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006), 249–83. 48. James Mark, ‘Containing Fascism: History in Post-communist Baltic Occupation and Genocide Museums’, in Oksana Sarkisova and Péter Apor (eds.), Past for the Eyes: East European Representations of Communism in Cinema and Museums after 1989 (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2008), 335–69. 49. Maria Mälksoo, ‘The Memory Politics of Becoming European: The East European Subalterns and the Collective Memory of Europe’, European Journal of International 190 Notes

Relations, 15, 4 (2009), 653–80. See also Claus Leggewie, ‘A Tour of the Battleground: The Seven Circles of Pan-European Memory’, Social Research, 75, 1 (2008), 217–34; Robert Bideleux, ‘Rethinking the Eastward Extension of the EU Civil Order and the Nature of Europe’s New East-West Divide’, Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 10, 1 (2009), 118–36.

2 Raphael Lemkin as Historian of the Holocaust

1. Hannah Arendt, ‘Personal Responsibility under Dictatorship’ (1964), in Jerome Kohn (ed.), Responsibility and Judgment (New York: Schocken Books, 2003), 42. 2. For further discussion, see Dan Stone, ‘Defending the Plural: Hannah Arendt and Genocide Studies’, New Formations, 71 (2011), 46–57; Seyla Benhabib, ‘Inter- national Law and Human Plurality in the Shadow of Totalitarianism: Hannah Arendt and Raphael Lemkin’, Constellations, 16, 2 (2009), 331–50. 3. For the most up-to-date work on Lemkin, see A. Dirk Moses, ‘Raphael Lemkin, Culture, and the Concept of Genocide’, in Donald Bloxham and A. Dirk Moses (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Genocide Studies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 19–41; A. Dirk Moses, ‘The Holocaust and World History: Raphael Lemkin and Comparative Methodology’, in Dan Stone (ed.), The Holocaust and Historical Methodology (New York: Berghahn Books, 2012), 272–89. 4. See Steven L. Jacobs, ‘Raphael Lemkin and the Armenian Genocide’, in Richard G. Hovannisian (ed.), Looking Backward, Looking Forward: Confronting the Armenian Genocide (New Brunswick: Transaction, 2003), 125–35. 5. Raphael Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws of Occupation, Analysis of Government, Proposals for Redress (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1944), xi–xii. 6. Lemkin, Axis Rule, 79. 7. Henry R. Huttenbach, ‘From the Editor: Towards a Conceptual Definition of Genocide’, Journal of Genocide Research, 4, 2 (2002), 172–73. 8. Raphael Lemkin, ‘Genocide—A Modern Crime’, Free World, 4 (1945), online at: www.preventgenocide.org/lemkin/freeworld1945.htm 9. For example, in the case of the Bosnian Serb Nikolai Jorgic,´ the Federal Con- stitutional Court of Germany (Bundesverfassungsgericht) said that ‘the statutory definition of genocide defends a supra-individual object of legal protection, i.e. the social existence of the group [...] the intent to destroy the group [...]extends beyond physical and biological extermination [...] The text of the law does not therefore compel the interpretation that the culprit’s intent must be to exterminate physically at least a substantial number of the members of the group’. Cited in William A. Schabas, ‘National Courts Finally Begin to Prosecute Genocide, the “Crime of Crimes” ’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, 1, 1 (2003), 58. 10. Raphael Lemkin, ‘Acts Constituting a General (Transnational) Danger Considered as Offences Against the Law of Nations’ (1933), online at: www.preventgenocide. org/lemkin/madrid1933-english.htm (originally written in French and presented in absentia at the International Conference for the Unification of Criminal Law, Madrid, October 1933); Lemkin, ‘Genocide as a Crime Under International Law’, The American Journal of International Law, 41, 1 (1946), 145–51. 11. As Lemkin wrote in his unpublished autobiography, Totally Unofficial Man (1958), ‘I defended it [i.e., cultural genocide] successfully through two drafts. It meant the destruction of the cultural pattern of a group, such as the language, the traditions, the monuments, archives, libraries, churches. In brief: the shrines of the soul of Notes 191

a nation. But there was not enough support for this idea in the Committee. ... So with a heavy heart I decided not to press for it’. Cited in John Docker, Raphael Lemkin’s History of Genocide and Colonialism (Washington, DC: United States Holo- caust Memorial Museum, 2004), 3. See also Schabas, ‘National Courts’, 58–59; Matthew Lippman, ‘A Road Map to the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide’, Journal of Genocide Research, 4, 2 (2002), 183, 189. 12. Steven L. Jacobs (ed.), Raphael Lemkin’s Thoughts on Nazi Genocide: Not Guilty? (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1992), henceforth referred to in the text as TNG. Raphael Lemkin, The Hitler Case (unpublished ms), henceforth referred to in the text as HC. I am very grateful to Steven Jacobs for providing me with a copy of The Hitler Case. 13. See Martyn Housden, Hans Frank, Lebensraum and the Holocaust (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). For a good discussion of law in the Nazi racial state see Claudia Koonz, The Nazi Conscience (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003), chapter 7. 14. As, for example, in the writings of Lucie Varga, Eric Voegelin, Bronislaw Malinowski, Norbert Elias and Eric Wolf. For a discussion, see Dan Stone, Responses to Nazism in Britain, 1933–1939: Before War and Holocaust,2ndedn (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 37–42; Dan Stone, ‘Nazism as Modern Magic: Bronislaw Malinowski’s Political Anthropology’, History and Anthropology, 14, 3 (2003), 203–18. 15. Lemkin, ‘Genocide—A Modern Crime’, 3. 16. See Dan Stone, ‘Genocide as Transgression’, European Journal of Social Theory,7,1 (2004), 45–65. 17. Léon Poliakov, Harvest of Hate (London: Elek Books, 1956 [orig. French 1953]), 182. 18. That centres on Christopher R. Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (New York: Harper Collins, 1992) and Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (London: Little, Brown, 1996). For a discussion of the sub-discipline of ‘perpetrator studies’ that this debate has engendered, see Jürgen Matthäus, ‘Historiography and the Perpetrators of the Holocaust’, in Dan Stone (ed.), The Historiography of the Holocaust (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 197–215; Dan Stone, Histories of the Holocaust (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 95–111. 19. For a discussion, see Frank Bajohr, ‘Expropriation and Expulsion’, in Stone (ed.), The Historiography of the Holocaust, 52–64. 20. See, for example, Avi Beker (ed.), The Plunder of Jewish Property During the Holocaust: Confronting European History (New York: New York University Press, 2001); Con- ﬁscation of Jewish Property in Europe, 1933–1945: New Sources and Perspectives: Symposium Proceedings (Washington, DC: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, 2003). 21. See TNG, 153–76. 22. Lemkin, Axis Rule,xi. 23. Lemkin, Axis Rule, 21–22. 24. Franz Neumann, Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism (London: Victor Gollancz, 1942). Neumann argued (107) that ‘racism and Anti- Semitism are substitutes for the class struggle. ... The internal political value of Anti-Semitism will, therefore, never allow a complete extermination of the Jews. The foe cannot and must not disappear; he must always be held in readiness as a scapegoat for all the evils originating in the socio-political system’. 192 Notes

25. Gerhard Jacoby, Racial State: The German Nationalities Policy in the Protectorate of Bohemia-Moravia (New York: Institute of Jewish Affairs of the American Jewish Congress and World Jewish Congress, 1943), 220. 26. Ibid., 244, 269. 27. Boris Shub (ed.), Hitler’s Ten Year War on the Jews (New York: Institute of Jewish Affairs of the American Jewish Congress, World Jewish Congress, 1943), 301, 302. 28. Lemkin, Axis Rule, 78, 81. 29. Aldous Huxley, ‘Emperor-Worship Up to Date’ (1935), in David Bradshaw (ed.), The Hidden Huxley (London: Faber and Faber, 1994), 193.

3 Saul Friedländer and the Future of Holocaust Historiography

1. Steven E. Aschheim, ‘On Saul Friedländer’, History & Memory 9, 1&2 (1997), 38. My thanks to Paul Betts, Amos Goldberg, Wulf Kansteiner, Dirk Moses and Christian Wiese for their valuable comments on earlier drafts of this chapter. 2. On memory in Friedländer’s work, see Karolin Machtans, ‘History and Mem- ory: Saul Friedländer’s Historiography of the Shoah’, in Martin L. Davies and Claus-Christian Szejnmann (eds.), How the Holocaust Looks Now: International Per- spectives (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 199–207; Robert Eaglestone, The Holocaust and the Postmodern (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), ch. 6; Saul Friedländer, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939– 1945 (London: HarperCollins, 2007), xiii–xxvi; Friedländer, ‘Eine integrierte Geschichte des Holocaust’, Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, 14–15 (2 April 2007), 7–14. On the relationship between ‘theory’ and ‘practice’ in Friedländer’s work, see also Wulf Kansteiner, ‘Modernist Holocaust Historiography: A Dialogue between Saul Friedländer and Hayden White’, in Dan Stone (ed.), The Holocaust and Historical Methodology (New York: Berghahn Books, 2012), 203–29. 3. Saul Friedländer, ‘Some Reﬂections on the Historicization of National Socialism’, in Peter Baldwin (ed.), Reworking the Past: Hitler, the Holocaust, and the Historians’ Debate (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1990), 94, 99. 4. Dominick LaCapra, Representing the Holocaust: History, Theory, Trauma (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994); Dominick LaCapra, History and Memory after Auschwitz (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998); Dominick LaCapra, Writing History, Writing Trauma (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001); Berel Lang, Act and Idea in the Nazi Genocide (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990); Berel Lang, The Future of the Holocaust: Between History and Memory (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999); Berel Lang, Post-Holocaust: Interpretation, Mis- interpretation, and the Claims of History (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2005); Berel Lang (ed.), Writing and the Holocaust (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1988); Lawrence L. Langer, Admitting the Holocaust: Collected Essays (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Lawrence L. Langer, Preempting the Holocaust (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998); Dan Diner, Beyond the Conceivable: Studies on Germany, Nazism, and the Holocaust (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000); Dan Diner Gegenläuﬁge Gedächtnisse: Über Geltung und Wirkung des Holocaust (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007); Moshe Postone and Eric Santner (eds.), Catastrophe and Meaning: The Holocaust and the Twentieth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003); Nicolas Berg, Jess Jochimsen and Bernd Stiegler (eds.), Shoah: Formen der Erinnerung. Geschichte, Philosophie, Literatur, Kunst (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 1996). 5. Aschheim, ‘On Saul Friedländer’, 17. Notes 193

6. Nicolas Berg, Der Holocaust und die westdeutschen Historiker: Erforschung und Erinnerung (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2003). See also Helmut Walser Smith, The Continuities of German History: Nation, Religion, and Race across the Long Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 31. 7. Nicholas Berg, ‘The Holocaust and the West German Historians: Historical Research and Memory’, in Moshe Zimmermann (ed.), On Germans and Jews under the Nazi Regime: Essays by Three Generations of Historians (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University Magnes Press, 2006), 87. 8. Which is one of the aims of Stone (ed.), The Holocaust and Historical Methodology. 9. Berg, ‘The Holocaust and the West German Historians’, 102. 10. More detail can be found in Eaglestone, The Holocaust and the Postmodern,chapter 6; Peter Baldwin, ‘The Historikerstreit in Context’, in Peter Baldwin (ed.), Rework- ing the Past, 3–37; Charles S. Maier, The Unmasterable Past: History, Holocaust, and German National Identity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988); Jörn Rüsen, ‘The Logic of Historicization: Metahistorical Reflections on the Debate between Friedländer and Broszat’, History & Memory, 9, 1&2 (1997), 113–44. 11. Berg, ‘The Holocaust and the West German Historians’, 103. 12. Ibid. 13. Friedländer, ‘Some Reflections on the Historicization of National Socialism’, 89. 14. Martin Broszat/Saul Friedländer, ‘A Controversy about the Historicization of National Socialism’, New German Critique, 44 (1988), 106–07. 15. Saul Friedländer, ‘Introduction’, in Gerald Fleming, Hitler and the Final Solution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), xxxii–xxxiii. 16. Saul Friedländer, ‘Trauma, Memory and Transference’, in Geoffrey H. Hartman (ed.), Holocaust Remembrance: The Shapes of Memory (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994), 259. 17. Aschheim, ‘On Saul Friedländer’, 44–59. Cf. Gulie Ne’eman Arad, “‘Nazi Germany and the Jews”: Reflections on a Beginning, a Middle, and an Open End’, History & Memory 9, 1&2 (1997), 420, where she speaks of Friedländer’s decision ‘to return to this history qua history...’ 18. See especially Karl-Heinz Roth, ‘Revisionist Tendencies in Historical Research into German Fascism’, International Review of Social History, 39 (1994), 429–55; Ian Kershaw, The Nazi Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation,3rdedn (London: Edward Arnold, 1993), 205ff. 19. Maier, The Unmasterable Past, 93. Or, as Kershaw notes (in Hitler, the Germans, and the Final Solution (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), 289), ‘the implications of historicization might be less serious both in theory and in practice than Friedländer fears’. 20. Gerhard L. Weinberg, ‘Two Separate Issues? Historiography of World War II and the Holocaust’, in David Bankier and Dan Michman (eds.), Holocaust Historiogra- phy in Context: Emergence, Challenges, Polemics and Achievements (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2008), 379–401. 21. ‘Idyllic law of narrative’ comes from Sarah Kofman, Paroles suffoquées (Paris: Galilée, 1987), 43. 22. Friedländer, ‘Trauma, Memory, and Transference’, 261. 23. Ibid., 262. 24. Friedländer, The Years of Extermination, xix, cited in Alon Confino, ‘Narrative Form and Historical Sensation: On Saul Friedländer’s The Years of Extermination’, History and Theory, 48 (2009), 199–219. 25. Friedländer, The Years of Extermination, xvii. 194 Notes

26. See, for example, Friedländer, ‘On the Possibility of the Holocaust: An Approach to a Historical Synthesis’, in Yehuda Bauer and Nathan Rotenstreich (eds.), The Holocaust as Historical Experience: Essays and a Discussion (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1981), 1–21; ‘From Anti-Semitism to Extermination: A Historiographical Study of Nazi Policies toward the Jews and an Essay in Interpretation’, in François Furet (ed.), Unanswered Questions: Nazi Germany and the Genocide of the Jews (New York: Schocken Books, 1989), 3–31; ‘The Extermination of the European Jews in Historiography: Fifty Years Later’, in Alvin H. Rosenfeld (ed.), Thinking about the Holocaust after Fifty Years (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1997), 3–17. 27. See my ‘The Holocaust and Its Historiography’, in Dan Stone (ed.), The Histo- riographyofGenocide(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 373–99. In general on perpetrators, see Mark Roseman, ‘Beyond Conviction? Perpetrators, Ideas and Action in the Holocaust in Historiographical Perspective’, in Frank Biess, Mark Roseman and Hanna Schissler (eds.), Conflict, Catastrophe, and Continuity: Essays on Modern German History (New York: Berghahn, 2007), 83–103; and references in Chapters 1 and 2. 28. Friedländer, The Years of Extermination, 4–5; see also 64. 29. Amos Goldberg, ‘The Victim’s Voice and Melodramatic Aesthetics in History’, History and Theory, 48 (2009), 222. 30. Shoshana Felman, ‘Theaters of Justice: Arendt in Jerusalem, the Eichmann Trial, and the Redefinition of Legal Meaning in the Wake of the Holocaust’, Critical Inquiry, 27, 2 (2001), 201–38. 31. Goldberg, ‘The Victim’s Voice’. 32. Ibid. See also Amos Goldberg, Holocaust Diaries as Life Stories (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2004). 33. Confino, ‘Narrative Form and Historical Sensation’. 34. Saul Friedländer, Memory, History, and the Extermination of the Jews of Europe (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1993), 49. 35. Kershaw, Hitler, the Germans, and the Final Solution, 295. 36. Raul Hilberg, ‘I Was Not There’, in Berel Lang (ed.), Writing and the Holocaust (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1988), 25. 37. Friedländer, Memory, History, 132. 38. Lynn Hunt, ‘Introduction: History, Culture, and Text’, in Lynn Hunt (ed.), The New Cultural History (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1989), p. 12; Alon Confino, ‘A World without Jews: Interpreting the Holocaust’, German History, 27, 4 (2009), 531–59. 39. Amos Goldberg, ‘Trauma, Narrative, and Two Forms of Death’, Literature and Medicine, 25, 1 (2006), 122–41, here at 132 and 124. 40. Joseph Goebbels, ‘Die Juden sind Schuld!’, Das Reich (16 November 1941), cited in Peter Fritzsche, Life and Death in the Third Reich (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 210. 41. Arne Johan Vetlesen, Evil and Human Agency (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 72. 42. Edmond Jabès, A Foreigner Carrying in the Crook of His Arm a Tiny Book (Hanover: Wesleyan University Press, 1993), 12. 43. For some of Friedländer’s thoughts on this issue, see his ‘Mosse’s Influence on the Historiography of the Holocaust’, in Stanley G. Payne, David J. Sorkin and John S. Tortorice (eds.), What History Tells: George L. Mosse and the Culture of Modern Europe (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2004), 134–47. Notes 195

44. Most notably Peter Longerich, Heinrich Himmler (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). Also Ulrich Herbert, Best: Biographische Studien über Radikalismus, Weltanschauung und Vernunft, 1903–1989 (Bonn: Dietz, 1996); Lutz Hachmeister, Der Gegnerforscher: Die Karriere des SS-Führers Franz Alfred Six (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1998). 45. Karin Orth, Die Konzentrationslager-SS: Sozialstrukturelle Analysen und biographische Studien (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 2004); Michael Wildt, Genera- tion des Unbedingten: Das Führungskorps des Reichssicherheitshauptamtes (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2002); Isabel Heinemann, Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut: Das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptampt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2003). 46. For example, George C. Browder, ‘Perpetrator Character and Motivation: An Emerging Consensus?’ Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 17, 3 (2003), 480–97; Edward B. Westermann, ‘Shaping the Police Soldier as an Instrument for Annihi- lation’, in Alan E. Steinweis and Daniel E. Rogers (eds.), The Impact of Nazism: New Perspectives on the Third Reich and Its Legacy (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2003), 129–50; Jürgen Matthäus, ‘Controlled Escalation: Himmler’s Men in the Summer of 1941 and the Holocaust in the Occupied Soviet Territories’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 21, 2 (2007), 218–42. 47. See, for example, Jürgen Matthäus, ‘Georg Heuser—Routinier des sicherheit- spolizeilichen Osteinsatzes’, in Klaus-Michael Mallmann and Gerhard Paul (eds.), Karrieren der Gewalt: Nationalsozialistische Täterbiographien (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2004), 115–25. 48. Martin Dean, Robbing the Jews: The Conﬁscation of Jewish Property in the Holocaust, 1933–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). 49. Thomas Kühne, Kameradschaft: Die Soldaten des nationalsozialistischen Krieges und das 20. Jahrhundert (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006), 14–15. Michael Geyer, ‘Des zur Organisation erhobene Burgfrieden. Heeresrüstung und das Problem des Militarismus in der Weimarer Republik’, in K.- J. Müller and E. Opitz (eds.), Militär und Militarismus in der Weimarer Republik (Düsseldorf: Droste, 1978), 27. On ‘Erfahrungsgeschichte’ see Frank R. Ankersmit, ‘Die drei Sinnbildungsebenen der Geschichtsschreibung’, in Klaus E. Müller and Jörn Rüsen (eds.), Historische Sinnbildung: Problemstellung, Zeitkonzepte, Wahrnehmungshorizonte, Darstellungsstrategien (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1997), 98–117, and the other works by Ankersmit listed on 116–17 n2 in that article. 50. Kühne, Kameradschaft, 19. 51. Ibid., 97. 52. Michael Wildt, Volksgemeinschaft als Selbstermächtigung: Gewalt gegen Juden in der deutschen Provinz 1919 bis 1939 (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2007), 68. 53. Michael Wildt, ‘Gewalt als Partizipation: Der Nationalsozialismus als Ermächti- gungsregime’, in Alf Lüdtke and Michael Wildt (eds.), Staats-Gewalt: Ausnahmezu- stand und Sicherheitsregimes. Historische Perspektiven (Götiingen: Wallstein, 2008), 239. 54. Eelco Runia, ‘Burying the Dead, Creating the Past’, History and Theory, 46, 3 (2007), 319. 55. Runia, ‘Burying the Dead’, 318. 56. Ibid. 57. Anita Kasabova, ‘Memory, Memorials, and Commemoration’, History and Theory, 47, 3 (2008), 331–50 is a critique of Runia’s work. 196 Notes

58. On sense and non-sense, see Reinhart Koselleck, ‘Vom Sinn und Unsinn der Geschichte’, in Müller and Rüsen (eds.), Historische Sinnbildung, 79–97. 59. For more detail, see my ‘Holocaust Historiography and Cultural History’, Dapim: Studies on the Shoah, 23 (2009), 52–68, and responses to the article in the same issue by Carolyn J. Dean, Federico Finchelstein, Dominick LaCapra, Wendy Lower and Dan Michman. 60. See Chapter 4. 61. Saul Friedländer, ‘On the Representation of the Shoah in Present-Day Western Culture’, in Yehuda Bauer (ed.), Remembering for the Future (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1989), vol. 3, 3097. 62. Saul Friedländer, ‘Introduction’, in Saul Friedlander (ed.), Probing the Limits of Rep- resentation: Nazism and the ‘Final Solution’ (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 19–20. 63. Friedländer, Memory, History,5–6.

4 The Holocaust and ‘The Human’

1. Hermann Rauschning, Hitler Speaks: A Series of Political Conversations with Adolf Hitler on His Real Aims (London: Thornton Butterworth, 1939), 238. 2. Harold Bloom, Shakespeare: The Invention of the Human (London: Fourth Estate, 1999). 3. J.L. Talmon, ‘Mission and Testimony: The Universal Significance of Modern Anti- Semitism’, in J.L. Talmon, The Unique and the Universal: Some Historical Reflections (London: Secker & Warburg, 1965), 163. 4. Aimé Césaire, Discourse on Colonialism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1972), 15; Martha C. Nussbaum, ‘Human Functioning and Social Justice: in Defense of Aristotelian Essentialism’, Political Theory, 20, 2 (1992), 202–46. 5. Paul Gilroy, Between Camps: Nations, Cultures and the Allure of Race (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 2000), 327–56. See also Kenan Malik, The Mean- ing of Race: Race, History and Culture in Western Society (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1996); Kenan Malik, ‘Making a Difference: Culture, Race and Social Policy’, Patterns of Prejudice, 39, 4 (2005), 361–78; Kwame Anthony Appiah, The Ethics of Identity (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005). For a thought- ful discussion of the ‘postessentialist’ problem, that is, ‘how to get away from the negative consequences of identity politics without simply returning to notions of universalism, Reason, and the unified subject’, see Susan Rubin Suleiman, Risk- ing Who One Is: Encounters with Contemporary Art and Literature (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), epilogue (here 237). 6. See my ‘Ontology or Bureaucracy? Hannah Arendt’s Early Interpretation of the Holocaust’, in History, Memory and Mass Atrocity: Essays on the Holocaust and Genocide (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2006), 53–69. 7. Cited in Alison Palmer, Colonial Genocide (Adelaide: Crawford House, 2000), 44. 8. Henry Morgenthau, Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story (1919), cited in Debórah Dwork and Robert Jan Van Pelt, Holocaust: A History (London: John Murray, 2002), 39. 9. Shiraz Dossa, ‘Human Status and Politics: Hannah Arendt on the Holocaust’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 13, 2 (1980), 309–23. For the term animal laborans, as well as the other human types described by Arendt, Homo faber,and animal rationale, see Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958). See also Mary G. Dietz, ‘Arendt and the Holocaust’, in Dana Notes 197

Villa (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Hannah Arendt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 86–109 for a convincing discussion of the importance of the terms developed in The Human Condition as a response to the Holocaust; Richard Shorten, ‘Hannah Arendt on Totalitarianism: Moral Equivalence and Degrees of Evil in Modern Political Violence’, in Richard H. King and Dan Stone (eds.), Hannah Arendt and the Uses of History: Imperialism, Nation, Race, and Genocide (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 173–90 for a demonstration of the fact that Arendt’s categories developed with reference to Stalinism and Nazism can be used to think about nineteenth-century imperialism. It is also worth noting, as Ira Katznelson points out, that Arendt’s Eurocentrism was ‘not celebratory’, but was meant to act as an impetus for Europe to set its house in order. See his Deso- lation and Enlightenment: Political Knowledge after Total War, Totalitarianism, and the Holocaust (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 70. See also Alfons Söllner, ‘Hannah Arendt’s The Origins of Totalitarianism in its Original Context’, European Journal of Political Theory, 3, 2 (2004), 219–38, and Pascal Grosse, ‘From Colonialism to National Socialism to Postcolonialism: Hannah Arendt’s Origins of Totalitarianism’, Postcolonial Studies, 9, 1 (2006), 35–52. 10. Hannah Arendt to Karl Jaspers, 4 March 1951, in Lotte Kohler and Hans Saner (eds.), Hannah Arendt/Karl Jaspers Correspondence 1926–1969 (San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1992), 166. For discussions see Richard J. Bernstein, Hannah Arendt and the Jewish Question (Cambridge: Polity, 1996), 88–100; Dana R. Villa, Politics, Philosophy, Terror: Essays on the Thought of Hannah Arendt (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999), 11–38. 11. Arendt to Jaspers, 17 December 1946, in Arendt/Jaspers Correspondence, 69. 12. See Tony Barta, ‘On Pain of Extinction: Laws of Nature and History in Darwin, Marx, and Arendt’, in King and Stone (eds.), Hannah Arendt and the Uses of History, 87–105. 13. Hannah Arendt, ‘Understanding and Politics (The Difficulties of Understanding)’, in Jerome Kohn (ed.), Essays in Understanding 1930–1954: Uncollected and Unpub- lished Works by Hannah Arendt (New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1994), 316. 14. Arendt, ‘Mankind and Terror’, 304. 15. Arendt, ‘On the Nature of Totalitarianism’, in Essays in Understanding, 340. 16. Ibid., 341. 17. Arendt, ‘Mankind and Terror’, 305. 18. Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism, rev. ed. (San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1979), 458. It is important here to note Eric Voegelin’s criticism of Arendt in his important review of Origins: ‘A “nature” cannot be changed or transformed; a “change of nature” is a contradiction of terms; tampering with the “nature” of a thing means destroying the thing.’ For Voegelin this suggested that Arendt had adopted the same ‘immanentist ideology’ as the ‘totalitarians’. See ‘The Origins of Totalitarianism’, The Review of Politics, 15, 1 (1953), 74–75. However, Arendt’s response seems to me entirely justified, not just when she argued that the ‘problem of the relationship between essence and existence in Occidental thought seems to me to be a bit more complicated and controversial than Voegelin’s statement on “nature” (identifying a “thing as a thing” and therefore incapable of change by definition) implies’, but also in her assertion that she was not advocating such a change but only recognising that the attempt to change human nature (irrespective of whether this is possible) was the aspiration of totalitarian regimes. Arendt’s ‘A Reply to Voegelin’ is in The 198 Notes

Review of Politics, 15, 1 (1953), 76–84 and is reprinted in Essays in Understanding, 401–08. 19. Ulrich Herbert (ed.), Nationalsozialistische Vernichtungspolitik 1939–1945: Neue Forschungen und Kontroversen (Frankfurt/M: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1998); Christian Gerlach, Krieg, Ernährung, Völkermord (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 1998); Götz Aly, ‘Final Solution’: Nazi Population Policy and the Murder of the European Jews (London: Arnold, 1999). 20. Christian Gerlach, ‘The Wannsee Conference, the Fate of German Jews, and Hitler’s Decision in Principle to Exterminate all European Jews’, Journal of Mod- ern History, 70, 4 (1998), 759–812. See also Gerlach’s response to critics in Krieg, Ernährung, Völkermord, 155–66, and, for a different approach, Christopher R. Browning, Nazi Policy, Jewish Workers, German Killers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 26–57. See also Bogdan Musial, ‘The Origins of “Opera- tion Reinhard”: The Decision-Making Process for the Mass Murder of the Jews in the Generalgouvernement’, Yad Vashem Studies, 28 (2000), 113–53; Mark Roseman, The Villa, the Lake, the Meeting: Wannsee and the Final Solution (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 2002). 21. Philip Gourevitch, We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed with Our Families: Stories from Rwanda (London: Picador, 1999), 17. 22. Christopher R. Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (London: HarperCollins, 1992). 23. Statement of Kurt Werner in Ernst Klee, Willi Dressen and Volker Riess (eds.), ‘Those Were the Days’: The Holocaust as Seen by the Perpetrators and Bystanders (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1993), 67. See also Omer Bartov, Hitler’s Army: Sol- diers, Nazis, and War in the Third Reich (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), for more examples. 24. Alain Finkielkraut, L’Humanité perdue: essai sur le XXe siècle (Paris: Seuil, 1998), 69. See also Alon Confino, ‘Fantasies about the Jews: Cultural Reflections on the Holocaust’, History & Memory, 17, 1&2 (2005), 296–322. 25. Giorgio Agamben, ‘The Camp as the Nomos of the Modern’, in Hent de Vries and Samuel Weber (eds.), Violence, Identity, and Self-Determination (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997), 106. 26. Finkielkraut, L’Humanité perdue, 110–11. 27. Jankiel Wiernik, ‘One Year in Treblinka’, in Lawrence L. Langer (ed.), Art from the Ashes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 30–31. 28. See my ‘Modernity and Violence: Theoretical Reflections on the Einsatzgruppen’, in History, Memory and Mass Atrocity, 1–14. For useful studies on the social psychology of genocide see Steven K. Baum, ‘A Bell Curve of Hate?’, Journal of Genocide Research, 6, 4 (2004), 567–77; Herbert C. Kelman, ‘Violence without Moral Restraint: Reflections on the Dehumanization of Victims and Victimizers’, Journal of Social Issues, 29, 4 (1973), 25–61; John M. Darley, ‘Social Organiza- tion for the Production of Evil’, Psychological Inquiry, 3, 2 (1992), 199–218; Albert Bandura, ‘Moral Disengagement in the Perpetration of Inhumanities’, Personality and Social Psychology Review, 3, 3 (1999), 193–209. 29. See my essays ‘Georges Bataille and the Interpretation of the Holocaust’ and ‘Genocide as Transgression’, in History, Memory and Mass Atrocity, 70–92 and 196–216. 30. Jews were, of course, not the only victims of the Nazis. Among the many other victim groups, Europe’s Gypsies (Roma and Sinti) were also victims of genocide. But the peculiar drive to destroy Jews, a result of the ‘metaphysical’ Notes 199

way in which the Nazis regarded them, can make this conceptual difference meaningful. 31. See the drawings in Thomas Geve, Guns and Barbed Wire: A Child Survives the Holocaust (Chicago: Academy Chicago Publishers, 1987). 32. Primo Levi, If This Is a Man and The Truce (London: Abacus, 1987), 48. 33. Rudolf Reder, ‘Bełzec’,˙ Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry, 13 (2000), 282. 34. Zalman Gradowski, ‘Writings’, in Ber Mark (ed.), The Scrolls of Auschwitz (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 1985), 175. On the ‘Scrolls’, see the essays in Nicholas Chare and Dominic Williams (eds.), Inside Auschwitz: New Perspectives on Holocaust Testimony (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, forthcoming). 35. Alan Adelson (ed.), The Diary of Dawid Sierakowiak (London: Bloomsbury, 1996), 170. 36. Claude Lanzmann, Shoah: An Oral History of the Holocaust. The Complete Text of the Film (New York: Pantheon, 1985), 174. 37. Jan Karski, Story of a Secret State (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1944), 330. 38. Naomi Samson, Hide: A Child’s View of the Holocaust (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2000), 74–75. 39. Adina Blady Szwajger, I Remember Nothing More: The Warsaw Children’s Hospital and the Jewish Resistance (New York: Pantheon, 1990), 45. 40. Pelagia Lewinska, Twenty Months at Auschwitz (1968), cited in Emil Fackenheim, ‘The Spectrum of Resistance during the Holocaust: An Essay in Description and Definition’, Modern Judaism, 2, 2 (1982), 123. 41. Elie Wiesel, Legends of Our Time (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968), 1; Chaim A. Kaplan, Scroll of Agony: The Warsaw Diary of Chaim A. Kaplan,ed. Abraham I. Katsh (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1965), 225, entry for 17 November 1940. 42. Hannah Arendt, ‘Social Science Techniques and the Study of Concentration Camps’, in Essays in Understanding, 236. See also the discussion in Robert Eaglestone, The Holocaust and the Postmodern (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 317–38; and Amos Goldberg, ‘If This Is a Man: The Image of Man in Auto- biographical and Historical Writing during and after the Holocaust’, Yad Vashem Studies, 33 (2005), 381–429. 43. On the Muselmann see Giorgio Agamben, Remnants of Auschwitz: The Witness and the Archive (New York: Zone Books, 1999). Whilst Agamben inappropriately makes the Muselmann the figure for the Holocaust survivor on the basis of far too small a selection of texts, this is nevertheless one of the few works that have attempted a theoretical analysis of the meaning of the Muselmann. For a critique of Agamben see Dominick LaCapra, History in Transit: Experience, Identity, Critical Theory (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004), 144–94. 44. Elke Fröhlich (ed.), Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels: Sämtliche Fragmente (Munich: Saur, 1987), vol. 3, 628 (entry for 2 November 1940). One should note here the tension that often occurs in Nazi rhetoric between describing Jews as ‘animals’, as Goebbels does here, and describing them, as Hitler does in my epi- graph, as ‘counter-humans’, that is, something other than animals. Similarly, Himmler referred to Slavs but not to Jews as ‘human animals’. See his speech of 4 October 1943, in J. Noakes and G. Pridham (eds.), Nazism 1919–1945 (Exeter: Exeter University Press, 1988), vol. 3, 920. 45. On the Holocaust as ‘salvation’, see Michael Ley, Genozid als Heilserwartung: Zum nationalsozialistischen Mord am europäischen Judentum, 2nd edn (Vienna: Picus Verlag, 1995); Michael Ley, Holokaust als Menschenopfer: Vom Christentum 200 Notes

zur politischen Religion des Nationalsozialismus (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2002); Klaus Vondung, ‘National Socialism as a Political Religion: Potentials and Limitations of an Analytical Concept’, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, 6, 1 (2005), 87–95. 46. Alison Des Forges, Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1999), 73 (‘cockroaches’), 258 (‘work’). 47. Robert Gellately, Backing Hitler: Coercion and Consent in Nazi Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Eric Johnson and Karl-Heinz Reuband, What We Knew: Terror, Mass Murder and Everyday Life in Nazi Germany (London: John Murray, 2005); and the controversial Götz Aly, Hitlers Volksstaat: Raub, Rassenkrieg und nationaler Sozialismus (Frankfurt/M: S. Fischer, 2005). 48. See Darryl Li, ‘Echoes of Violence’, in Nicolaus Mills and Kira Brunner (eds.), The New Killing Fields: Massacre and the Politics of Intervention (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 117–28. For the numbers involved, see Scott Straus, ‘How Many Perpe- trators Were There in the Rwandan Genocide? An Estimate’, Journal of Genocide Research, 6, 1 (2004), 85–98. 49. John A. Berry and Carol Pott Berry, ‘Introduction: Collecting Memory’, in John A. Berry and Carol Pott Berry (eds.), Genocide in Rwanda: A Collective Memory (Washington, DC: Howard University Press, 1999), 5. 50. Faustin Kagame, ‘The Artiﬁcial Racialization at the Root of the Genocide’, in Berry and Berry (eds.), Genocide in Rwanda, 73. 51. See Mark Levene, ‘Rwanda: The Aftermath’, Patterns of Prejudice, 35, 2 (2001), 87–94. 52. Steven E. Aschheim, In Times of Crisis: Essays on European Culture, Germans, and Jews (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2001), 55. For further discussion see Jonathan Petropoulos and John K. Roth (eds.), Gray Zones: Ambiguity and Compromise in the Holocaust and its Aftermath (New York: Berghahn Books, 2005). 53. The Cambodian genocide too provides many examples of this attack on ‘the human’, not just on individual human beings. A satisfactory analysis of Cambodian survivor testimonies requires a separate study, but for a starting point see Jean-Louis Margolin, ‘L’amémoire du génocide cambodgien, ou comment s’en débarrasser’, Revue d’histoire de la Shoah, 181 (2004), 317–37. 54. See the discussion in Christopher C. Taylor, Sacriﬁce as Terror: The Rwandan Genocide of 1994 (Oxford: Berg, 1999), 174–75, and Berry and Berry (eds.), Genocide in Rwanda, 113–15. 55. Ignace Rukiramacumu in Jean Hatzfeld, Machete Season: The Killers in Rwanda Speak (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005), 47. 56. Pio Mutungirehe in ibid. 57. Léopord Twagirayezu in ibid., 144. 58. Cited in Des Forges, Leave None to Tell the Story, 347–8. 59. Thomas Kamilindi, journalist, ‘Witness Testimony’, in Berry and Berry (eds.), Genocide in Rwanda, 16. On the international community, see Linda Melvern, A People Betrayed: The Role of the West in Rwanda’s Genocide (London: Zed Books, 2000); Romeo Dallaire, Shake Hands with the Devil: The Failure of Humanity in Rwanda (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2004). 60. Pancrace Hakizamungili in Hatzfeld, Machete Season, 21–22. 61. Or, as Seyla Benhabib notes, in her work, ‘Arendt does not examine the philosophical step which would lead from a description of the equality of the human condition to the equality which comes from moral and political recognition. ... The path leading from the anthropological plurality of the human condition to Notes 201

the moral and political equality of human beings in a community of recipro- cal recognition remains philosophically unthematized’. Seyla Benhabib, ‘Arendt’s Eichmann in Jerusalem’, in Villa (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Hannah Arendt, 82. 62. Robert Antelme, The Human Race (Marlboro, VT: The Marlboro Press, 1992). Antelme writes (219–20): ‘there are not several human races, there is only one human race. It’s because we’re men like them that the SS will ﬁnally prove power- less before us. It’s because they shall have sought to call the unity of this human race into question that they’ll ﬁnally be crushed. ... And we have to say that everything in the world that masks this unity, everything that places beings in situations of exploitation and subjugation and thereby implies the existence of various species of mankind, is false and mad’. 63. Arendt, ‘A Reply to Eric Voegelin’, in Essays in Understanding, 408. 64. Here the discussion would need to consider the writings of Georges Bataille on the one hand and Emmanuel Levinas on the other hand. There is no space here for such a discussion but, for a start, see Samuel Moyn, ‘Judaism Against Paganism: Emmanuel Levinas’s Response to Heidegger and Nazism in the 1930s’, History & Memory, 10, 1 (1998), 25–58. 65. For the text of 1950 and 1952 UNESCO statements on race, see Ashley Montagu, Race, Science and Humanity (Princeton, NJ: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1963), 172–83. Also Claude Lévi-Strauss, Race and History: The Race Question in Modern Science (Paris: UNESCO, 1958). 66. Arendt to Jaspers 17 August 1946, in Arendt/Jaspers Correspondence, 54. Later Arendt noted that ‘men are unable to forgive what they cannot punish and that they are unable to punish what has turned out to be unforgivable’. See The Human Condition, 241. 67. I am indebted here to Richard H. King, Race, Culture, and the Intellectuals, 1940– 1970 (Washington, DC/Baltimore, MD: Woodrow Wilson Center Press/Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 313–16. See also Gilroy, Between Camps,and Jean-Luc Nancy, TheExperienceofFreedom(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1993), for the idea of evil as one facet of human freedom. 68. Françoise Dastur, ‘Three Questions to Jacques Derrida’, in Arleen B. Dallery and Charles E. Scott (eds.), Ethics and Danger: Essays on Heidegger and Continental Thought (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1992), 34. 69. Ibid. 70. Ibid. 71. Ibid., 34–5. 72. Jaspers to Arendt, 19 October 1946, in Arendt/Jaspers Correspondence, 62: ‘I’m not altogether comfortable with your view, because a guilt that goes beyond all criminal guilt inevitably takes on a streak of “greatness” – of satanic greatness – which is, for me, as inappropriate for the Nazis as all the talk about the “demonic” element in Hitler and so forth. It seems to me that we have to see these things in their total banality, in their prosaic triviality, because that’s what truly characterises them’. 73. Hannah Arendt, ‘Fernsehgespräch mit Thilo Koch’, in Ursula Ludz (ed.), Ich will verstehen: Selbstauskünfte zu Leben und Werk (Munich: Piper, 1996), 40. 74. Dastur, ‘Three Questions’, 35. 75. I have discussed this in my ‘Ontology or Bureaucracy?’ 76. Léon Poliakov, Harvest of Hate (London: Elek Books, 1956 [orig. French ed. 1953]), 286. 202 Notes

77. Giorgio Agamben, The Open: Man and Animal (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2004), 25–26. 78. Agamben, The Open, 27. Cf. 37, where Agamben writes: ‘it is enough to move our field of research ahead a few decades [from Haeckel writing in the 1890s], and instead of this innocuous pale-ontological find [i.e. Homo alalus, the “ape-man”] we will have the Jew, that is, the non-man produced within the man, or the néomort and the overcomatose person, that is, the animal separated within the human body itself’. On the inappropriateness of talking about ‘beasts’ to describe human evil, see Mary Midgley, Beast and Man, rev. ed. (London: Routledge, 1995), 35–42. 79. Arendt, Origins of Totalitarianism, 459. Or, as the German émigré scholar Sebastian Haffner wrote about the second generation of Nazis: ‘the question arises in all seriousness as to whether these beings are still to be called men. Physically, to all appearance, they are still men; spiritually, no more.’ Germany Jekyll and Hyde: An Eyewitness Analysis of Nazi Germany (London: Libris, 2005 [orig. 1940]), 63. For examples of Nazi theorising about the exclusion of the Jews from the definition of ‘human’ see Uriel Tal, Religion, Politics and Ideology in the Third Reich: Selected Essays (London: Routledge, 2004), 70–71.

5 Anti-Fascist Europe Comes to Britain: Theorising Fascism as a Contribution to Defeating It

1. Aurel Kolnai, ‘Must Democracy Use Force? Part I: Paciﬁsm Means Suicide’, The Nation, 148, 4 (21 January 1939), 87. 2. Nigel Copsey, Anti-Fascism in Britain (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000), 2. See also Nigel Copsey and David Renton (eds.), British Fascism, the Labour Movement and the State (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005). 3. David Kettler, ‘Antifascism as Ideology: Review and Introduction’, 16, online at: www.bard.edu/contestedlegacies/lib/kettler_articles.php?action= getﬁle&id= 362394 (accessed 14 March 2008); Dave Renton, ‘A Provisional History of Anti- Fascism in Britain: The Forties’, paper given to Northern Marxist Historians Group, 18 September 1996, online at: http://www.dkrenton.co.uk/old/old2.html (accessed 2 October 2012). See also, for a case study, Neil Barrett, ‘The Anti-Fascist Movement in South-East Lancashire, 1933–1940: The Divergent Experiences of Manchester and Nelson’, in Tim Kirk and Anthony McElligott (eds.), Opposing Fascism: Community, Authority and Resistance in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 48–62. My claims here are not meant to suggest that British writers had no insights into the nature of fascism, only that the émi- grés’ analyses were, overall, more penetrating and urgent. Compare Andrzej Olechnowicz’s comments on my views in ‘Labour Theorises Fascism: A.D. Lindsay and Harold Laski’, in Nigel Copsey and Andrzej Olechnowicz (eds.), Varieties of Anti-Fascism: Britain in the Inter-War Period (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 202–23. 4. Enzo Traverso, ‘Intellectuals and Anti-Fascism: For a Critical Historization’, New Politics, 9, 4 (2004), online at: www.wpunj.edu/∼newpol/issue36/Traverso36.htm (accessed 14 March 2008). See also Anson Rabinbach, ‘Paris, Capital of Anti- Fascism’, in Warren Breckman, Peter E. Gordon, A. Dirk Moses, Samuel Moyn and Elliot Neaman (eds.), The Modernist Imagination: Intellectual History and Critical Theory (New York: Berghahn Books, 2009), 182–209. Notes 203

5. See, for example, Francis L. Carsten, ‘German Refugees in Great Britain 1933–1945: A Survey’, in Gerhard Hirschfeld (ed.), Exile in Great Britain: Refugees from Hitler’s Germany (Leamington Spa: Berg Publishers, 1984), 11; Ludwig Eiber, ‘Verschwiegene Bündnispartner: Die Union deutscher sozialistis- cher Organisationen in Großbritannien und die britische Nachrichtendienste’, Exilforschung: Ein internationales Jahrbuch, 15 (1997), 68. The best evidence of the relative unimportance of Britain as a destination for the exiles is the four pages devoted to Britain out of the nearly 900 that make up Jean-Michel Palmier’s, Weimar in Exile: The Antifascist Emigration in Europe and America (London: Verso, 2006), 149–53. 6. For example, Herbert Loebl, ‘Das Refugee Industries Committee: Eine wenig bekannte britische Hilfsorganisation’, Exilforschung: Ein internationales Jahrbuch,8 (1990), 220–41; Hirschfeld (ed.), Exile in Great Britain; Daniel Snowman, The Hitler Emigrés: The Cultural Impact of Refugees from Nazism (London: Chatto & Windus, 2002); Marion Berghahn, Continental Britons: German-Jewish Refugees from Nazi Germany, rev edn (New York: Berghahn Books, 2006). 7. Werner Röder, ‘The Political Exiles: Their Policies and Their Contribution to Post- War Reconstruction’, in Herbert Strauss and Werner Röder (eds.), International Biographical Dictionary of Central European Emigrés 1933–1945, Volume II Part 1: A-K. The Arts, Sciences, and Literature (Munich: K. G. Saur, 1983), xxvii–xl; Andreas Klugescheid, ‘ “His Majesty’s Most Loyal Enemy Aliens”: Der Kampf deutsch- jüdischer Emigranten in den britischen Streitkräften 1939–1945’, Exilforschung: Ein internationales Jahrbuch, 19 (2001), 106–27; Helga Grebing, ‘Was wird aus Deutschland nach dem Krieg? Perspektiven linkssozialistischer Emigration für den Neuaufbau Deutschlands nach dem Zusammenbruch der nationalsozialistischen Diktatur’, Exilforschung: Ein internationales Jahrbuch, 3 (1985), 43–58; Jan Foitzik, ‘Revolution und Demokratie: Zu den sofort- und Übergangsplanun- gen des sozialdemokratischen Exils für Deutschland 1943–1945’, Internationale wissenschaftliche Korrespondenz zur Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung, 24, 3 (1988), 308–42; Isabelle Tombs, ‘Socialists Debate Their History from the First World War to the Third Reich: German Exiles and the British Labour Party’, in Stefan Berger, Peter Lambert and Peter Schuman (eds.), Historikerdialoge: Geschichte, Mythos und Gedächtnis im deutsch-britischen kulturellen Austausch 1750– 2000 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2003), 361–81; Marjorie Lamberti, ‘German Antifascist Refugees in America and the Public Debate on “What Should Be Done with Germany after Hitler,” 1941–1945’, Central European History,40 (2007), 279–305. 8. Röder, ‘The Political Exiles’, xxxv. 9. John P. Fox, ‘Nazi Germany and German Emigration to Great Britain’, in Hirschfeld (ed.), Exile in Great Britain, 38f. 10. Copsey, Anti-Fascism in Britain,6. 11. Fox, ‘Nazi Germany and German Emigration’, 61–70. Among their most relevant publications, see Ernst Toller, IWasaGerman(London: John Lane, 1934); Otto Lehmann Russbüldt, Germany’s Air Force (London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1935); Gerhart Seger, A Nation Terrorised (Chicago: Reilly & Lee Co., 1935); Franz Neumann, Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism (London: Vic- tor Gollancz, 1943). See also Charmian Brinson, ‘The Gestapo and the German Political Exiles in Britain during the 1930s: The Case of Hans Wesemann – and Others’, German Life and Letters, 51, 1 (1998), 43–64; James J. Barnes and Patience P. Barnes, Nazi Refugee Turned Spy: The Life of Hans Wesemann, 1895–1971 204 Notes

(Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2001), 32–35; Andrea Reiter, Narrating the Holo- caust (London: Continuum, 2000), on Seger’s internment in Oranienburg; Anson Rabinbach, ‘Staging Antifascism: The Brown Book of the Reichstag Fire and Hitler Terror’, New German Critique, 103 (2008), 97–126. 12. Michael Seyfert, ‘ “His Majesty’s Most Loyal Internees”. The Internment and Deportation of German and Austrian Refugees as “Enemy Aliens”: Historical, Cultural and Literary Aspects’, in Hirschfeld (ed.), Exile in Great Britain, 185. 13. Gaetano Salvemini, Under the Axe of Fascism (London: Victor Gollancz, 1936), 156, 119. Luigi Sturzo, ‘Fascism and Nazism’, Quarterly Review, 261 (1933), 162–76. 14. George Seldes, Sawdust Caesar: The Untold History of Mussolini and Fascism (London: Arthur Baker, 1936). Seldes was an American radical journalist. See also R.J.B. Bosworth, The Italian Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives in the Interpretation of Mussolini and Fascism (London: Arnold, 1998), Chapter 2. 15. George Orwell, ‘Review of The Totalitarian Enemy’, in Sonia Orwell and Ian Angus (eds.), The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell. Vol. 2: My Country Right or Left, 1940–1943 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1970), 40. Carsten too described Borkenau as ‘the eminent anti-Nazi publicist and writer’; ‘German Refugees in Britain’, 22. 16. Orwell, ‘Review of The Totalitarian Enemy’, 42. 17. Franz Borkenau, Austria and After (London: Faber and Faber, 1938), 15. 18. Franz Borkenau, The New German Empire (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1939), 11. Further references in the text. 19. Franz Borkenau, ‘The German Problem’, Dublin Review, 209 (October 1941), 196. 20. Victor Gollancz, ‘The Most Important Book the Club Has Issued’, Left News,25 (May 1938), 790–91. 21. Orwell, ‘Review of The Totalitarian Enemy’, 40. 22. On Personalism see John Hellman, ‘From the Söhlbergkreis to Vichy’s Elite Schools: The Rise of the Personalists’, in Zeev Sternhell (ed.), The Intellectual Revolt Against Liberal Democracy 1870–1945 (Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1996), 252–65. 23. Aurel Kolnai, The War Against the West (London: Victor Gollancz, 1938), 518. Further references in the text. 24. Reviews cited by Kolnai in Twentieth-Century Memoirs (1952–55), VII, 84. Kings College London, Archives, MV29/8. 25. Francis Dunlop, TheLifeandThoughtofAurelKolnai(Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002), 137. 26. Aurel Kolnai, ‘Die Credo der neuen Barbaren’, Oesterreichische Volkswirt,24 (3 September 1932), 1174. 27. Aurel Kolnai, ‘Paciﬁsm Means Suicide’, The Nation (21 January 1939), 88. 28. Aurel Kolnai, The Pivotal Principles of NS Ideology (handwritten ms, 1939), 3. University of St. Andrews, Archives. 29. Copsey, Anti-Fascism in Britain, 46. 30. Kolnai, Twentieth-Century Memoirs, VII, 10. Kings College London, Archives, MV29/8. 31. On Haffner in the context of the German exiles in Britain see Werner Röder, Die deutschen sozialistischen Exilgruppen in Großbritannien 1940–1945: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Widerstandes gegen den Nationalsozialismus, rev. edn (Bonn-Bad Godesberg: Verlag Neue Gesellschaft, 1973), 132–34. 32. For other appraisals of Germany Jekyll and Hyde, see Jörg Thunecke, ‘ “Characterology”, Not “Ideology”: Sebastian Haffner’s Refutation of Daniel Notes 205

Goldhagen in Germany: Jekyll and Hyde (1940)’, in Ian Wallace (ed.), German- Speaking Exiles in Great Britain [=Yearbook of the Research Centre for German and Austrian Exile Studies, 1 (1999)], 75–93; Nick Hubble, ‘Franz Borkenau, Sebastian Haffner and George Orwell: Depoliticisation and Cultural Exchange’, in Edward Timms and Jon Hughes (eds.), Intellectual Migration and Cultural Transformation: Refugees from National Socialism in the English-Speaking World (Vienna: Springer, 2003), 109–27. 33. Sebastian Haffner, Germany Jekyll and Hyde: An Eyewitness Analysis of Nazi Germany (London: Libris, 2005), 5. Further references in the text. [Orig. London: Secker and Warburg, 1940.] 34. Ian Kershaw, ‘Hitler and the Uniqueness of Nazism’, Journal of Contemporary History, 39, 2 (2004), 242. 35. Jonathan Petropoulos, ‘The Nazi Kleptocracy: Reflections on Avarice and the Holocaust’, and Frank Bajohr, ‘Cliques, Corruption, and Organised Self-Pity: The Nazi Movement and the Property of the Jews’, both in Dagmar Herzog (ed.), Lessons and Legacies, vol. VII: The Holocaust in International Perspective (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 2006), 29–38 and 39–49. On the Frankfurt School, especially Friedrich Pollock’s view of Nazism as a ‘racket’, see Martin Jay, The Dialectical Imagination: A History of the Frankfurt School and the Institute of Social Research, 1923–1950 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1996 [1973]), 156–57. 36. Georges Perec, W, or the Memory of Childhood, trans. David Bellos (London: The Harvill Press, 1996). 37. Lothar Kettenacker, ‘The Influence of German Refugees on British War Aims’, in Hirschfeld (ed.), Exile in Great Britain, 106. 38. Neal Ascherson, ‘Introduction’, in Germany Jekyll and Hyde, xviii; Kettenacker, ‘The Influence of German Refugees’, 108–09. 39. Kettler, ‘Antifascism as Ideology’, 5. 40. Traverso, ‘Intellectuals and Anti-Fascism’, 6. See Andrzej Olechnowicz, ‘Liberal Anti-Fascism in the 1930s: The Case of Sir Ernest Barker’, Albion, 36, 4 (2004), 636–60, for an example from Britain, and Peter Monteath, ‘A Day to Remember: East Germany’s Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Fascism’, German History, 26, 2 (2008), 195–218, for the ways in which the GDR’s official ceremony has been taken over and developed by grassroots movements since the demise of the regime. 41. SeealsoGeorgeL.Mosse,Confronting History: A Memoir (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000), 100–12, for an interesting consideration of this point. 42. See Jeffrey C. Isaac, ‘Critics of Totalitarianism’, in Terence Ball and Richard Bellamy (eds.), The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 192, for broader context. 43. Aurel Kolnai, Twentieth-Century Memoirs, Kings College London Archives, MV29/8, 72–73, 77. 44. Anthony Glees, ‘The German Political Exile in London 1939–1945: The SPD and the British Labour Party’, in Hirschfeld (ed.), Exile in Great Britain, 98.

6TheMein Kampf Ramp: Emily Overend Lorimer and the Publication of Mein Kampf in Britain

1. Evan John, Answer to Hitler: Reﬂections on Hitler’s ‘Mein Kampf’ and on Some Recent Events Upon the Continent of Europe (London: Nicholson and Watson, 1939), 6. 206 Notes

2. Milan Hauner, ‘Did Hitler Want a World Dominion?’, Journal of Contempo- rary History, 13, 1 (1978), 16. On the reception of Mein Kampf in Germany see Werner Maser, Adolf Hitlers Mein Kampf: Geschichte, Auszüge, Kommentare (Esslingen: Bechtle, 1974); G. Schreiber, Hitler-Interpretationen 1923–1983: Ergebnisse, Methoden und Probleme der Forschung (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1988); Barbara Zehnpfennig, Hitlers Mein Kampf: Eine Interpreta- tion (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 2002); Othmar Plöckinger, Geschichte eines Buches: Adolf Hitlers ‘Mein Kampf’ 1922–1945 (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 2006). Maser, Schreiber and Plöckinger also deal with the reception of Mein Kampf in other countries, as does Detlev Clemens, Herr Hitler in Germany: Wahrnehmung und Deutungen des Nationalsozialismus in Großbritannien (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996), 330–43, though none mentions Lorimer. 3. Franz Neumann, Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism (London: Victor Gollancz, 1942), 381. Neumann’s position was a reflection of his orthodox Marxism; as he wrote to T.W. Adorno in 1940, ‘I can imagine, and I have done this in my book, that one can represent National Socialism without attribut- ing to the Jewish problem a central role.’ Cited in Anson Rabinbach, ‘ “Why Were the Jews Sacrificed?” The Place of Antisemitism in Adorno and Horkheimer’s Dialectic of Enlightenment’, in Nigel Gibson and Andrew Rubin (eds.), Adorno: A Critical Reader (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002), 136–37. For an attempt to take Hitler seriously as a thinker, see Lawrence Birken, Hitler as Philosophe: Remnants of the Enlightenment in National Socialism (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1995). 4. John, Answer to Hitler, 12. To be fair to John, he did go on to note that Hitler’s writing in Mein Kampf on the Jews were extreme. But for John, this represented an aberration in Hitler’s thought rather than its centrepiece. 5. Bell to father, 18 March 1911 and to mother 21 March 1911, in Gertrude Bell Papers, University of Newcastle, online at: www.gerty.ncl.ac.uk (accessed 4 October 2005). 6. British Library, Oriental and India Office, MSS Eur.F177/38, Lorimer Papers, Lorimer to Mrs Overend, 24 October 1932 and 31 October 1932. 7. E.O. Lorimer, What Hitler Wants (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1939 [Penguin Spe- cial no. 13]), 36, citing her notes from 31 October 1932. Henceforth referred to in the text as WHW. 8. See Calvin B. Hoover, Germany Enters the Third Reich (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1933), 95. 9. For a good contemporary discussion of Moeller van den Bruck, see Aurel Kolnai, The War Against the West (London: Victor Gollancz, 1938). 10. ‘Translator’s Note’, Moeller van den Bruck, Germany’s Third Empire,trans.E.O. Lorimer (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1934), n.p. 11. See, for example, Ewald Banse, Germany, Prepare for War!, trans. Alan Harris (London: Lovat Dickson, 1935); Edgar Mowrer, Germany Puts the Clock Back (London: John Lane, 1933); Hoover, Germany Enters the Third Reich;Robert Dell, Germany Unmasked (London: Martin Hopkinson, 1934); Leland Stowe, Nazi Germany Means War (London: Faber & Faber, 1933); Dorothy Woodman, Hitler Rearms: An Exposure of Germany’s War Aims (London: John Lane The Bodley Head, 1934); Vernon Bartlett, Nazi Germany Explained (London: Victor Gollancz, 1933); Konrad Heiden, A History of National Socialism (London: Methuen & Co., 1934); Wickham Steed, The Meaning of Hitlerism (London: Nisbet & Co., 1934); The Brown Book of the Hitler Terror and the Burning of the Reichstag (London: Victor Gollancz, 1933); The Yellow Spot: The Extermination of the Jews in Germany (London: Victor Notes 207

Gollancz, 1936). For a discussion of these and other contemporaries see Dan Stone, Responses to Nazism in Britain, 1933–1939: Before War and Holocaust,2nd edn (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012). 12. ‘Publishers’ Preface’ to Banse, Germany, Prepare for War!,xiv. 13. Adolf Hitler, My Struggle (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1933). 14. Philip Guedalla, The Jewish Past: Presidential Address Delivered Before the Jewish Historical Society of England in the Botanical Theatre, University College London, 21 November, 1938 (London, 1939), 7. 15. E.C. Bentley, ‘Hitler on the Hitler Spirit’ (review of English translation of Mein Kampf ), Daily Telegraph (13 October 1933). 16. E.O. Lorimer, ‘Hitler’s Germany’, John O’London’s Weekly (11 November 1933). 17. Germany’s Foreign Policy as Stated in Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler (London: Friends of Europe, 1936), FoE pamphlet 38, with a preface by the Duchess of Atholl. Lorimer cites Atholl’s foreword in WHW, 10: ‘The English edition ... is only about one-third of Mein Kampf. ... It unblushingly mistranslates passages of which an accurate rendering would have been disconcerting to English readers. No one therefore who reads My Struggle can have any idea of the foreign policy set forth in the original.’ R.C.K. Ensor, Hitler’s Self-Disclosure in Mein Kampf, Oxford Pamphlets on World Affairs, 3 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1939); idem., ‘Review of Mein Kampf, unexpurgated edition’, Spectator (24 March 1939). This was not entirely fair. James J. Barnes and Patience P. Barnes note in Hitler’s Mein Kampf in Britain and America: A Publishing History 1930–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 13–14, that in Dugdale’s translation, ‘Above all, he [Hitler] is presented so as not to appear ridiculous in the eyes of for- eigners. Notwithstanding this whitewash, Hitler’s main ideas and policies remain intact, including foreign expansion in the future; the rebuilding of German ide- alism and self-conﬁdence; Germany’s need for strong leadership; the need to manipulate the mass electorate through propaganda; the eternal struggle against Bolshevism and the Jews; the ultimate repudiation of the Treaty of Versailles; and the role which the Nazis hoped to play in the rebirth of the German state.’ For other relevant contemporary discussions of Mein Kampf,mostlyfromout- side Britain, see: C. Appuhn, Hitler par lui-même d’après son livre ‘Mein Kampf’ (Paris: Haumont, 1933); Irene Hamand, His Struggle: An Answer to Hitler (Chicago: Artcraft Press, 1937); Hendrik Willem Van Loon, Our Battle: Being One Man’s Answer to My Battle (Mein Kampf) by Adolf Hitler (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1938); Herbert N. Casson, L’Europe après Hitler. La réponse à Mein Kampf (Brussels: np, c.1938); A.P. Mayville, Hitler’s Mein Kampf and the Present War: A Critical Survey of the Nazi Bible of Hate and Its Effect on Pre-War Events in Germany from Which Emanated the Impending Cataclysm of the World (New York: American Goodwill Association, 1939); John, Answer to Hitler; Karl Billinger, Hitler Is No Fool: The Menace of the Man and His Program (New York: Modern Age Books, 1939); Francis Hackett, What ‘Mein Kampf’ Means to America (New York: Reynal and Hitchcock, 1941). Mein Kampf also inspired other rejoinders such as Richard Acland, Unser Kampf: Our Struggle (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1940 [Penguin Special no. 54]), the curious Richard Ferrar Patterson, Mein Rant: A Summary in Light Verse of ‘Mein Kampf’ (London: Blackie & Son, 1940), and the hilarious Unexpurgated, Unpurged, Unspeakable Edition of Mein Rampf (Little Goering, Gobbles: Fumpf & Itmar, A.G., 1939). 18. E.T.S. Dugdale, ‘National Socialism in Germany’, English Review, 53 (1931), 566–67. And for more on Dugdale see Barnes and Barnes, Hitler’s Mein Kampf, 208 Notes

2–8. Barnes and Barnes do not mention Lorimer in their otherwise quite thorough survey. 19. Letter from Arnold Hyde in Manchester Guardian (19 October 1938). 20. Time and Tide (4 February 1939). All press reviews are in F177/53 and 54. 21. Bolton Evening News (15 April 1939); Western Telegraph (21 April 1939). 22. Daily Worker (8 February 1939). 23. Beneš to Lorimer, 3 January 1939, F177/50. 24. Daly to Lorimer, 6 January 1939, F177/51. 25. Whitehouse to Lorimer, 3 February 1939, F177/51. 26. Strakosch to Lorimer, 22 May 1939, F177/52. 27. Barsley to Lorimer, 30 August 1939, F177/46. 28. Times (21 January 1939). 29. New English Weekly (20 April 1939). On NEW see Philip Conford, ‘A Forum for Organic Husbandry: The New English Weekly and Agricultural Policy, 1939–1949’, Agricultural History Review, 46, 2 (1998), 197–210. 30. Letter in New English Weekly (22 April 1939), F177/85. 31. Lorimer to Hyde, 24 April 1939, F177/85. On the publication of the compet- ing American editions see Barnes and Barnes, Hitler’s Mein Kampf in Britain and America,ch.5. 32. Hyde to Lorimer, 30 April 1939, F177/51. For examples of authors for whom such conclusions were neither ‘inconceivable’ nor ‘rather dramatic’ see James Strachey, The Menace of Fascism (London: Victor Gollancz, 1933); W.A. Rudlin, The Growth of Fascism in Great Britain (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1935); G.T. Garratt, The Shadow of the Swastika (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1938). See also Christina Bussfeld, ‘Democracy versus Dictatorship’: Die Herausforderung des Faschismus und Kommunismus in Großbritannien 1932–1937 (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2002), 167–94. 33. E.O. Lorimer, ‘Men and Books’, Time and Tide (1 April 1939), 422. 34. Ibid., 423. 35. Ibid. See Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, unexpurgated edition, trans. James Murphy (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1939). 36. See, among his many publications: Adolf Hitler: The Drama of His Career (London: Chapman & Hall, 1934); idem., ‘The Spirit of the New German Army’, English Review, 62, 4 (1936), 435–43. On Murphy see Barnes and Barnes, Hitler’s Mein Kampf in Britain and America, especially 51–72, and idem., James Vincent Murphy: Translator and Interpreter of Fascist Europe (New York: University Press of America, 1987). Barnes’ and Barnes’ detailed investigations into Murphy’s life and career reveal that he was actually not a Nazi, as Lorimer believed. Nevertheless, their biography does tend to give him the beneﬁt of the doubt. For example, they describe him (Murphy, 179) as ‘a minor cog in the complicated machine, but from this position he was able to witness the Nazi administration from the inside.’ They do acknowledge that he was ambivalent towards Nazism, and was to a degree antisemitic; yet, even though with his Irish passport Murphy may have been right to believe that ‘he could always leave if things didn’t work to his satisfaction’ (ibid., 190) it is hard to see how someone could take a job at Goebbels’ Ministry of Propaganda in a purely disinterested manner. Never- theless, on his return to Britain he was keen to stress his anti-Nazi credentials, and his expertise in analysing Germany and Italy which long predated the rise of Nazism, and there is no sense that the authorities regarded him with suspi- cion. Unlike one of his predecessors in Berlin, Cola Ernest Carroll, who founded Notes 209

the Anglo-German Review in 1936, he was not interned under Regulation 18B (ibid., 169). 37. Vansittart to Lorimer, 25 August 1941, F177/85. 38. ‘Must We Always Be Fools?’, typescript for Never Again Association, 8 June 1941, F177/75. 39. E.O. Lorimer, What the German Needs (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1942); For Lorimer’s 1943 articles for ‘Miniform’ – ‘We – the Germans’; ‘The Soul of the German’; ‘Two Protectorates’; ‘The Religion of the Germans Is the Religion of Satan’; ‘Two World Wars’ – see F177/76. For Vansittart’s views see his Black Record: Germans, Past and Present (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1941). 40. The best discussion is in E.H.H. Green, Ideologies of Conservatism: Conservative Political Ideas in the Twentieth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), ch. 5: ‘The Battle of the Books’. 41. King’s College, London, Liddell Hart Centre for Military Archives, Bryant Papers C41 and C49. See Stone, Responses to Nazism in Britain, 1933–1939, 144–45, for a fuller discussion. On Ashridge and its role in interwar Conservatism, see Clarisse Berthezène, ‘Creating Conservative Fabians: The Conservative Party, Political Education and the Founding of Ashridge College’, Past and Present, 182 (2004), 211–40. 42. Green, Ideologies of Conservatism, 147–48. See also Andrew Roberts, ‘Patriotism: The Last Refuge of Sir Arthur Bryant’ in his Eminent Churchillians (London: Phoenix, 1995), 287–322. 43. E.O. Lorimer, ‘The Mein Kampf Ramp’, typed memorandum, F177/85. 44. Arthur Bryant, Unfinished Victory (London: Macmillan, 1940); Time and Tide, 10 February 1940. For a discussion of the reception of Unfinished Victory and of Bryant’s relationship with Macmillan see Richard Griffiths, ‘The Reception of Bryant’s Unfinished Victory: Insights into British Public Opinion in Early 1940’, Patterns of Prejudice, 38, 1 (2004), 18–36. 45. Lorimer, ‘The Mein Kampf Ramp’. 46. Ibid. 47. In the United States the debate centred on whether Houghton Mifflin & Co. and Hitler were the American copyright owners of Mein Kampf, or whether, as rival publishers Stackpole Sons, Inc. argued, Hitler had declared himself to be a ‘state- less man’ and therefore not a citizen of any country with which the US had a copyright agreement. The rival 1939 ‘unexpurgated’ editions brought out by Reynal & Hitchcock under licence from Houghton Mifflin and Stackpole Sons competed for the market until, on appeal, the courts upheld Houghton Mifflin’s argument that they were the legitimate copyright holders, thus preventing further sales of the Stackpole edition. Stackpole Sons made great play of the fact that they were donating all royalties to refugees funds, but Houghton Mifflin also promised that, after the deduction of royalties from their net receipts (as with Hutchinson) they would donate the profits to refugees from Nazi Germany. See the Times, 1 March 1939 and 14 June 1939 for discussions. And, for a fuller discussion, Barnes and Barnes, Hitler’s Mein Kampf in Britain and America, 73–134. 48. Lorimer to ‘Dix’, 13 May 1942, F177/46. 49. ‘Review of Anthony M. Ludovici, The Future of Women and Ray Strachey, ed., Our Freedom and Its Results’, Listener (6 January 1937). On Ludovici see Dan Stone, Breeding Superman: Nietzsche, Race and Eugenics in Edwardian and Interwar Britain (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2002), ch. 2. 210 Notes

50. Letter of 22 August 1940, F177/46. 51. J.L. Garvin, ‘The Truth’, Observer (19 March 1939), 6.

7 Rolf Gardiner: An Honorary Nazi?

1. Rolf Gardiner, ‘A Birthday Speech’ (1962), in Andrew Best (ed.), Water Springing from the Ground: An Anthology of the Writings of Rolf Gardiner (Fontmell Magna: Springhead, 1972), 249. Henceforth WSG. 2. Patrick Wright, The Village That Died for England: The Strange Story of Tyneham (London: Jonathan Cape, 1995), 156. My reproduction of this quotation should not obscure the fact that Wright presents a full and balanced portrayal of Gardiner, though to my mind it is overly sympathetic. 3. Richard Grifﬁths, Fellow Travellers of the Right: British Enthusiasts for Nazi Germany 1933–39 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983); Mike Tyldesley, ‘The German Youth Movement and National Socialism: Some Views from Britain’, Journal of Contemporary History, 41, 1 (2006), 21–34. 4. See David Fowler, Youth Culture in Modern Britain, c.1920–c.1970: From Ivory Tower to Global Movement. A New History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008). 5. Richard Moore-Colyer, ‘Back to Basics: Rolf Gardiner, H. J. Massingham and “A Kinship in Husbandry”’, Rural History, 12, 1 (2001), 85–108; idem., ‘Rolf Gardiner, English Patriot and the Council for the Church and Countryside’, Agri- cultural History Review, 49, 2 (2001), 187–209; idem., ‘A Northern Federation? Henry Rolf Gardiner and British and European Youth’, Paedagogica Historica, 39, 3 (2003), 305–24. I am grateful to Professor Moore-Colyer for a copy of the last- mentioned article. It should be noted that in a more recent, jointly-authored article, he writes: ‘That Wallop and Gardiner were personally close and sympathetic to aspects of fascism there can be no doubt.’ Richard Moore-Colyer and Philip Conford, ‘A “Secret Society”? The Internal and External Relations of the Kinship in Husbandry, 1941–52’, Rural History, 15, 2 (2004), 201. Gerard Wallop was Viscount Lymington, later Earl of Portsmouth. 6. Rolf Gardiner, ‘Meditations on the Future of Northern Europe’, in Rolf Gardiner and Heinz Rocholl (eds.), Britain and Germany: A Frank Discussion Instigated by Members of the Younger Generation (London: Williams and Norgate, 1928), 123. 7. Ibid., 126–27. 8. Ibid., 127–28. See also Rolf Gardiner, ‘Englische Tradition und die Zukunft’, in Wilhelm Freiherr von Richtofen (ed.), Brito-Germania: Ein Weg zu Paneuropa? Warum wieder Weltkrieg? (Berlin: Verlag für aktuelle Politik, 1930), 20–38 for similar comments. 9. Max Weber, ‘Politics as a Vocation’ (1918), in H.H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (eds.), From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (London: Routledge, 1991) 128. 10. Gardiner, ‘The Future of Wessex’ (1946), WSG, 183. 11. Gardiner, ‘Universities and Relevance’, WSG, 22. 12. See W.J. Keith, ‘Spirit of Place and Genius Loci: D. H. Lawrence and Rolf Gardiner’, D. H. Lawrence Review, 7, 2 (1974), 127–38; David Bradshaw, ‘Red Trousers: Lady Chatterley’s Lover and John Hargrave’, Essays in Criticism, 55, 4 (2005), 352–73. 13. Rolf Gardiner, ‘The Musikheim, Frankfurt an der Oder’, North Sea and Baltic (1930), 10. 14. Walter Z. Laqueur, Young Germany: A History of the German Youth Movement (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1962), 243. It is a measure of Gardiner’s Notes 211

signiﬁcance that a book entitled Young Germany devotes several pages to him. Gardiner also receives a brief mention in Howard Becker, German Youth: Bond or Free? (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1946), 70 n11. See also George L. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1970) and Germans and Jews: The Right, the Left, and the Search for a ‘Third Force’ in Pre-Nazi Germany (London: Orbach & Chambers, 1971) for relevant contextual information. 15. See, for example, E.Y. Hartshorne, German Youth and the Nazi Dream of Victory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1941) and, for the same claim made from a pro-Nazi position, Paul Gierlichs, German Youth: The Making of Nazis (London: np, 1939). 16. Peter D. Stachura, The German Youth Movement 1900–1945: An Interpretative and Documentary History (London: Methuen 1981), 63, 67. 17. Malcolm Chase, “‘North Sea and Baltic”: Historical Conceptions in the Youth Movement and the Transfer of Ideas from Germany to England in the 1920s and 1930s’, in Stefan Berger, Peter Lambert and Peter Schumann (eds.), Historikerdialoge: Geschichte, Mythos und Gedächtnis im deutsch-britischen kulturellen Austausch 1750–2000 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2003), 309–30, here 327. 18. Leslie Paul, The Annihilation of Man: A Study of the Crisis in the West (London: Faber and Faber, 1944). 19. Rolf Gardiner, ‘Correspondence’, The Adelphi, 8, 1 (1934), 64. This was a response to Paul’s article ‘The Decline of the Youth Movement’, The Adelphi, 7, 5 (1934), 317–27. 20. See Paul, ‘The Decline of the Youth Movement’; Gardiner, ‘Correspondence’; Paul, The Annihilation of Man;idem.,Angry Young Man (London: Faber and Faber, 1951), 205–06. For a discussion see Tyldesley, ‘The German Youth Movement and National Socialism’. 21. Rolf Gardiner, ‘The Outlook of Young Germany’ (1929), 3, Cambridge Univer- sity Library, Rolf Gardiner Papers (henceforth RGP), A3/1/1. I am grateful to Mrs Rosalind Richards for permission to cite from her father’s papers, and to Cambridge University Library’s Special Collections Department for their help with accessing them. 22. Rolf Gardiner, ‘Stroemungen des englischen kulturellen und politischen Lebens’ (no date, c.1933), 1, 5, RGP A2/6. 23. Ibid., 15. 24. Ibid., 21. 25. Rolf Gardiner, ‘Die Wende des englischen Volkes’ (no date, c.1933), 1, 18, RGP A2/6. 26. Ibid., 33–34. 27. Rolf Gardiner, letter to the Times, no date (c.1933), RGP A2/6. 28. Rolf Gardiner, ‘Karl Marx and Young Germany’ (no date, c.1932), RGP A3/1/2(b); idem., ‘Die deutsche Revolution von England gesehen’, in Rolf Gardiner, Arvid Brodersen and Karl Wyser (eds.), Nationalsozialismus vom Ausland gesehen: an die Gebildeten unter seinen Gegnern (Berlin: Verlag die Runde, 1933), 15. Gardiner was here rather ill-informed about European history – Jews have been present in the lands now called ‘France’ and ‘Germany’ long before the states that bore those names came into being. But of course, this sort of fact-correcting is hardly the right way to combat antisemitism, as Hannah Arendt noted in the 1930s. See Hannah Arendt, ‘Antisemitism’, in Jerome Kohn 212 Notes

and Ron H. Feldman (eds.), The Jewish Writings (New York: Schocken Books, 2007), 49. 29. Rolf Gardiner, England Herself: Ventures in Rural Restoration (London: Faber & Faber, 1943), 7. 30. Rolf Gardiner, ‘A Survey of Constructive Aspects of the New Germany. With Some Notes and Suggestions as to the Methods of Projection’ (June 1934), 15, 16. RGP M3/7. 31. Ibid., 27, 37, 44. 32. Ibid., 43. See also in the same file, ‘An English Centre of German Propaganda’. 33. Gardiner to Goebbels, 25 April 1933. RGP A2/6. See Frank Trentmann, ‘Gardiner, (Henry) Rolf (1902–71)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 34. See Goetsch’s letter to Gardiner, 13 August 1939, RGP E2/4, where he explains his commitment to the Nazi regime, noting that ‘There is young [sic] generation in Germany which is obviously willing to carry out on a large scale and bring into national reality, what my friends and myself searched for all our lives and tried out in preliminary activities in smaller groups.’ The letter was written from Farleigh Wallop, Lymington’s estate in Hampshire. 35. Gardiner, England Herself, 73. 36. Laqueur, Young Germany, 243. On this issue, see my Responses to Nazism in Britain, 1933–1939: Before War and Holocaust, 2nd edn (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), ch. 4. 37. Gardiner to Alan (surname unknown), 17 November 1930. RGP A2/6. See also Gardiner, ‘Wisdom and Action in Northern Europe’ (n.d., c.1926-27), RGP A3/1/10(b), where he writes that ‘Between the Adriatic and the Arctic, the Vistula and the Atlantic, there is a hidden kingdom to which we all, Scandinavians, Germans and English belong in our blood and our souls. This is a positive, organic kinship, slumbering within us, not an abstract brotherhood imposed by the ideal will.’ 38. Rolf Gardiner, ‘Stroemungen des englischen Kulturellen und politischen Lebens’, 12 (‘Die Union Jack plus Fussballmasse plus Windhundwettrenindustrie, – das ist ungefähr the “Blackshirt Movement”’). 39. Rolf Gardiner, ‘Youth and Europe’ (1923), WSG, 19–21. 40. Moore-Colyer, ‘A Northern Federation?’, 319. 41. Rolf Gardiner, World Without End: British Politics and the Younger Generation (London: Cobden-Sanderson, 1932), 33–34. Gardiner used the same formulation elsewhere: ‘Every country needs a form of Fascism today in order to redeem the vital impulses of society from the muddle and formlessness into which scientific liberalism and homogeneous democracy have betrayed the human soul.’ ‘The Example of Kibbo Kift’, RGP A2/6. 42. Rolf Gardiner, ‘Germany: A Personal Confession’, Tomorrow [Dartington School magazine]’ (July 1933), 22. RGP A3/1/12. The phrase was of course Lenin’s before it was Macmurray’s. On Macmurray See Philip Conford, ‘ “Saturated with Bio- logical Metaphors”: Professor John Macmurray (1891–1976) and The Politics of the Organic Movement’, Contemporary British History, 22, 3 (2008), 317–34. See also Richard Griffiths, ‘The Dangers of Definition: Post-Facto Opinions on Rolf Gardiner’s Attitudes towards Nazi Germany’, in Matthew Jefferies and Mike Tyldesley (eds.), Rolf Gardiner: Folk, Nature and Culture in Interwar Britain (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), 137–49. 43. I use the word popularised by Roger Griffin in order to suggest that Gardiner was not so distant from fascism as he claimed. See Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism (London: Routledge, 1991) and his many publications since. Notes 213

44. On Ludovici, see my Breeding Superman: Nietzsche, Race and Eugenics in Edwardian and Interwar Britain (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2002), ch. 2, and on the English Array and its relationship to the BUF, see my Responses to Nazism in Britain, 1933–1939,ch.6. 45. Moore-Colyer and Conford, ‘A “Secret Society”?’, 199. 46. Thomas Lekan, Imagining the Nation in Nature: Landscape Preservation and German Identity, 1885–1945 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004); Franz-Josef Brüggemeier, Mark Cioc and Thomas Zeller (eds.), How Green Were the Nazis? Nature, Environment and Nation in the Third Reich (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2005); Thomas Lekan and Thomas Zeller (eds.), Germany’s Nature: Cul- tural Landscapes and Environmental History (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005); David Blackbourn, The Conquest of Nature: Water, Landscape and the Making of Modern Germany (London: W. W. Norton, 2006); Frank Uekoetter, The Green and the Brown: A History of Conservation in Nazi Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). Useful surveys are provided by Frank Uekötter, ‘Green Nazis?’, German Studies Review, 30, 2 (2007), 267–87, and David Motadel, ‘The German Nature Conservation Movement in the Twentieth Century’, Journal of Contemporary History, 43, 1 (2008), 137–53. 47. See, for example, Michael Hau, The Cult of Health and Beauty in Germany: A Social History, 1890–1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003); John Alexander Williams, Turning to Nature in Germany: Hiking, Nudism and Conservation, 1900–1940 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007). Cf. Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska, ‘Building a British Superman: Physical Culture in Interwar Britain’, Journal of Contemporary History, 41, 4 (2006), 595–610; Bernhard Dietz, ‘Countryside-versus-City in European Thought: German and British Anti- Urbanism between the Wars’, The European Legacy, 13, 7 (2008), 801–14. 48. Rolf Gardiner, ‘Correspondence’, The Adelphi, 8, 1 (1934), 65. 49. Rolf Gardiner, ‘Farming and Forestry in an Overcrowded World’ (1966), WSG, 268. 50. Clare and Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, ‘The Kinship in Husbandry’, Salisbury Review, 15, 3 (1997), 36. 51. Rolf Gardiner, ‘Can Farming Save European Civilisation?’ (1950), WSG, 196. 52. For more details on the Kinship in Husbandry – names of members, its relations with other bodies, and so on – see Moore-Colyer and Conford, ‘A “Secret Soci- ety”?’ and my Responses to Nazism in Britain, 153ff. For an earlier discussion see Anna Bramwell, Ecology in the 20th Century: A History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), 112–22. 53. Rolf Gardiner, ‘A Sermon to English Youth’, New English Weekly (4 July 1940), copy in RGP A3/6/2. 54. Rolf Gardiner, ‘Forestry and Husbandry’, in H.J. Massingham (ed.), The Natural Order: Essays in the Return to Husbandry (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1945), 130–31. See also Rolf Gardiner, ‘Rural Reconstruction’, in H.J. Massingham (ed.), England and the Farmer: A Symposium (London: B. T. Batsford, 1941), 91–107. Here he wrote of the need to focus on the local and argued (107) that ‘National-Socialist Germany set out to restore the experience of blood and soil to a rapidly urban- ized nation. But the experience remained a doctrine and the blood and soil were sacriﬁced to the Baal of war.’ 55. Peter J. Atkins, ‘The Pasteurisation of England: The Science, Culture and Health Implications of Milk Processing, 1900–1950’, in David F. Smith and Jim Phillips (eds.), Food, Science, Policy and Regulation in the Twentieth Century: International and Comparative Perspectives (London: Routledge, 2000), 37–51, esp. 45–46. 214 Notes

56. Lymington (as Gerard Wallop) to Gardiner, 11 August 1943, RGP F2/2. 57. On this matter see Moore-Colyer and Conford, ‘A “Secret Society”?’, 196–99. 58. Blunden to Gardiner, 6 August 1943, RGP F2/2. 59. Chase, ‘North Sea and Baltic’, 329.

8 Rural Revivalism and the Radical Right in France and Britain between the Wars

1. Anna Bramwell, Ecology in the Twentieth Century: A History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989), 162. My thanks to David Bensoussan, Susie Byers, Philip Conford and Philippe Vervaecke for helpful comments on earlier drafts of this chapter. 2. Raymond H. Dominick III, The Environmental Movement in Germany: Prophets and Pioneers, 1871–1971 (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1992); Axel Goodbody (ed.), The Culture of German Environmentalism: Anxieties, Visions, Real- ities (New York: Berghahn Books, 2003); Thomas Lekan, Imagining the Nation in Nature: Landscape Preservation and German Identity, 1885–1945 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004); Franz-Josef Brüggemeier, Mark Cioc and Thomas Zeller (eds.), How Green Were the Nazis? Nature, Environment and Nation in the Third Reich (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2005); Thomas Lekan and Thomas Zeller (eds.), Germany’s Nature: Cultural Landscapes and Environmental History (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005); David Blackbourn, The Conquest of Nature: Water, Landscape and the Making of Modern Germany (London: W. W. Norton, 2006); Frank Uekoetter, The Green and the Brown: A History of Conserva- tion in Nazi Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). See also the forum on ‘The Nature of German Environmental History’, German History, 27, 1 (2009), 113–30. 3. Mark Antliff, ‘La cité française: Georges Valois, Le Corbusier, and Fascist Theo- ries of Urbanism’, in Matthew Affron and Mark Antliff (eds.), Fascist Visions: Art and Ideology in France and Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), 134–70; cf. Richard A. Etlin, Modernism in Italian Architecture, 1890–1940 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1991). 4. Jeffrey Herf, Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture, and Politics in Weimar andtheThirdReich(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). But note Mark Antliff’s comments in ‘Fascism, Modernism and Modernity’, The Art Bulletin (March 2002), n13, online at: http://ﬁndarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0422/is_1_ 84/ai_84721212/print?tag= artBody;col1 (accessed 10 September 2008). See also Michael Thad Allen, ‘How Technology Caused the Holocaust: Martin Heidegger, West German Industrialists, and the Death of Being’, in Dagmar Herzog (ed.), Lessons and Legacies, Vol. VII: The Holocaust in International Perspective (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2006), 285–302. 5. Jean Plumyène and Raymond Lasierra, Les fascismes français, 1923–1963 (Paris: Le Seuil, 1963), 108–09. 6. Marc Simard, ‘Intellectuels, fascisme et antimodernité dans la France des années trente’, Vingtième Siècle: Revue d’histoire, 18 (1988), 73. 7. Samuel Kalman, ‘Faisceau Visions of Physical and Moral Transformation and the Cult of Youth in Inter-War France’, European History Quarterly, 33, 3 (2003), 347. 8. Annie Moulin, Peasantry and Society in France since 1789 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), ch. 4; Michel Gervais, Marcel Jollivet and Yves Tavernier, Notes 215

La ﬁn de la France paysanne de 1914 à nos jours, vol. 4 of Georges Duby and Armand Wallon (eds.), Histoire de la France rurale (Paris: Seuil, 1976). 9. Brian Short, ‘War in the Fields and Villages: The County War Agricultural Com- mittees in England, 1939–45’, Rural History, 18, 2 (2007), 217–44; Brian Short, Charles Watkins and John Martin, ‘ “The Front Line of Freedom”: State-Led Agri- cultural Revolution in Britain, 1939–1945’, in Brian Short, Charles Watkins and John Martin (eds.), The Front Line of Freedom: British Farming in the Second World War (Exeter: British Agricultural History Society, 2006), 1–15. 10. A.G. Street, Feather-Bedding (London: Faber and Faber, 1954), cited in Short, ‘War in the Fields and Villages’, 237. 11. Edouard Lynch, ‘La parti socialiste et la paysannerie dans l’Entre-deux-guerres: pour une histoire des doctrines agraires et de l’action politique au village’, Ruralia, 3 (1998), online at: http://ruralia.revues.org/document54.html (accessed 10 September 2008); Edouard Lynch, Moissons rouges: les socialistes français et la société paysanne durant l’Entre-deux-guerres, 1918–1940 (Lille: Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 2002); Jean Vigreux, ‘Le Parti communiste français à la campagne, 1920–1964’, Ruralia, 3 (1998), online at: http://ruralia.revues.org/document55. html (accessed 10 September 2008). 12. Susan Carol Rogers, ‘Good to Think: The “Peasant” in Contemporary France’, Anthropological Quarterly, 60 (1987), 56, cited in Shanny Peer, ‘Peasants in France: Representations of Rural France in the 1937 International Exposition’, in Steven Ungar and Tom Conley (eds.), Identity Papers: Contested Nationhood in Twentieth- Century France (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), 19. See also Armand Frémont, ‘The Land’, in Pierre Nora (ed.), Realms of Memory: The Construction of the French Past, vol. 2: Traditions (New York: Columbia Univer- sity Press, 1997), 3–35; Romy Golan, Modernity and Nostalgia: Art and Politics in France between the Wars (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995), 40–45; Christopher Parsons and Neil McWilliam, “‘Le Paysan de Paris”: Alfred Sensier and the Myth of Rural France’, Oxford Art Journal, 6, 2 (1983), 38–58. And, for a more recent example, Jean-Luc Mayaud, Gens de la terre: La France rurale 1880–1940 (Paris: Éditions du Chêne, 2002). 13. Gervais, Jollivet and Tavernier, La ﬁn de la France paysanne, 442; Moulin, Peasantry and Society, 151–58; Peer, ‘Peasants in France’, 43. See also Michael Heffernan, ‘Geography, Empire and National Revolution in Vichy France’, Political Geogra- phy, 24, 6 (2005), 731–58. The reality was of course somewhat different, with behaviour in certain areas, such as the Cévennes, being ‘diametrically opposed to the attitudes and behaviour that Vichy expected of its rural populations.’ See H.R. Kedward, ‘Rural France and Resistance’, in Sarah Fishman, Laura Lee Downs, Ioannis Sinanoglou, Leonard V. Smith and Robert Zaretsky (eds.), France at War: Vichy and the Historians (Oxford: Berg, 2000), 126. As Kedward notes (129 and 136–37), by the time Vichy was espousing its ‘return to the land’ ideas, they were ‘already a cliché’, but so too were the almost identical images of the peasantry as the ‘fundamental embodiments of France’ being promoted by the London-based La France Libre. 14. On the ‘immunity thesis’—the claim that France was ‘allergique au fascisme’— see Brian Jenkins, ‘The Right-Wing Leagues and Electoral Politics in Interwar France’, History Compass, 5, 4 (2007), 1359–81; Brian Jenkins (ed.), France in the Era of Fascism: Essays on the French Authoritarian Right (New York: Berghahn Books, 2005); also Robert J. Soucy, ‘The Debate over French Fascism’, in Richard J. Golsan (ed.), Fascism’s Return: Scandal, Revision, and Ideology since 216 Notes

1980 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 130–51; Kevin Passmore, ‘The Croix de Feu and Fascism: A Foreign Thesis Obstinately Maintained’, in Edward J. Arnold (ed.), The Development of the Radical Right in France: From Boulanger to Le Pen (Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 2000), 100–18; John Bingham, ‘Deﬁning French Fascism, Finding Fascists in France’, Canadian Journal of His- tory/Annales canadiennes d’histoire, 29, 3 (1994), 525–43. For a modern example of the French Right’s looking to neo-fascists in Italy, and vice-versa, see Andrea Mammone, ‘The Transnational Reaction to 1968: Neo-fascist Fronts and Polit- ical Cultures in France and Italy’, Contemporary European History, 17, 2 (2008), 213–36. 15. Bertram M. Gordon, ‘The Countryside and the City: Some Notes on the Collab- oration Model during the Vichy Period’, in Fishman et al. (eds.), France at War, 145–60. 16. Bramwell, Ecology in the 20th Century, 162. 17. Stephen Wilson, Ideology and Experience: Antisemitism in France at the Time of the Dreyfus Affair (London: Associated University Presses/Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 1982), 277–78. 18. David Bensoussan, Combats pour une Bretagne catholique et rurale: Les droites bretonnes dans l’entre-deux-guerres (Paris: Fayard, 2006), 223. 19. Jenkins, ‘The Right-Wing Leagues’, 1363. 20. Ibid., 1367. 21. See George L. Mosse, ‘The French Right and the Working Classes: Les Jaunes’, Journal of Contemporary History, 7, 3–4 (1972), 185–208. 22. Richard Moore-Colyer, ‘Towards “Mother Earth”: Jorian Jenks, Organicism, the Right and the British Union of Fascists’, Journal of Contemporary History, 39, 3 (2004), 353. 23. Alex Potts, ‘ “Constable Country” between the Wars’, in Raphael Samuel (ed.), Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, vol. 2: National Fictions (London: Routledge, 1989), 166. See also Christine Berberich, “‘I Was Meditating about England”: The Importance of Rural England for the Construc- tion of “Englishness”’, in Helen Brocklehurst and Robert Phillips (eds.), History, Nationhood and the Question of Britain (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 375–85. 24. Michel Winock, Nationalism, Anti-Semitism, and Fascism in France,trans.Jane Marie Todd (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998), 196 (‘poet’); Kalman, ‘Faisceau Visions’, 345–46 (‘redemptive concepts’). 25. Maurice Barrès, ‘Scènes et doctrines du nationalisme’, in J.S. McClelland (ed.), The French Right from de Maistre to Maurras (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), 192–93 (orig. Paris: Plon, 1925). 26. Winock, Nationalism, Anti-Semitism, 197. 27. Ibid., 198. In these quotations, Winock is rehearsing the arguments put forward by Sternhell. 28. Kevin Passmore, ‘The Construction of Crisis in Interwar France’, in Jenkins (ed.), France in the Era of Fascism, 162. 29. Jenkins, ‘Conclusion: Beyond the “Fascism Debate”?’ in Jenkins (ed.) France in the Era of Fascism, 203. 30. Alun Howkins, ‘Fascism and the Rural World in Inter-war Europe’, unpublished paper delivered at the ‘Rethinking the Rural: Land and the Nation in the 1920s and 1930s’ conference, Royal Holloway, University of London, 4–6 January 2007. My thanks to Alun Howkins for a copy of this paper. See also Theodor Bergmann, Notes 217

‘Agrarian Movements and Their Contexts’, Sociologia Ruralis, 17, 1 (1977), 167–90, esp. 183 on the radical right. 31. Susie Byers, ‘ “I am not a force of nature”: Ecology and Humanity in the Fascism of Pierre Drieu La Rochelle’, unpublished MA essay (University of Western Australia, 2008), 8. My thanks to Susie Byers for a copy of this essay. 32. Byers, “‘I am not a force of nature”’, 11. 33. Pierre Drieu La Rochelle, ‘Pour sauver le peau des français’, Le flambeau (27 June 1936), cited in Kalman, ‘Faisceau Visions’, 352. 34. George L. Mosse, ‘On Homosexuality and French Fascism’, in his The Fascist Revolution: Toward a General Theory of Fascism (New York: Howard Fertig, 1999), 179–80. 35. Le Nouveau Siècle, 25 January 1926, cited in Winock, Nationalism, Anti-Semitism, 255. 36. Mosse, ‘Fascism and the Intellectuals’, in The Fascist Revolution, 116. 37. Gardiner to Alan (surname unknown), 17 November 1930. Rolf Gardiner Papers (RGP), University of Cambridge, A2/6; Gardiner, ‘Wisdom and Action in Northern Europe’ (n.d., c.1926–27), RGP, A3/1/10(b). 38. Rolf Gardiner, ‘A Survey of Constructive Aspects of the New Germany. With Some Notes and Suggestions as to the Methods of Projection’ (June 1934), 27, 37, 44; RGP, M3/7. 39. Ibid., 43. 40. See, for example, Rolf Gardiner, World without End: British Politics and the Younger Generation (London: Cobden-Sanderson, 1932), 33–34. 41. Moore-Colyer, ‘Towards “Mother Earth”’, 355. 42. I use the word popularised by Roger Griffin in order to suggest that the English Mistery was not as distant from fascism as it claimed. This is not meant to be an unequivocal endorsement of Griffin’s claim that there now exists a ‘consensus’ in the study of fascism; for discussion see, for example, R.J.B. Bosworth’s introduction to The Oxford Handbook of Fascism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 1–7, and David D. Roberts, ‘Fascism, Modernism and the Quest for an Alternative Modernity’, Patterns of Prejudice, 43, 1 (2009), 91–102. 43. On the English Mistery/English Array and its relationship to the BUF, see my ‘The English Mistery, the BUF, and the Dilemmas of British Fascism’, Journal of Modern History, 75, 2 (2003), 336–58. 44. On Massingham, see, R.J. Moore-Colyer, ‘A Voice Clamouring in the Wilderness: H. J. Massingham (1888–1952) and Rural England’, Rural History, 13, 2 (2002), 199–224; Clare Palmer, ‘Christianity, Englishness and the Southern English Coun- tryside: A Study of the Work of H. J. Massingham’, Social and Cultural Geography, 3 (2002), 25–38. 45. My thanks to Philip Conford for this point. 46. Short, ‘War in the Fields and Villages’, 219. 47. George Stapledon, The Way of the Land (London: Faber and Faber, 1943), 92, 94. 48. Earl of Portsmouth, Alternative to Death: The Relationship between Soil, Family and Community (London: The Right Book Club, 1945 [1943]), 30. 49. Malcolm Chase, ‘ “North Sea and Baltic”: Historical Conceptions in the Youth Movement and the Transfer of Ideas from Germany to England in the 1920s and 1930s’, in Stefan Berger, Peter Lambert and Peter Schumann (eds.), Historikerdialoge: Geschichte, Mythos und Gedächtnis im deutsch-britischen kulturellen Austausch 1750–2000 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2003), 329. 218 Notes

50. For more on Kinship in Husbandry see my Responses to Nazism in Britain 1933–1939: Before War and Holocaust, 2nd edn (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), ch. 5; R.J. Moore-Colyer, ‘Back to Basics: Rolf Gardiner, H. J. Massingham and “A Kinship in Husbandry”’, Rural History, 12, 1 (2001), 85–108; Richard Moore-Colyer and Philip Conford, ‘A “Secret Society”? The Internal and Exter- nal Relations of the Kinship in Husbandry, 1941–52’, Rural History, 15, 2 (2004), 189–206. 51. Bramwell, Ecology in the 20th Century, 164–65. 52. Ibid., 167. 53. Peer, ‘Peasants in France’. 54. Jenks, ‘Kommissars for Agriculture’, Action, LI (6 February 1937), 11, cited in David Matless, Landscape and Englishness (London: Reaktion Books, 1998), 120. 55. Philip Conford, The Origins of the Organic Movement (Edinburgh: Floris Books, 2001), 146. 56. Howkins, ‘Fascism and the Rural World’, 11. See also Philip Conford, ‘The Organic Challenge’, in Short, Watkins and Martin (eds.), The Front Line of Freedom, 67–76. 57. One should note Sternhell’s strong criticism of Paxton’s findings in the new preface to the 3rd edition of Ni droite ni gauche (2000) and his straightforward assertion that ‘what Dorgères led was a mass fascist movement.’ For Sternhell, ‘the only important element which separated Dorgères from the ideal type of fascism was his defence of the countryside against the town. This political divide pre- vented him from transcending class interests and appealing to the whole nation.’ Zeev Sternhell, ‘Morphology of Fascism in France’, in Jenkins (ed.), France in the Era of Fascism, 52, 53. Indeed, as Gordon notes, (‘The Countryside and the City’, 152), ‘There was no collaborationist follow-up after 1940 to the Green Shirt movement, most of whose supporters looked to Marshal Pétain and official Vichy after 1940.’ 58. Bensoussan, Combats pour une Bretagne catholique et rurale, 223–24. 59. ‘Le but d’un groupe rural d’ACJF [Association catholique de la jeunesse francaise]’, Semaine religieuse du diocèse de Nantes, 17 June 1922, cited in Bensoussan, Combats pour une Bretagne catholique et rurale, 224. 60. Roger Grand, extrait du discours prononcé lors des journées rurales de Nantes, le 12 mars 1927. Reproduit dans le bulletin mensuel de l’ACCF [Association catholique des chefs de famille] du diocèse de Nantes, avril 1927, cited in Bensoussan, Combats pour une Bretagne catholique et rurale, 224. 61. Bensoussan, Combats pour une Bretagne catholique et rurale, 224. 62. Ibid., 455. 63. Ibid., 457. 64. Ibid., 458. 65. Gervais, Jollivet and Tavernier, La fin de la France paysanne, 437. 66. Howkins, ‘Fascism and the Rural World’, 9; Suzanne Berger, Peasants Against Pol- itics: Rural Organization in Brittany, 1911–67 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1972), 73. 67. Bensoussan, Combats pour une Bretagne catholique et rurale, 458. See also Moulin, Peasantry and Society, 149; David Bensoussan, ‘Mystique paysanne, agrarisme et corporatisme: les droites radicales dans le monde rural en France au milieu des années trente’, in Philippe Vervaecke (ed.), Á droite de la droite: Droites radicales en France et en Grande-Bretagne au XXe siècle (Lille: Presses Universitaires du Septentrion, 2012), 87–105. 68. Paxton, French Peasant Fascism, 14. Notes 219

69. See, for example, Michael Winter, ‘Corporatism and Agriculture in the U.K.: The Case of the Milk Marketing Board’, Sociologia Ruralis, 24, 2 (1984), 106–19. 70. Howkins, ‘Fascism and the Rural World’, 19.

9 The Uses and Abuses of ‘Secular Religion’: Jules Monnerot’s Path from Communism to Fascism

1. Jules Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, trans. J. Degras and R. Rees (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1953), 141. Originally published as Sociologie du communisme (Paris: Gallimard, 1949), and published in the US as Sociology and Psychology of Communism (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1953). My thanks to Ned Curthoys, Richard Grifﬁths, Joel Isaac, Florin Lobon¸t, Andrea Mammone, Samuel Moyn, Michèle Richman, Philippe Secondy and Philippe Vervaecke for their advice on this chapter, and to Philippe Vervaecke for his help with translation. 2. Denis Hollier, Absent Without Leave: French Literature under the Threat of War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), 92–93. On the 1935 Congress, see Roger Shattuck, ‘Having Congress: The Shame of the Thirties’, in Shattuck, The Innocent Eye: On Modern Literature and the Arts (New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1984), 3–31; and, for texts of the speeches, see Wolfgang Klein (ed.), Paris 1935: Erster internationaler Schriftstellerkongreß zur Verteidigung der Kultur. Reden und Dokumente. Mit Materialien der Londoner Schriftstellerkongreß 1936 (Berlin [East]: Akademie Verlag, 1982). Monnerot would not allow his speech to be reprinted in this volume as he refused to have anything to do with the East German regime; but according to the editor, Monnerot, speaking as the delegate of the French Antilles, referred to himself ‘as the grandson of black slaves and perhaps also of white adventurers, whose physical appearance was already a pure challenge to the myth of race’, advocating subordinating all other aims to the struggle against fascism (492). Monnerot’s father was a founder of the Communist Party in Martinique. 3. Pierre Klossowski, Jean-Michel Besnier, Jean-Pierre Faye, Jean-Michel Heimonet, Jean-Pierre Le Bouler and Dominique Lecoq, letter to La Quinzaine littéraire, 23 May 1989, 8, cited in Jean-Michel Heimonet, Jules Monnerot ou la démission critique, 1932–1990. Trajet d’un intellectuel vers le fascisme (Paris: Editions Kimé, 1993), 7–8, n2. The reference to the German representative in the European Par- liament is to Franz Schönhuber, leader of the Republikaner, the most successful far-right party in West Germany at the time. Monnerot had earlier staked his claim to have been the founder of the College of Sociology in an appendix entitled ‘Le Collège de Sociologie ou le problème interrompu’, in the 1979 edition of his most famous book: Sociologie du communisme, 3rd edn (Paris: Hallier, 1979). 4. Heimonet, Jules Monnerot ou la démission critique, 74. 5. Jean-Michel Heimonet, ‘Le Collège et son double: Jules Monnerot et le Collège de Sociologie interrompu’, TheFrenchReview, 60, 2 (1986), 231–40, here 238. The same wording is in Jean-Michel Heimonet, Politique de l’écriture: Bataille/Derrida. Le sens du sacré dans la pensée française du surréalisme à nos jours (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1987), 106. 6. Heimonet, Politique de l’écriture, 108–09. 7. Most persuasively Diethelm Prowe, ‘ “Classic” Fascism and the New Radical Right in Western Europe: Comparisons and Contrasts’, Contemporary European History, 3, 3 (1994), 289–313. 220 Notes

8. This is the distinction used by Michael Shafir in the immediate post-communist period to differentiate extreme-right wing Romanian parties such as the Party of National Right (radical return) from the Greater Romania Party (radical continuity). See, for example, among Shafir’s many publications, ‘Anti-Semitism in the Postcommunist Era’, in Randolph L. Braham (ed.), The Tragedy of Romanian Jewry (New York: Rosenthal Institute for Holocaust Studies, 1994), 333–86. 9. Jim Wolfreys, ‘Neither Right nor Left? Towards an Integrated Analysis of the Front National’, in Nicholas Atkin and Frank Tallett (eds.), The Right in France 1789– 1997 (London: I. B. Tauris, 1997), 267–68, cited in Richard Griffiths, An Intelligent Person’s Guide to Fascism (London: Duckworth, 2000), 151. 10. James Shields, The Extreme Right in France: From Pétain to Le Pen (London: Routledge, 2007), 307, cited in Andrea Mammone, ‘The Eternal Return? Faux Populism and Contemporization of Neo-Fascism across Britain, France and Italy’, Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 17, 2 (2009), 175. 11. David S. Bell, Parties and Democracy in France: Parties under Presidentialism (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), 127, cited in Paul Hainsworth, The Extreme Right in Western Europe (London: Routledge, 2008), 14. 12. Mammone, ‘The Eternal Return?’ 171–92. 13. The debate about the appropriateness of using the term ‘fascism’ in France cannot be dealt with here. See, for helpful discussions: Robert J. Soucy, ‘The Debate over French Fascism’, in Richard J. Golsan (ed.), Fascism’s Return: Scandal, Revi- sion, and Ideology since 1980 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 130–51; Kevin Passmore, ‘The Croix de Feu and Fascism: A Foreign Thesis Obstinately Maintained’, in Edward J. Arnold (ed.), The Development of the Radical Right in France: From Boulanger to Le Pen (Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 2000), 100–18; John Bingham, ‘Defining French Fascism, Finding Fascists in France’, Canadian Journal of History/Annales canadiennes d’histoire, 29, 3 (1994), 525–43; and the essays in Brian Jenkins (ed.), France in the Era of Fascism: Essays on the French Authoritarian Right (New York: Berghahn Books, 2005). See Chapter 7 for a more direct approach to this question. 14. For example, see Richard Wolin, ‘Left Fascism: Georges Bataille and the German Ideology’, Constellations, 2, 3 (1996), 397–428; Carlo Ginzburg, ‘Germanic Mythology and Nazism: Thoughts on an Old Book by Georges Dumézil’, in Ginzburg, Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 126–45. On Monnerot, see also Romain Ducoulombier, ‘Penser et combattre. Jules Monnerot face à la subversion des “sociétés ouvertes”’, in François Cochet and Olivier Dard (eds.), Subversion, contre-subversion, antisub- version (Paris: Riveneuve, 2009), 45–61. 15. Heimonet, ‘Le Collège et son double’. See also Michael Richardson, ‘Sociology on a Razor’s Edge: Configurations of the Sacred at the College of Sociology’, Theory, Culture & Society, 9, 3 (1992), 27–44, esp. 31, 33. 16. Heimonet, Jules Monnerot ou la démission critique, 69. 17. Libra has also been described by one commentator as a Maurrasian through and through (pur et dur); Frédéric Saumade, Drieu La Rochelle: L’homme en désordre (Paris: Berg International, 2003), 117, n2. 18. ‘Note on the Foundation of a College of Sociology’, in Denis Hollier (ed.), The College of Sociology 1937–1939 (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), 5. 19. Roger Caillois, ‘Introduction’, in Hollier (ed.), The College of Sociology, 10. Origi- nally published in Nouvelle revue française, July 1938. Notes 221

20. Sociology of Communism receives a passing mention, for example, in Emilio Gen- tile, ‘Political Religion: A Concept and Its Critics—A Critical Survey’, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, 6, 1 (2005), 19–32. 21. Raymond Aron, ‘The Future of Secular Religions’ (1944), in Aron, The Dawn of Universal History: Selected Essays from a Witness to the Twentieth Century,ed.Yair Reiner (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 177–201. On French intellectuals and communism, see Tony Judt, Past Imperfect: French Intellectuals, 1944–1956 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992); Peter Starr, Logics of Failed Revolt: French Theory after May’68 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995). A relevant case study is Richard Shorten, ‘François Furet and Totalitarianism: A Recent Inter- vention in the Misuse of a Notion’, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, 3, 1 (2002), 1–34. 22. On Rassinier, see Pierre Vidal-Naquet, Les assassins de la mémoire: ‘Un Eichmann de papier’ et autres essais sur le révisionnisme (Paris: La Découverte, 1987), 49–57. For an interesting case study, see Jeffrey M. Bale, ‘ “National Revolutionary” Groupuscules and the Resurgence of “Left-Wing” Fascism: The Case of France’s Nouvelle Résistance’, Patterns of Prejudice, 36, 3 (2002), 24–49. Of course, in the interwar years, this was by no means an unusual trajectory, as the careers of Benito Mussolini, Georges Sorel, Henri de Man, Jacques Doriot, Marcel Déat, Georges Valois and Gustave Hervé indicate. See, for example, Gilbert D. Allardyce, ‘The Political Transition of Jacques Doriot’, Journal of Contemporary History,1, 1 (1966), 56–74; Philippe Burrin, La dérive fasciste: Doriot, Déat, Bergery 1933– 1945 (Paris: Seuil, 1986); Michael B. Loughlin, ‘Gustave Hervé’s Transition from Socialism to National Socialism: Continuity and Ambivalence’, Journal of Con- temporary History, 38, 4 (2003), 515–38; Richard Grifﬁths, ‘Fascism and the Planned Economy: “Neo-Socialism” and “Planisme” in France and Belgium in the 1930s’, Science & Society, 69, 4 (2005), 580–93. My thanks to Philippe Vervaecke for alerting me to Soral. See www.alainsoral.com (accessed 5 February 2010). 23. Stanley Stowers, ‘The Concepts of “Religion,” “Political Religion” and the Study of Nazism’, Journal of Contemporary History, 42, 1 (2007), 9–24, here 22. 24. Stowers, ‘The Concepts’, 11, 13. 25. Eric Voegelin, Die politischen Religionen (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 1996 [1938]). Before Monnerot, the fascist movements had also been likened to religious movements by Talcott Parsons, who thought that this similarity could ‘serve as a guide to the sociological analysis of their origins and character’. Talcott Parsons, ‘Some Sociological Aspects of the Fascist Movement’ (1942), in Uta Gerhardt (ed.), Talcott Parsons on National Socialism (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1993), 204. See also Richard Shorten, ‘The Enlightenment, Communism and Political Religion: Reﬂections on a Misleading Trajectory’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 8, 1 (2003), 13–37; Alexander Tristan Riley, ‘Durkheim contra Bergson? The Hidden Roots of Postmodern Theory and the Postmodern “Return” of the Sacred’, Sociological Perspectives, 45, 3 (2002), 243–65. 26. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 268. 27. Claude Lefort, ‘Sociologie du communisme’, Les temps modernes, 50 (1949), 1098–108. N.S. Timasheff, reviewing the book in the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 267 (1950), 211, wrote that ‘no clear-cut and convincing conception of Communism as a social phenomenon is arrived at’, and Ossip K. Flechtheim, writing in the American Political Science Review, 48, 1 (1954), 223, argued that Monnerot’s book offered the reader no information 222 Notes

about the social structure of the communist parties or institutions, but instead ‘rather commonplace socio-philosophical observations about communism as a totalitarian dictatorship and as a secular religion’. 28. See, for example, Henry W. Ehrmann, ‘French Views on Communism’, World Pol- itics, 3, 1 (1950), 141–51; Mercer Cook, ‘Race Relations as Seen by Recent French Visitors’, Phylon, 15, 2 (1954), 121–38. 29. Richard J. Golsan, ‘From French Anti-Americanism and Americanization to “American Enemy?”’ in Alexander Stephan (ed.), The Americanization of Europe: Culture, Diplomacy, and Anti-Americanism after 1945 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2006), 44–68. 30. Jules Monnerot, Les faits sociaux ne sont pas des choses (Paris: Gallimard, 1946). On Durkheim and the College of Sociology, see the excellent study by Michèle H. Richman, Sacred Revolutions: Durkheim and the Collège de Sociologie (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2002); also Simonetta Falasca- Zamponi, ‘A Left Sacred or a Sacred Left? The Collège de Sociologie, Fascism, and Political Culture in Interwar France’, South Central Review, 23, 1 (2006), 40–54. 31. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 194. 32. Richardson, ‘Sociology on a Razor’s Edge’, 41. 33. Monnerot, Sociologie du communisme, 543, cited in Heimonet, ‘Le Collège et son double’, 233; ‘in the making’ in English in the original. 34. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 19–20. 35. Jules Monnerot, ‘La guerre subversive en Algérie’, Les Cahiers du Comité de Vincennes, 3 (1960), online at: http://julesmonnerot.com/GUERRE_SUBVERSIVE_ ALGERIE.html (accessed 9 February 2010). See also Jules Monnerot, Désintox: Au secours de la France décérébrée (Paris: Albatros, 1987), 42, online at: http: //julesmonnerot.com/DESINTOX.html (accessed 9 February 2010) for a similar statement. And, for the broader context, which shows how the FLN operated in the interstices of Cold War rivalries, see Matthew Connelly, A Diplomatic Rev- olution: Algeria’s Fight for Independence and the Origins of the Post-Cold War Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 36. See, for example, Claire Eldridge, ‘Blurring the Boundaries between Perpetrators and Victims: Pied-noir Memories and the Harki Community’, Memory Studies,3, 2 (2010), 123–36. 37. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 220–21. 38. Ibid., 143. 39. Ibid., 146. 40. Ibid., 16. 41. Emilio Gentile, Politics as Religion (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006), probably the leading work in the ﬁeld, makes essentially the same point as Monnerot. For a similar analysis contemporaneous with Monnerot’s, but without the analogy of communism with Islam, see Waldemar Gurian, ‘Introduction’, to Gurian (ed.), Soviet Imperialism: Its Origins and Tactics. A Symposium (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1953), 1–16. 42. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 18–19. 43. Ibid., 22. Cf. Isaac Deutscher, ‘Marxism and Primitive Magic’, in Tariq Ali (ed.), The Stalinist Legacy: Its Impact on 20th-Century World Politics (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1984), 106–17. 44. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 127. 45. Ibid., 162, 210. Notes 223

46. Ibid., 160. 47. Ibid., 217. One wonders about the significance of Mein Kampf, although Monnerot is right – its study as opposed to its display was not required in the way that Marx’s or Lenin’s texts were. 48. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 128. 49. Most famously in Arthur Koestler et al., The God That Failed: Six Studies in Communism (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1950). As the title indicates, Richard Crossman’s powerful introduction (7–16) discusses communism as a faith. See also Douglas Hyde, I Believed: The Autobiography of a Former British Communist (London: The Reprint Society, 1952). 50. Jules Monnerot, La guerre en question (Paris: Gallimard, 1951), 33. 51. Heimonet, Politique de l’écriture, 107. 52. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 209–10; cf. 233. Here ‘heterogeneity’ is meant in Bataille’s sense (which was also originally Monnerot’s), of something or someone irreducible to profit and the exchange economy. See Bataille, ‘The Notion of Expenditure,’ and ‘The Psychological Structure of Fascism’, in Allan Stoekl (ed.), Visions of Excess: Selected Writings, 1927–1939 (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1985), 116–29 and 137–60. 53. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 145–46. 54. Jules Monnerot, Sociologie de la révolution: mythologies politiques du XXe siècle marxistes-léninistes et fascistes. La nouvelle stratégie révolutionnaire (Paris: Fayard, 1969), 541. Again, this is hardly original; cf. on the fascist leader, Theodor W. Adorno, ‘Freudian Theory and the Pattern of Fascist Propaganda’ (1951), in Andrew Arato and Eike Gebhardt (eds.), The Essential Frankfurt School Reader (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978), 124–28. 55. Monnerot, Sociologie de la révolution, 518. 56. Georges Bataille, ‘The Moral Meaning of Sociology’, in Michael Richardson (ed.), The Absence of Myth: Writings on Surrealism (London: Verso, 1994), 108. First published in Critique 1 (1946). 57. Bataille, ‘War and the Philosophy of the Sacred’, in The Absence of Myth, 120, 122. Roger Caillois, Man and the Sacred (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2001), orig. L’Homme et le sacré, 2nd edn (Paris: Gallimard, 1950 [1939]). 58. Jean-Michel Heimonet, ‘Bataille and Sartre: The Modernity of Mysticism’, Diacritics, 26, 2 (1996), 59–73, here 59. 59. Richardson, ‘Sociology on a Razor’s Edge’, 41. 60. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 184. 61. Ibid., 268. 62. Although we should bear in mind that being a member of the Resistance – as a patriotic anti-German – was no bar to being a French fascist, as the case of Georges Loustaunau-Lacau indicates. My thanks to Richard Griffiths for this point. 63. Club de L’Horloge (ed.), Socialisme et religion: sont-ils compatibles? (Paris: Albatros, 1986), for example, owed a great deal to Monnerot. 64. Federico Finchelstein, ‘On Fascist Ideology’, Constellations, 15, 3 (2008), 326. 65. Jules Monnerot, ‘Misunderstandings’, in James Burnham (ed.), What Europe Thinks of America (New York: The John Day Company, 1953), 1–35, here 16. 66. Monnerot, ‘Misunderstandings’, 17. 67. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 250ff. 68. Ibid., 325–29. 69. Monnet cited in Perry Anderson, The New Old World (London: Verso, 2009), 24. 224 Notes

70. Jules Monnerot, ‘Politique en connaissance de cause’, in Groupe de la ‘Nation Française’ (ed.), Tribunes Libre 29: Écrits pour une renaissance (Paris: Plon, 1958), 3–73, here 8–9. 71. Monnerot, ‘Politique en connaissance de cause’, 11, 27–28, 38, 72–73. 72. Jules Monnerot, ‘La constitution du mythe “fascisme” en France et l’institution politique de ce mythe’, in Club de L’Horloge (ed.), Socialisme et fascisme: une même famille? (Paris: Albin Michel, 1984), 61–72, here 63. Monnerot developed these thoughts on ‘the myth of fascism in France’ in his short book, Désintox,which was dedicated to the members of the Club de L’Horloge. 73. Monnerot, Sociologiedelarévolution, 499–500, 592; cf. Sociology of Communism, 159. 74. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 235. 75. Monnerot, Sociologie de la révolution, 592; cf. 545–47. 76. Ibid., 633. This claim was quite correct; for a recent assessment of big business’s relationship with Nazism, see Christopher Kobrak and Andrea H. Schneider, ‘Big Business and the Third Reich: An Appraisal of the Historical Arguments’, in Dan Stone (ed.),The Historiography of the Holocaust (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 141–72. 77. Denis Hollier, ‘A Farewell to the Pen’, in Zeev Sternhell (ed.), The Intellectual Revolt Against Liberal Democracy 1870–1945 (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1996), 223–24. As Hollier notes, ‘calls for authority’ such as Monnerot’s, including those made by Caillois, Bataille and Jean Paulhan, were ‘conceived and perceived as being in keeping with the values of the extreme left’ (224). On Volontés and Monnerot’s survey, see Vincent Giroud, ‘Transition to Vichy: The Case of Georges Pelorson’, Modernism/Modernity, 7, 2 (2000), 221–48, esp. 227–31. 78. Monnerot, Sociologie de la révolution, 584. 79. Hollier, ‘A Farewell to the Pen’, 225. 80. Hollier, Absent without Leave, 163–64. 81. Dan Stone, ‘Georges Bataille and the Interpretation of the Holocaust’, in Stone, History, Memory and Mass Atrocity: Essays on the Holocaust and Genocide (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2006), ch. 5; Susan Rubin Suleiman, ‘Bataille in the Street: The Search for Virility in the 1930s’, Critical Inquiry, 21 (1994), 61–79; Falasca- Zamponi, ‘A Left Sacred or a Sacred Left?’, 52; Stefanos Geroulanos, ‘The Anthropology of Exit: Bataille on Heidegger and Fascism’, October, 117 (2006), 3–24. 82. Heimonet, Politique de l’écriture, 127. Cf. Julia David, ‘Sens du sacré et anti- intellectualisme dans les idéologies d’avant-garde durant l’entre-deux-guerres en France, une apocalypse sans révélation’, Quaderni, 58 (2005), 15–32. 83. Heimonet, Politique de l’écriture, 127–28. 84. Monnerot, ‘La ﬁèvre de G. Bataille’, cited in Heimonet, La politique de l’écriture, 163. See also Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 154–55. 85. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 288–89. 86. Heimonet, Politique de l’écriture, 174. Monnerot, Sociologie de la révolution, 528. 87. Richard H. King, ‘Conclusion: Arendt between Past and Future’, in Richard H. King and Dan Stone (eds.), Hannah Arendt and the Uses of History: Imperial- ism, Nation, Race, and Genocide (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 253, citing Arendt, ‘A Reply to Eric Voegelin’, in Arendt, Essays in Understanding 1930–1954, ed. Jerome Kohn (New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1994), 405. Notes 225

88. Jules Monnerot, ‘Letter to the Editor’, Confluence: An International Forum,2,4 (1953), 131–34, here 133. Arendt, ‘Religion and Politics’, and ‘Reply to Jules Monnerot’ can be more easily found in Essays in Understanding, 368–90, originally published in Confluence, 2, 3 (1953) and 3, 1 (1954). 89. Arendt, ‘Reply to Jules Monnerot’, 385, 386. On Arendt and Monnerot, see Peter Baehr, Hannah Arendt, Totalitarianism, and the Social Sciences (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010), 93–123. Baehr argues that in the light of today’s religious radicalism, Monnerot’s ideas deserve a closer look than Arendt was willing to grant them. 90. Baehr, Hannah Arendt, Totalitarianism, and the Social Sciences, 120. 91. Monnerot, ‘Racisme et identité nationale’, Itinéraires (1990), online at: http:// julesmonnerot.com/RACISME_IDENTITE.html (accessed 9 February 2010). 92. Jules Monnerot, ‘La culpabilisation du sentiment national’, in Club de L’Horloge (ed.), L’Identité de la France (Paris: Albin Michel, 1985), 196, 197. In the same volume, see also Monnerot’s essay, ‘La préférence occidentale’, 259–64. 93. Monnerot, Sociology of Communism, 155. 94. Alain de Benoist, ‘Jules Monnerot’, Le Spectacle du monde (2006), online at: www. alaindebenoist.com/pdf/jules_monnerot.pdf (accessed 31 January 2010). On de Benoist in the context of the post-war French right, see Roger Griffin, ‘Between Metapolitics and Apoliteia: The Nouvelle Droite’s Strategy for Conserving the Fas- cist Vision in the “Interregnum”’, Modern and Contemporary France, 8, 1 (2000), 35–53. And to understand the continuity between the FN (as well as Italy’s MSI/AN and Britain’s BNP) and ‘classic fascism’, see Mammone, ‘The Eternal Return?’ 95. Gerd Bergfleth, Theorie der Verschwendung: Einführung in Georges Batailles Antiökonomie (Munich: Matthes & Seitz, 1985), 144.

10 Genocide and Memory

1. J. John Lennon and Malcolm Foley, Dark Tourism: The Attraction of Death and Disaster (London: Continuum, 2000). 2. Wulf Kansteiner, ‘Finding Meaning in Memory: A Methodological Critique of Collective Memory Studies’, History and Theory, 41 (2002), 188. 3. Alon Confino and Peter Fritzsche (eds.), The Work of Memory: New Directions in the Study of German Society and Culture (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2002); Alon Confino, Germany as a Culture of Remembrance: Promises and Limits of Writing History (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006); Kansteiner, ‘Finding Meaning’. 4. Kansteiner, ‘Finding Meaning’, 180. 5. Kerwin Lee Klein, ‘On the Emergence of Memory in Historical Discourse’, Representations, 69 (2000), 127–50. 6. Charles S. Maier, ‘A Surfeit of Memory? Reflections on History, Melancholy and Denial’, History & Memory, 5, 2 (1993), 136–52. 7. Klein, ‘On the Emergence’. 8. Paul Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004 [orig. French 2000]). See also Chapter 11. 9. Alexander K.A. Greenawalt, ‘Rethinking Genocidal Intent: The Case for a Knowledge-Based Interpretation’, Columbia Law Review, 99, 8 (1999), 2294. 10. Gunnar Heinsohn, ‘What Makes the Holocaust a Uniquely Unique Genocide?’ Journal of Genocide Research, 2, 3 (2000), 411–30. 226 Notes

11. Dominik J. Schaller, ‘From Conquest to Genocide: Colonial Rule in German Southwest Africa and German East Africa’, in A. Dirk Moses (ed.), Empire, Colony, Genocide: Conquest, Occupation, and Subaltern Resistance in World History (New York: Berghahn Books, 2008), 311. 12. Donald Bloxham, The Great Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism and the Destruction of the Ottoman Armenians (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). 13. See Mark Levene, Genocide in the Age of the Nation State. Vol. 1: The Meaning of Genocide (London: I.B. Tauris, 2005), 196–202. 14. Terry Martin, ‘The Origins of Soviet Ethnic Cleansing’, Journal of Modern History, 70, 4 (1998), 813–61; Nicolas Werth, ‘The Crimes of the Stalin Regime: Out- line for an Inventory and Classiﬁcation’, in Dan Stone (ed.), The Historiography of Genocide (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 400–19; Nicholas Werth, ‘Mass Deportations, Ethnic Cleansing, and Genocidal Politics in the Later Russian Empire and the USSR’, in Donald Bloxham and A. Dirk Moses (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Genocide Studies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 386–406. 15. Ben Kiernan, ‘Myth, Nationalism and Genocide’, Journal of Genocide Research, 3, 2 (2001), 190. See also Ben Kiernan, ‘Serial Colonialism and Genocide in Nineteenth-Century Cambodia’, in Moses (ed.), Empire, Colony, Genocide, 205–28; Ben Kiernan, ‘Roots of Genocide: New Evidence on the US Bombardment of Cambodia’, Cultural Survival Quarterly, 14, 3 (1990), online at: http://www. culturalsurvival.org/ourpublications/csq/article/roots-genocide-new-evidence-us- bombardment-cambodia (accessed 5 October 2012); David P. Chandler, ‘Seeing Red: Perceptions of Cambodian History in Democratic Kampuchea’, in David P. Chandler and Ben Kiernan (eds.), Revolution and Its Aftermath in Kampuchea: Eight Essays (New Haven, CT: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, 1983), 34–56; Karl D. Jackson, ‘Intellectual Origins of the Khmer Rouge’, in Karl D. Jackson (ed.), Cambodia 1975–1978: Rendezvous with Death (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 241–50. 16. Liisa Malkki, Purity and Exile: Violence, Memory and National Cosmology among Hutu Refugees in Tanzania (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995). 17. For example, Nigel Eltringham, ‘ “Invaders Who Have Stolen the Country”: The Hamitic Hypothesis, Race and the Rwandan Genocide’, Social Identities, 12, 4 (2006), 425–46; René Lemarchand, ‘Exclusion, Marginalization and Political Mobilization: The Road to Hell in the Great Lakes’, University of Copenhagen Centre of African Studies Occasional Paper (March 2000). 18. Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001); Edith R. Sanders, ‘The Hamitic Hypothesis’, Journal of African History, 10, 4 (1969), 512–32. 19. Scott Straus, The Order of Genocide: Race, Power, and War in Rwanda (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006). 20. Johan Pottier, Re-imagining Rwanda: Conﬂict, Survival and Disinformation in the Late Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 130. See also Eric Stover and Harvey M. Weinstein (eds.), My Neighbor, My Enemy: Justice and Community in the Aftermath of Mass Atrocity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Gérard Prunier, Africa’s World War: Congo, the Rwandan Genocide, and the Making of a Continental Catastrophe (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008). 21. Florian Bieber, ‘Nationalist Mobilization and Stories of Serb Suffering: The Kosovo Myth from 600th Anniversary to the Present’, Rethinking History,6,1 (2002), 95–110; G.G. Raymond and S. Bajic-Raymond, ‘Memory and History: The Notes 227

Discourse of Nation-Building in the Former Yugoslavia’, Patterns of Prejudice, 31, 1 (1997), 21–30; Jasna Dragovic-Soso,´ ‘Saviours of the Nation’: Serbia’s Intellectual Opposition and the Revival of Nationalism (London: C. Hurst, 2002). 22. Milica Bakic-Hayden,´ ‘Nesting Orientalisms: The Case of Former Yugoslavia’, Slavic Review, 54, 4 (1995), 927. 23. Anthony Oberschall, ‘The Manipulation of Ethnicity: From Ethnic Coopera- tion to Violence and War in Yugoslavia’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 23, 6 (2000), 982–1001. 24. Bogdan Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), 81, cited in Oberschall, ‘The Manipulation’, 990. 25. Robert M. Hayden, ‘Mass Killings and Images of Genocide in Bosnia, 1941–45 and 1992–95’, in Stone (ed.), The Historiography of Genocide, 487–516; Robert M. Hayden, ‘Recounting the Dead: The Rediscovery and Redefinition of Wartime Massacres in Late- and Post-Communist Yugoslavia’, in Ruby S. Watson (ed.), Memory, Opposition and History under State Socialism (Santa Fe: School of American Research Press, 1994), 167–84; Tomislav Dulic,´ Utopias of Nation: Local Mass Killings in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1941–42 (Uppsala: Uppsala University Press, 2005); Paul B. Miller, ‘Contested Memories: The Bosnian Genocide in Serb and Muslim Minds’, Journal of Genocide Research, 8, 3 (2006), 311–24. On the figures from the 1990s, see Ewa Tabeau and Jakub Bijak, ‘War-Related Deaths in the 1992–1995 Armed Conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina: A Critique of Previ- ous Estimates and Recent Results’, European Journal of Population, 21 (2005), 187–215; Research and Documentation Center, Sarajevo, Human Losses in Bosnia and Herzegovina 91-95 (CD-Rom, 2006). 26. Dirk Moses, ‘Empire, Colony, Genocide: Keywords and the Philosophy of History’, in Moses (ed.), Empire, Colony, Genocide, 34–40. 27. Dirk Moses, ‘Moving the Genocide Debate Beyond the History Wars’, Australian Journal of Politics and History, 54, 2 (2008), 264. 28. See Jeffrey Herf, The Jewish Enemy: Nazi Propaganda during World War II and the Holocaust (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006). Goebbels cited 209. See also Doris L. Bergen, ‘Instrumentalization of Volksdeutschen in German Propaganda in 1939: Replacing/Erasing Poles, Jews, and Other Victims’, German Studies Review, 31, 3 (2008), 447–70, for an example of the manipulation of fears of German victimization at the hands of Poles. 29. Michael Geyer, ‘Endkampf 1918 and 1945: German Nationalism, Annihilation, and Self-Destruction’, in Alf Lüdtke and Bernd Weisbrod (eds.), No Man’s Land of Violence: Extreme Wars in the Twentieth Century (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2006), 47. 30. Levene, The Meaning of Genocide, 197. 31. Henri Raczymow, ‘Memory Shot Through with Holes’, Yale French Studies,85 (1994), 98–105. 32. Martin Dean, Robbing the Jews: The Confiscation of Jewish Property in the Holo- caust 1933–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008); Martin Dean, Constantin Goschler and Philipp Ther (eds.), Robbery and Restitution: The Conflict over Jewish Property in Europe (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007). 33. Dan Diner, ‘Restitution and Memory: The Holocaust in European Political Cul- tures’, New German Critique, 90 (2003), 39–40. See also Dan Diner and Gotthard Wunberg (eds.), Restitution and Memory: Material Restoration in Europe (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007). 34. Donald Bloxham, Genocide on Trial: War Crimes Trials and the Formation of Holo- caust History and Memory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Mark Mazower, 228 Notes

‘An International Civilization? Empire, Internationalism and the Crisis of the Mid-Twentieth Century’, International Affairs, 82, 3 (2006), 553–66. 35. Hannah Arendt to Karl Jaspers, 17 August 1946, in Lotte Kohler and Hans Saner (eds.), Arendt/Jaspers Correspondence 1926–1969 (San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace, 1992), 54. 36. For example, Caroline Fournet, The Crime of Destruction and the Law of Genocide: Their Impact on Collective Memory (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007); Gerry Simpson, Law, War and Crime: War Crimes Trials and the Reinvention of International Law (Cambridge: Polity, 2007). 37. Dan Stone, ‘Memory, Memorials and Museums’, in Dan Stone (ed.), The Historiography of the Holocaust (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 508–32. 38. James E. Young, The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials and Meaning (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993), 6–7. 39. See David S. MacDonald, Identity Politics in the Age of Genocide: The Holocaust and Historical Representation (London: Routledge, 2008). 40. William F.S. Miles, ‘Third World Views of the Holocaust’, Journal of Genocide Research, 6, 3 (2004), 388. 41. Sara Guyer, ‘Rwanda’s Bones’, boundary 2, 36, 2 (2009), 155–75. For examples of these memorials and many more in Rwanda, see http://genocidememorials.cga. harvard.edu/home.html 42. Judy Ledgerwood, ‘The Cambodian Tuol Sleng Museum of Genocidal Crimes: National Narrative’, in David E. Lorey and William H. Beezley (eds.), Genocide, Collective Violence, and Popular Memory: The Politics of Remembrance in the Twenti- eth Century (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2002), 103–22. See also Burcu Münyas, ‘Genocide in the Minds of Cambodian Youth: Transmitting (Hi)stories of Genocide to Second and Third Generations in Cambodia’, Journal of Genocide Research, 10, 3 (2008), 413–39; David P. Chandler, ‘Cambodia Deals with Its Past: Collective Memory, Demonisation and Induced Amnesia’, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, 9, 2/3 (2008), 355–69. 43. Paul Williams, ‘Witnessing Genocide: Vigilance and Remembrance at Tuol Sleng and Choeung Ek’, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 18, 4 (2004), 242. On trials, see Jörg Menzel, ‘Justice Delayed or Too Late for Justice? The Khmer Rouge Tri- bunal and the Cambodian “Genocide” 1975–79’, Journal of Genocide Research,9,2 (2007), 215–33. 44. Rachel Hughes, ‘Memory and Sovereignty in Post-1979 Cambodia: Choeung Ek and Local Genocide Memorials’, in Susan E. Cook (ed.), Genocide in Cambodia and Rwanda: New Perspectives (New Brunswick: Transaction, 2006), 257–80. 45. Guyer, ‘Rwanda’s Bones’. 46. Susanne Buckley-Zistel, ‘Remembering to Forget: Chosen Amnesia as a Strategy for Local Coexistence in Post-Genocide Rwanda’, Africa, 76, 2 (2006), 131. 47. Cornelia Sorabji, ‘Managing Memories in Post-War Sarajevo: Individuals, Bad Memories, and New Wars’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, n.s., 12 (2006), 1–18. 48. Sorabji, ‘Managing Memories’, 2. 49. Wulf Kansteiner, ‘Testing the Limits of Trauma: The Long-Term Psychological Effects of the Holocaust on Individuals and Collectives’, History of the Human Sciences, 17, 2/3 (2004), 97; Wulf Kansteiner, ‘Genealogy of a Category Mis- take: A Critical Intellectual History of the Cultural Trauma Metaphor’, Rethinking History, 8, 2 (2004), 193–221. Notes 229

50. Helen Graham, ‘The Memory of Murder: Mass Killing, Incarceration and the Making of Francoism’, in Alison Ribeiro de Menezes, Roberta Quance and Anne L. Walsh (eds.), Guerra y memoria en la España contemporánea/War and Memory in Contemporary Spain (Madrid: Verbum, 2008). 51. Quoted in Robert Manne, ‘Aboriginal Child Removal and the Question of Genocide, 1900–1940’, in A. Dirk Moses (ed.), Genocide and Settler Society: Fron- tier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004), 229, 237; Pat O’Malley, ‘Gentle Genocide: The Gov- ernment of Aboriginal Peoples in Central Australia’, Social Justice, 21, 4 (1994), 46–65. 52. Keith Windschuttle, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History (Sydney, NSW: Macleay Press, 2002). 53. Damien Short, ‘Reconciliation, Assimilation, and the Indigenous Peoples of Australia’, International Political Science Review, 24, 4 (2003), 506. 54. Moses, ‘Moving the Genocide Debate’, 254–5. See also Patrick Brantlinger, ‘ “Black Armband” versus “White Blindfold” History in Australia’, Victorian Studies, 46, 4 (2004), 655–74; Neil Levi, ‘ “No Sensible Comparison”? The Place of the Holo- caust in Australia’s History Wars’, History & Memory, 19, 1 (2007), 124–56; Andrew G. Bonnell and Martin Crotty, ‘Australia’s History under Howard, 1996–2007’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 617 (2008), 149–65. 55. Dirk Moses, ‘An Antipodean Genocide? The Origins of the Genocidal Moment in the Colonization of Australia’, Journal of Genocide Research, 2, 1 (2000), 89–106. 56. Jens Bartelson, ‘We Could Remember It for You Wholesale: Myths, Monuments and the Constitution of National Memories’, in Duncan Bell (ed.), Memory, Trauma and World Politics: Reﬂections on the Relationship between Past and Present (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 51. 57. Young, The Texture of Memory,2. 58. Barta, ‘Decent Disposal: Australian Historians and the Recovery of Genocide’, in Stone (ed.), The Historiography of Genocide, 296–322; Alfred A. Cave, ‘Genocide in the Americas’ in ibid., 273–95; Avraham Burg, The Holocaust Is Over, We Must Rise from Its Ashes (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008). 59. Alon Conﬁno, ‘Collective Memory and Cultural History: Problems of Method’, American Historical Review, 102, 5 (1997), 1403. 60. Peter Fritzsche, ‘The Case of Modern Memory’, Journal of Modern History, 73, 1 (2001), 117. 61. Maurice Blanchot, The Writing of the Disaster (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), 42.

11 Beyond the Mnemosyne Institute: The Future of Memory after the Age of Commemoration

1. Paul Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, trans. Kathleen Blamey and David Pellauer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 498. 2. Saul Bellow, ‘The Bellarosa Connection’, in Saul Bellow, Collected Stories, ed. Janis Bellow (New York: Penguin, 2002), 35–89. Page references in the text. My thanks to Bruce Baker and Barbara Rosenbaum for incisive comments on earlier versions of this chapter. 3. Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, 504. 4. Pierre Nora, ‘Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Mémoire’, Representa- tions, 26 (1989), 7–25. 230 Notes

5. Andreas Huyssen, Twilight Memories: Marking Time in an Age of Amnesia (New York: Routledge, 1995). 6. David Farrell Krell, ‘The Perfect Future: A Note on Heidegger and Derrida’, in John Sallis (ed.), Deconstruction and Philosophy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 114–21. 7. Charles S. Maier, ‘A Surfeit of Memory? Reflections on History, Melancholy and Denial’, History & Memory, 5, 2 (1993), 150–51. 8. Charles S. Maier, ‘Hot Memory ... Cold Memory: On the Political Half-Life of Fascist and Communist Memory’, Transit: Europäische Revue, 22 (2002), online at: www.iwm.at/t-22txt5.htm (accessed 5 July 2005). 9. See my ‘Memory, Memorials and Museums’, in Dan Stone (ed.), The Historiography of the Holocaust (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 508–32. 10. BBC1, 10 o’clock news, 28 June 2005. 11. Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 5 and passim. 12. Vera Schwarcz, ‘Mnemosyne Abroad: Reflections on the Chinese and Jewish Com- mitment to Remembrance’, in David E. Lorey and William H. Beezley (eds.), Genocide, Collective Violence, and Popular Memory: The Politics of Remembrance in the Twentieth Century (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2002), 139–66, here 143 (orig. 1991). 13. Thomas Butler, ‘Memory: A Mixed Blessing’, in Thomas Butler (ed.), Memory: History, Culture and the Mind (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 25. See also Jay Winter, ‘The Generation of Memory: Reflections on the “Memory Boom” in Contemporary Historical Studies’, German Historical Institute Bulletin, 27 (2000), online at: http://www.ghi-dc.org/publications/ghipubs/bu/027/b27winterframe. html (accessed 5 October 2012). 14. Norman G. Finkelstein, The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering (London: Verso, 2000), 5. 15. Noa Gedi and Yigal Elam, ‘Collective Memory – What Is It?’, History & Memory, 8, 1 (1996), 30–50. For an earlier discussion see M.I. Finley, ‘Myth, Memory and History’, History and Theory, 4, 3 (1965), 281–302, here 297: ‘ “group memory” is never subconsciously motivated in the sense of being, or seeming to be, automatic and uncontrolled, unsought for as personal memory so often appears. Group memory, after all, is no more than the transmittal to many people of the memory of one man or a few men, repeated many times over; and the act of transmittal, of communication and therefore of preservation of the memory, is not spontaneous and unconscious but deliberate, intended to serve a purpose known to the man who performs it’. Memory, Finley notes, is thus ‘controlled by relevance’. 16. Dominick LaCapra, History and Memory after Auschwitz (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 8. 17. Tony Judt, ‘From the House of the Dead: On Modern European Memory’, New York Review of Books (6 October 2005), 16. See also Tony Judt, Postwar: A His- tory of Europe since 1945 (London: William Heinemann, 2005), 803–31; Richard S. Esbenshade, ‘Remembering to Forget: Memory, History, National Identity in Postwar East-Central Europe’, Representations, 49 (1995), 72–96. 18. Kerwin Lee Klein, ‘On the Emergence of Memory in Historical Discourse’, Repre- sentations, 69 (2000), 127–50. 19. Wulf Kansteiner, ‘Finding Meaning in Memory: A Methodological Critique of Collective Memory Studies’, History and Theory, 41 (2002), 179–97, here 180. 20. Ibid., 184, 193. Notes 231

21. Peter Gray and Kendrick Oliver, ‘Introduction’, in Peter Gray and Kendrick Oliver (eds.), The Memory of Catastrophe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), 1–18, here 5. 22. Duncan S.A. Bell, ‘Mythscapes: Memory, Mythology, and National Identity’, British Journal of Sociology, 54, 1 (2003), 63–81, here 65. 23. Bell’s distinction between those who hold neurological memories in their brains – for whom the word ‘memory’ is appropriate and everyone else – for whom collective memory should be replaced by ‘myth’ – is too simplistic and is a version of the argument that has also been put forward by Gedi and Elam, among others. Timothy Snyder’s distinction between ‘mass personal memory’ and ‘national memory’ – though it uses the specific term (‘national memory’) that Bell wants to decouple – seems to me to be more alive to the complexities and nuances of what is meant by ‘collective memory’ than Bell’s literalism. See Gedi and Elam, ‘Col- lective Memory – What Is It?’; Timothy Snyder, ‘Memories of Sovereignty and Sovereignty over Memory: Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine, 1939–1999’, in Jan- Werner Müller (ed.), Memory and Power in Post-War Europe: Studies in the Presence of the Past (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 39–58. 24. Roy Strong, ‘Introduction’, to Patrick Cormack, Heritage in Danger,2ndedn (London: Quartet, 1978), 10, cited in Robert Hewison, ‘The Climate of Decline’, in David Boswell and Jessica Evans (eds.), Representing the Nation: A Reader. Histories, Heritage and Museums (London: Routledge, 1999), 160. 25. Ido de Haan, ‘Paths of Normalization after the Persecution of the Jews: The Netherlands, France, and West Germany in the 1950s’, in Richard Bessel and Dirk Schumann (eds.), Life after Death: Approaches to a Cultural and Social His- tory of Europe during the 1940s and 1950s (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 65–92, here 68–69. 26. Wulf Kansteiner, ‘Genealogy of a Category Mistake: A Critical Intellectual His- tory of the Cultural Trauma Metaphor’, Rethinking History, 8, 2 (2004), 193–221, and ‘Testing the Limits of Trauma: The Long-Term Psychological Effects of the Holocaust on Individuals and Collectives’, History of the Human Sciences, 17, 2–3 (2004), 97–123. See also Eelco Runia, ‘Presence’, History and Theory, 46, 1 (2006), 4, for a brief but tough criticism of ‘trauma’. 27. Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, 78. 28. Norman Manea, The Hooligan’s Return: A Memoir, trans. Angela Jianu (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2003), 224. 29. Ibid., 244. 30. Andrew O’Hagan, ‘Still Reeling from My Loss’, London Review of Books (2 January 2003), which memorably opens: ‘If you want to be somebody nowadays, you’d better start by getting in touch with your inner nobody, because nobody likes a somebody who can’t prove they’ve been nobody all along.’ 31. LaCapra, History and Memory after Auschwitz,8. 32. Jonathan M. Hess, ‘Memory, History, and the Jewish Question: Universal Citi- zenship and the Colonization of Jewish Memory’, in Alon Confino and Peter Fritzsche (eds.), The Work of Memory: New Directions in the Study of German Society and Culture (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2002), 40–41. 33. As exemplified by David B. Pillemer, ‘Can the Psychology of Memory Enrich His- torical Analyses of Trauma?’ History & Memory, 16, 2 (2004), 140–54. Pillemer argues (150) that ‘ “collective knowledge” is a more apt descriptor than “collective memory”’. For an attempt to mediate between notions of societal remembering and individual memory that uses ‘non-discursive forms of memory’ as its 232 Notes

guiding insight, see Michael Stewart, ‘Remembering Without Commemoration: The Mnemonics and Politics of Holocaust Memories among European Roma’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, n.s., 10 (2004), 561–82. See also Sła- womir Kapralski, ‘Ritual Memory in Constructing the Modern Identity of Eastern European Romanies’, in Nicholas Saul and Susan Tebbutt (eds.), The Role of the Romanies: Images and Counter-Images of ‘Gypsies’/Romanies in European Cultures (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2004), 208–25. 34. Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, 95. ‘This text’, Ricoeur notes of Halbwachs’ On Collective Memory, ‘basically says: to remember, we need others’ (120). 35. Eviatar Zerubavel, Time Maps: Collective Memory and the Social Shape of the Past (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 3, 6. See also Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Remembering (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1994) for an earlier statement along similar lines. 36. Kansteiner, ‘Finding Meaning’, 188. Cf. my ‘The Domestication of Violence: Forging a Collective Memory of the Holocaust in Britain, 1945–46’, Patterns of Prejudice, 33, 2 (1999), 13–29, esp. 14. 37. Barbie Zelizer, Remembering to Forget: Holocaust Memory Through the Camera’s Eye (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 3. 38. Kendrick Oliver, ‘ “Not Much of a Place Anymore”: The Reception and Memory of the Massacre at My Lai’, in Gray and Oliver (eds.), The Memory of Catastrophe, 171–89. 39. Alon Confino and Peter Fritzsche, ‘Introduction: Noises of the Past’, in Confino and Fritzsche (eds.), The Work of Memory,5. 40. Richard H. Minear, ‘Atomic Holocaust, Nazi Holocaust: Some Reflections’, Diplo- matic History, 19, 2 (1995), 347–65; David Anderson, Histories of the Hanged: Britain’s Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2004); Caroline Elkins, Britain’s Gulag: The Brutal End of Empire in Kenya (London: Jonathan Cape, 2004). 41. Zelizer, Remembering to Forget; cf. Habbo Knoch, Die Tat als Bild: Fotografien des Holocaust in der deutschen Erinnerungskultur (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2001), and Wulf Kansteiner, In Pursuit of German Memory: History, Television, and Politics after Auschwitz (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2005) for West Germany. 42. Geoffrey H. Hartman, ‘Public Memory and Its Discontents’, in Geoffrey H. Hartman (ed.), The Longest Shadow: In the Aftermath of the Holocaust (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1996), 99–115, here 105. 43. Natalia Aleksiun, ‘Polish Historiography of the Holocaust – Between Silence and Public Debate’, German History, 22, 3 (2004), 406–32; Victoria Sanford, Buried Secrets: Truth and Human Rights in Guatemala (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003); Helen Graham, The Spanish Civil War: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), ch. 7; Adam Hochschild, ‘In the Heart of Dark- ness’, New York Review of Books (6 October 2005), 39–42. For another example, see Idith Zertal, Israel’s Holocaust and the Politics of Nationhood (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), or, for a particularly stinging attack on Israeli memory politics, Yosefa Loshitzky, ‘Pathologising Memory: From the Holocaust to the Intifada’, Third Text, 20, 3–4 (2006), 327–35. 44. Hartman, ‘Public Memory and Its Discontents’; Marianne Hirsch, ‘Surviving Images: Holocaust Photographs and the Work of Postmemory’, in Barbie Zelizer (ed.), Visual Culture and the Holocaust (London: Athlone Press, 2001), 215–46; idem., Family Frames: Photography, Narrative, and Postmemory (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997); Michael Rothberg, ‘W.E.B. Du Bois in Warsaw: Notes 233

Holocaust Memory and the Color Line, 1949–1952’, Yale Journal of Criticism, 14, 1 (2001), 169–89; idem, ‘The Work of Testimony in the Age of Decolonization: Chronicle of a Summer, Cinema Verité, and the Emergence of the Holocaust Survivor’, PMLA, 119, 5 (2004), 1231–46; Avishai Margalit, The Ethics of Mem- ory (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002); Marc Augé, Oblivion,trans. Marjolijn de Jager (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2004). 45. Kansteiner, ‘Finding Meaning’, 184. 46. LaCapra, History and Memory after Auschwitz, 19; Patrick H. Hutton, History as an ArtofMemory(Hanover: University Press of New England, 1993). 47. Ricouer, Memory, History, Forgetting, 95–96. 48. Benjamin Forest, Juliet Johnson and Karen Till, ‘Post-totalitarian National Iden- tity: Public Memory in Germany and Russia’, Social and Cultural Geography,5, 3 (2004), 357–80, here 374. See also Alexander Etkind, ‘Hard and Soft in Cul- tural Memory: Political Mourning in Russia and Germany’, Grey Room, 16 (2004), 37–59. 49. Alon Conﬁno, Germany as a Culture of Remembrance: Promises and Limits of Writing History (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 209. 50. Rothberg, ‘The Work of Testimony’, 1243. 51. Zelizer, Remembering to Forget, 13. See also, on the question of the ‘failure of memory’, Paul Eisenstein, Traumatic Encounters: Holocaust Representation and the Hegelian Subject (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2003). 52. Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting,xv. 53. Ibid., 89. 54. Ibid., 147. 55. Ibid., 498. 56. Ibid., 21. 57. Ibid., 68, 87. 58. Ibid., 147. 59. Bruce E. Baker, ‘Under the Rope: Lynching and Memory in Laurens County, South Carolina’, in W. Fitzhugh Brundage (ed.), Where These Memories Grow: History, Memory, and Southern Identity (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 319–45. 60. Paul Ricoeur, ‘Memory-Forgetfulness-History’, ZiF Mitteilungen, 2 (1995), 12. See my discussion in ‘Paul Ricoeur, Hayden White and Holocaust Historiography’, in History, Memory and Mass Atrocity, 107–31. 61. Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, 459. For an exemplary discussion of the problems associated with the interaction, indeed indistinction, between Ricoeur’s categories of ‘personal memory’, ‘social memory’ and ‘historical memory’, see Susan Rubin Suleiman, ‘History, Heroism, and Narrative Desire: The “Aubrac Affair” and National Memory of the French Resistance’, South Central Review, 21, 1 (2004), 54–81. 62. Walter Benjamin, Illuminations, trans. Harry Zohn (London: Fontana Press, 1992), 98 (citing Lukács). See also Susan A. Handelman, Fragments of Redemption: Jewish Thought and Literary Theory in Benjamin, Scholem, and Levinas (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1991), 150; and Rebecca Comay, ‘Redeeming Revenge: Nietzsche, Benjamin, Heidegger, and the Poetics of Memory’, in Clayton Koelb (ed.), Nietzsche as Postmodernist: Essays Pro and Contra (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1990), 21–38. 63. Handelman, Fragments, 164. 64. Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, 95–96. 234 Notes

65. Ibid., 169. See also Giorgio Agamben, Infancy and History: Essays on the Destruction of Experience, trans. Liz Heron (London: Verso, 1993), 94. As Marc Bloch wrote, ‘nothing can really ever take the place of seeing things with one’s own eyes – provided one is blest with good sight’, quite a claim for a modern historian. Strange Defeat: A Statement of Evidence Written in 1940, trans. Gerard Hopkins (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1999), 24. 66. Lucian Hölscher, ‘Geschichte und Vergessen’, Historische Zeitschrift, 249 (1989), 1–17. 67. Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, 499. 68. Ibid., 408. 69. Rudy Koshar, Germany’s Transient Pasts: Preservation and National Memory in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 18, cited in Peter Fritzsche, Stranded in the Present: Modern Time and the Melancholy of History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 54. 70. Kansteiner, ‘Finding Meaning in Memory’, 193. 71. Klein, ‘On the Emergence’, 129. 72. Bellow, ‘The Bellarosa Connection’, 35.

12 Memory Wars in the ‘New Europe’

1. Régis Debray, Charles de Gaulle: Futurist of the Nation (London: Verso, 1994), 92. My thanks go to Luiza Bialasiewicz, Robert Bideleux, Cathie Carmichael, Martin Evans, Helen Graham, Becky Jinks, Roger Markwick, Dirk Moses and Gavin Schaffer for their comments on earlier drafts of this chapter. 2. Adam Krzeminski, ‘As Many Wars as Nations: The Myths and Truths of World War II’, Sign and Sight, 6 April 2005, www.signandsight.com/features/96.html (original in Polityka, 23 March 2005). Jan T. Gross, Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001). 3. For example, Douglas C. Peifer, ‘New Books on Memory, History and the Second World War’, Contemporary European History, 18, 2 (2009), 235–44; Christof Dejung, ‘A Past That Refuses to Pass: The Commemoration of the Second World War and the Holocaust’, Journal of Contemporary History, 43, 4 (2008), 701–10. 4. Martin Evans, ‘Memories, Monuments, Histories: The Re-Thinking of the Second World War since 1989’, National Identities, 8, 4 (2006), 335. 5. Richard Ned Lebow, ‘The Memory of Politics in Postwar Europe’, in Richard Ned Lebow, Wulf Kansteiner and Claudio Fogu (eds.), The Politics of Memory in Postwar Europe (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006), 14. 6. Alon Conﬁno, ‘Remembering the Second World War, 1945–1965: Narratives of Victimhood and Genocide’, Cultural Analysis, 4 (2005), 48. 7. Ken Jowitt, New World Disorder: The Leninist Extinction (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992). 8. As R.J.B. Bosworth argues in Explaining Auschwitz and Hiroshima: History Writing and the Second World War 1945–1990 (London: Routledge, 1993), 3. 9. Hannah Arendt, ‘No Longer and Not Yet’, in Hannah Arendt, Essays in Under- standing, 1930–1954, ed. Jerome Kohn (New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1994), 158–62; Hannah Arendt, Love and Saint Augustine, eds. Joanna Vecchiarelli Scott and Judith Chelius Stark (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 48. See also Joanna Vecchiarelli Scott, ‘Hannah Arendt Twenty Years Later: A German Jewess in the Age of Totalitarianism’, New German Critique, 86 (2002), 30. Notes 235

10. Gavriel D. Rosenfeld, ‘A Looming Crash or a Soft Landing? Forecasting the Future of the Memory “Industry”’, Journal of Modern History, 81, 1 (2009), 127, 135. 11. Silviu Brucan, The Wasted Generation: Memoirs of the Romanian Journey from Capitalism to Socialism and Back (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), x. 12. Tony Judt, Postwar: A History of Europe since 1945 (London: William Heinemann, 2005), 749. 13. Geoff Eley, ‘Historicizing the Global, Politicizing Capital: Giving the Present a Name’, History Workshop Journal, 63, 1 (2007), 154–88. Cf. Carl Tighe, ‘Pax Germanica’, in his Pax Variations (Manchester: IMPress, 2000), 89–141. 14. Tomislav Dulic,´ Utopias of Nation: Local Mass Killing in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1941–42 (Uppsala: Uppsala University Press, 2005); Dubravka Ugrešic,´ ‘The Con- ﬁscation of Memory’, in her The Culture of Lies: Antipolitical Essays (London: Phoenix, 1998), 217–35. 15. William I. Hitchcock, Liberation: The Bitter Road to Freedom, Europe 1944–1945 (London: Faber and Faber, 2009), 369; Pieter Lagrou, ‘Victims of Genocide and National Memory: Belgium, France and the Netherlands 1945–1965’, Past and Present, 154 (1997), 181–222. 16. Hitchcock, Liberation, 370–71; Jeffrey Herf, Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germanys (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997); Robert G. Moeller, War Stories: The Search for a Usable Past in the Federal Republic of Germany (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001). 17. Lebow, ‘The Memory of Politics in Postwar Europe’, 19. 18. Claudio Fogu and Wulf Kansteiner, ‘The Politics of Memory and the Poetics of History’, in Lebow, Kansteiner and Fogu (eds.), The Politics of Memory in Postwar Europe, 295. 19. Vladimir Tismaneanu, Fantasies of Salvation: Democracy, Nationalism, and Myth in Post-Communist Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998). 20. Gabriela Cristea and Simina Radu-Bucurenci, ‘Raising the Cross: Exorcising Romania’s Communist Past in Museums, Memorials and Monuments’, in Oksana Sarkisova and Péter Apor (eds.), Past for the Eyes: East European Representations of Communism in Cinema and Museums after 1989 (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2008), 275–305, esp. 297–303. 21. Vladimir Tismaneanu, ‘Civil Society, Pluralism, and the Future of East and Central Europe’, Social Research, 68, 4 (2001), 989. 22. Robert M. Hayden, ‘Mass Killings and Images of Genocide in Bosnia, 1941–45 and 1992–95’, in Dan Stone (ed.), The Historiography of Genocide (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 487–516. 23. Marc Morjé Howard, ‘The Leninist Legacy Revisited’, in Vladimir Tismaneanu, Marc Morjé Howard and Rudra Sil (eds.), World Disorder after Leninism: Essays in Honor of Ken Jowitt (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2006), 34–46; Jeffrey Kopstein, ‘1989 as a Lens for the Communist Past and Post-Communist Future’, Contemporary European History, 18, 3 (2009), 289–302. 24. Ivan Krastev, ‘The Strange Death of the Liberal Consensus’, Journal of Democ- racy, 18, 4 (2007), 63; Vladimir Tismaneanu, ‘Leninist Legacies, Pluralist Dilem- mas’, Journal of Democracy, 18, 4 (2007), 38. Cf. Charles S. Maier, ‘What Have We Learned since 1989?’ Contemporary European History, 18, 3 (2009), 253–69; Michael Shaﬁr, ‘From Historical to “Dialectical” Populism: The Case of Post- Communist Romania’, Canadian Slavonic Papers, 50, 3–4 (2008), 425–70. 25. Dieter Prowe, ‘ “Classic” Fascism and the New Radical Right in Western Europe: Comparisons and Contrasts’, Contemporary European History, 3, 3 (1994), 289–314; 236 Notes

Richard Golsan (ed.), Fascism’s Return: Scandal, Revision, and Ideology since 1980 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998); Tamir Bar-On, ‘Fascism to the Nouvelle Droite: The Dream of Pan-European Empire’, Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 16, 3 (2008), 327–45. 26. Etienne Balibar, ‘Is There a “Neo-Racism”?’ in Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities (London: Verso, 1991), 17–28; Lisa Lampert, ‘Race, Periodicity, and the (Neo-) Middle Ages’, Modern Language Quarterly, 65, 3 (2004), 391–421. 27. For example: Jan-Werner Müller (ed.), Memory and Power in Post-War Europe: Stud- ies in the Presence of the Past (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Małgorzata Pakier and Bo Stråth (eds.), A European Memory? Contested Histories and Politics of Remembrance (New York: Berghahn Books, 2010). 28. For example: Harold Marcuse, ‘The Revival of Holocaust Awareness in West Germany, Israel, and the United States’, in Carole Fink, Philipp Gassert and Detlef Junker (eds.), 1968: A Year Transformed (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 1998), 421–38; Susan Rubin Suleiman, Crises of Memory and the Second World War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006); Andy Pearce, ‘The Development of Holocaust Consciousness in Contemporary Britain, 1979–2001’, Holocaust Studies, 14, 2 (2008), 71–94; Hasia R. Diner, We Remember with Rever- ence and Love: American Jews and the Myth of Silence after the Holocaust, 1945–1962 (New York: New York University Press, 2009). 29. Claudio Fogu, ‘Italiani brava gente: The Legacy of Fascist Historical Culture on Italian Politics of Memory’, in Lebow, Kansteiner and Fogu (eds.), The Politics of Memory in Postwar Europe, 161–65. 30. Robert A. Ventresca, ‘Mussolini’s Ghost: Italy’s Duce in History and Memory’, History & Memory, 18, 1 (2006), 96–97. 31. Ventresca, ‘Mussolini’s Ghost’, 102–04. See also Ventresca, ‘Debating the Meaning of Fascism in Contemporary Italy’, Modern Italy, 11, 2 (2006), 189–209; Andrea Mammone, ‘A Daily Revision of the Past: Fascism, Anti-Fascism, and Memory in Contemporary Italy’, Modern Italy, 11, 2 (2006), 211–26; Joshua Arthurs, ‘Fas- cism as “Heritage” in Contemporary Italy’, in Andrea Mammone and Giuseppe A. Veltri (eds.), Italy Today: The Sick Man of Europe (London: Routledge, 2010), 114–27. 32. Pamela Ballinger, ‘Who Deﬁnes and Remembers Genocide after the Cold War? Contested Memories of Partisan Massacre in Venezia Giulia in 1943–1945’, Jour- nal of Genocide Research, 2, 1 (2000), 11–30; Gaia Baracetti, ‘Foibe: Nationalism, Revenge and Ideology in Venezia Giulia and Istria, 1943–45’, Journal of Contempo- rary History, 44, 4 (2009), 657–74; Martin Purvis and David Atkinson, ‘Performing Wartime Memories: Ceremony as Contest at the Risiera di San Sabba Death Camp, Trieste’, Social and Cultural Geography, 10, 3 (2009), 337–56. 33. Ruth Ben-Ghiat, ‘A Lesser Evil? Italian Fascism in/and the Totalitarian Equation’, in Helmut Dubiel and Gabriel Motzkin (eds.), The Lesser Evil: Moral Approaches to Genocide Practices (London: Routledge, 2004), 147. Cf. James Walston, ‘History and Memory of the Italian Concentration Camps’, The Historical Journal, 40, 1 (1997), 169–83; Robert S.C. Gordon, ‘The Holocaust in Italian Collective Memory: Il giorno della memoria, 27 January 2001’, Modern Italy, 11, 2 (2006), 167–88. 34. Ido de Haan, ‘Paths of Normalization after the Persecution of the Jews: The Netherlands, France, and West Germany’, in Richard Bessel and Dirk Schumann (eds.), Life after Death: Approaches to a Cultural and Social History of Europe during the 1940s and 1950s (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 69. Notes 237

35. Ido de Haan, ‘Routines and Traditions: The Reactions of Non-Jews and Jews in the Netherlands to War and Persecution’, in David Bankier and Israel Gutman (eds.), Nazi Europe and the Final Solution (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2003), 437. 36. William B. Cohen, ‘The Algerian War and French Memory’, Contemporary European History, 9, 3 (2000), 489–500; Vladimir Tismaneanu, ‘Communism and the Human Condition: Reﬂections on The Black Book of Communism’, Human Rights Review, 2, 2 (2001), 125–34. 37. Michael Richards, ‘Between Memory and History: Social Relationships and Ways of Remembering the Spanish Civil War’, International Journal of Iberian Studies, 19, 1 (2006), 86; Francisco Ferrándiz, ‘Cries and Whispers: Exhuming and Nar- rating Defeat in Spain Today’, Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies, 9, 2 (2008), 177–92. 38. I am grateful to Helen Graham for the wording of this sentence. 39. Carolyn P. Boyd, ‘The Politics of History and Memory in Democratic Spain’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 617 (2008), 142–43. See also Carsten Jacob Humlebæk, ‘Political Uses of the Recent Past in the Spanish Post-Authoritarian Democracy’, in Max Paul Friedman and Padraic Kenney (eds.), Partisan Histories: The Past in Contemporary Global Politics (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 75–88; Paloma Aguilar and Carsten Humlebæk, ‘Col- lective Memory and National Identity in the Spanish Democracy’, History & Memory, 14, 1/2 (2002), 121–64. For a moving example, see Ramón Sender Barayón, A Death in Zamora (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989). 40. Antonio Monegal, ‘Exhibiting Objects of Memory’, Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies, 9, 2 (2008), 239–51. 41. István Rév, Retroactive Justice: Prehistory of Post-Communism (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2005), 282, 296. See also Mark Pittaway, ‘The “House of Terror” and Hungary’s Politics of Memory’, Austrian Studies Newsletter, 15, 1 (2003), 16–17; Judt, Postwar, 827–28; Péter Apor, ‘Eurocommunism: Commemorating Commu- nism in Contemporary Eastern Europe’, in Małgorzata Pakier and Bo Stråth (eds.), A European Memory? Contested Histories and Politics of Remembrance (New York: Berghahn Books, 2010), 233–46. 42. Evans, ‘Memorials, Monuments, Histories’, 319–21; James Mark, ‘Containing Fas- cism: History in Post-Communist Baltic Occupation and Genocide Museums’, in Sarkisova and Apor (eds.), Past for the Eyes, 352. 43. Meike Wulf, ‘Changing Memory Regimes in a New Europe’, East European Memory Studies, 7 (2011), 17–18. 44. William Outhwaite and Larry Ray, Social Theory and Postcommunism (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005), 184–86. See also Richard Shorten, ‘Hannah Arendt on Total- itarianism: Moral Equivalence and Degrees of Evil in Modern Political Vio- lence’, in Richard H. King and Dan Stone (eds.), Hannah Arendt and the Uses of History: Imperialism, Nation, Race, and Genocide (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 173–90; Michael Geyer and Sheila Fitzpatrick (eds.), Beyond Totalitarian- ism: Stalinism and Nazism Compared (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). 45. Stuart Elden and Luiza Bialasiewicz, ‘The New Geopolitics of Division and the Problem of a Kantian Europe’, Review of International Studies, 32, 4 (2006), 627. 46. Maria Mälksoo, ‘The Memory Politics of Becoming European: The East European Subalterns and the Collective Memory of Europe’, European Journal of Interna- tional Relations, 15, 4 (2009), 653–80. See also Claus Leggewie, ‘A Tour of the 238 Notes

Battleground: The Seven Circles of Pan-European Memory’, Social Research, 75, 1 (2008), 217–34; Robert Bideleux, ‘Rethinking the Eastward Extension of the EU Civil Order and the Nature of Europe’s New East-West Divide’, Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 10, 1 (2009), 118–36. 47. Evans, ‘Memorials, Monuments, Histories’, 333. See also Maria Todorova and Zsuzsa Gille (eds.), Post-Communist Nostalgia (New York: Berghahn Books, 2010); Gregory Carleton, ‘Victory in Death: Annihilation Narratives in Russia Today’, History & Memory, 22, 1 (2010), 135–68; Roger Markwick, ‘The Great Patriotic War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Collective Memory’, in Dan Stone (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Postwar European History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 692–713. 48. Nurit Schleifman, ‘Moscow’s Victory Park: A Monumental Change’, History & Memory, 13, 2 (2001), 5–34. 49. Lisa A. Kirschenbaum, ‘Commemorations of the Siege of Leningrad: A Catastro- phe in Memory and Myth’, in Peter Gray and Kendrick Oliver (eds.), The Memory of Catastrophe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), 111. 50. Adamovich and Suvorov cited in Nina Tumarkin, TheLivingandtheDead:TheRise and Fall of the Cult of World War II in Russia (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 207, 211–12. 51. Benjamin Forest, Juliet Johnson and Karen Till, ‘Post-totalitarian National Iden- tity: Public Memory in Germany and Russia’, Social and Cultural Geography,5,3 (2004), 368. 52. Ilya Prizel, ‘Nationalism in Postcommunist Russia: From Resignation to Anger’, in Sorin Antohi and Vladimir Tismaneanu (eds.), Between Past and Future: The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Aftermath (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2000), 337. See also Alexander Etkind, ‘Hard and Soft in Cultural Memory: Political Mourning in Russia and Germany’, Grey Room, 16 (2004), 36–59; Thomas C. Wolfe, ‘Past as Present, Myth, or History? Discourses of Time and the Great Fatherland War’, in Lebow, Kansteiner and Fogu (eds.), The Politics of Memory in Postwar Europe, 249–83; David Reynolds, ‘World War II and Modern Meanings’, Diplomatic History, 25, 3 (2001), 457–72, esp. 464–66. 53. James V. Wertsch, ‘Blank Spots in History and Deep Memory: Revising the Official Narrative of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact’, in Ene Kõresaar, Epp Lauk and Kristin Kuutma (eds.), The Burden of Remembering: Recollections and Representations of the 20th Century (Helsinki: Finnish Literature Society, 2009), 37–56. 54. Judt, Postwar, 803. Jens Kroh, ‘Erinnerungskultureller Akteur und geschicht- spolitisches Netzwerk: Die “Task Force for International Cooperation on Holocaust Education, Remembrance and Research”’, and Harald Schmid, ‘Europäisierung des Auschwitzgedenkens? Zum Aufstieg des 27. Januar 1945 als “Holocaustgedenktag” in Europa’, both in Jan Eckel and Claudia Moisel (eds.), Universalisierung des Holocaust? Erinnerungskultur und Geschichtspolitik in internationaler Perspektive (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2008), 156–73 and 174–202; Lothar Probst, ‘Founding Myths in Europe and the Role of the Holocaust’, New German Critique, 90 (2003), 45–58. 55. Avi Beker (ed.), The Plunder of Jewish Property during the Holocaust: Confronting European History (New York: New York University Press, 2001); Martin Dean, Constantin Goschler and Philipp Ther (eds.), Robbery and Restitution: The Con- flict over Jewish Property in Europe (New York: Berghahn, 2007); Martin Dean, Robbing the Jews: The Confiscation of Jewish Property in the Holocaust, 1933–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). Notes 239

56. Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 344–65. 57. Vladimir Tismaneanu, ‘Democracy and Memory: Romania Confronts Its Com- munist Past’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 617 (2008), 166–80; Ruxandra Cesereanu, ‘The Final Report on the Holocaust and the Final Report on the Communist Dictatorship in Romania’, East European Politics and Societies, 22, 2 (2008), 270–81. 58. Carolyn J. Dean, ‘Recent French Discourses on Stalinism, Nazism and “Exorbi- tant” Jewish Memory’, History & Memory, 18, 1 (2006), 43–85. 59. Adam Hochschild, ‘In the Heart of Darkness’, New York Review of Books (6 Octo- ber 2005), 39–42; Ludo de Witte, The Assassination of Lumumba (London: Verso, 2002); Martin Ewans, European Atrocity, African Catastrophe: Leopold II, the Congo Free State and its Aftermath (London: Routledge, 2002). 60. Caroline Elkins, Britain’s Gulag: The Brutal End of Empire in Kenya (London: Jonathan Cape, 2004); David Anderson, Histories of the Hanged: Britain’s Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2004). 61. Kenneth O. Morgan, ‘The Second World War and British Culture’, in Brian Brivati and Harriet Jones (eds.), From Reconstruction to Integration: Britain and Europe since 1945 (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1993), 45 (national ego); Reynolds, ‘World War II and Modern Meanings’, 470 (German domination); Malcolm Smith, Britain and 1940: History, Myth and Popular Memory (London: Routledge, 2000), esp. ch. 7; cf. Wendy Webster, ‘ “Europe against the Germans”: The British Resistance Narrative, 1940–1950’, Journal of British Studies, 48 (2009), 958–82. 62. Caroline Elkins, ‘Race, Citizenship, and Governance: Settler Tyranny and the End of Empire’, in Caroline Elkins and Susan Pedersen (eds.), Settler Colonialism in the Twentieth Century: Projects, Practices, Legacies (New York: Routledge, 2005), 203–22. 63. Matthew Connelly, ‘Taking Off the Cold War Lens: Visions of North-South Con- flict During the Algerian War for Independence’, American Historical Review, 105, 3 (2000), 739–69. 64. Edward T. Linenthal and Tom Engelhardt, History Wars: The Enola Gay and Other Battles for the American Past (New York: Henry Holt & Co, 1996); Phillips P. O’Brien, ‘East versus West in the Defeat of Nazi Germany’, Strategic Studies, 23, 2 (2000), 89–113; Mark A. Stoler, ‘The Second World War in US History and Memory’, Diplomatic History, 25, 3 (2001), 383–92. 65. John Torpey, ‘ “Making Whole What Has Been Smashed”: Reflections on Repa- rations’, Journal of Modern History, 73, 2 (2001), 333–58; Elazar Barkan, The Guilt of Nations: Restitution and Negotiating Historical Injustices (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000). 66. Richard H. King, ‘ “What Kind of People Are We?” The United States and the Truth and Reconciliation Idea’, in Wilfred M. McClay (ed.), Figures in the Carpet: Finding the Human Person in the American Past (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2007), 496. 67. Christopher J. Le Mon, ‘Rwanda’s Troubled Gacaca Courts’, Human Rights Brief, 14, 2 (2007), 16–20. 68. Jeffrey C. Alexander, ‘On the Social Construction of Moral Universals: The “Holo- caust” from War Crime to Trauma Drama’, European Journal of Social Theory,5, 1 (2002), 5–85; Daniel Levy and Natan Sznaider, ‘Memories of Europe: Cos- mopolitanism and Its Others’, in Chris Rumford (ed.), Cosmopolitanism and Europe (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2007), 158–77; Gerard Delanty, ‘The Idea of a Cosmopolitan Europe: On the Cultural Significance of Europeanization’, 240 Notes

International Review of Sociology, 15, 3 (2005), 405–21. See also the important article by Marco Duranti, which decouples Holocaust consciousness from the history of human rights: ‘The Holocaust, the Legacy of 1789 and the Birth of Interna- tional Human Rights Law: Revisiting the Foundation Myth’, Journal of Genocide Research, 14, 2 (2012), 159–86. 69. Mark Mazower, ‘The Strange Triumph of Human Rights, 1933–1950’, The Histori- cal Journal, 47, 2 (2004), 379–98. 70. Eric D. Weitz, ‘From the Vienna to the Paris System: International Politics and the Entangled Histories of Human Rights, Forced Deportations, and Civilizing Missions’, American Historical Review, 113, 5 (2008), 1313–43. 71. Jens Bartelson, ‘We Could Remember It for You Wholesale: Myths, Monuments and the Constitution of National Memories’, in Duncan Bell (ed.), Memory, Trauma and World Politics: Reﬂections on the Relationship between Past and Present (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 51. In general, for the best critical history of human rights, see Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2010). 72. Rosenfeld, ‘A Looming Crash’. 73. Ido de Haan, ‘The Construction of a National Trauma: The Memory of the Perse- cution of the Jews in the Netherlands’, Netherlands Journal of Social Sciences, 34, 2 (1998), 196–217. 74. Wulf Kansteiner, ‘Genealogy of a Category Mistake: A Critical Intellectual History of the Cultural Trauma Metaphor’, Rethinking History, 8, 2 (2004), 193–221; Wulf Kansteiner, ‘Testing the Limits of Trauma: The Long-Term Psychological Effects of the Holocaust on Individuals and Collectives’, History of the Human Sciences, 17, 2–3 (2004), 97–123. On Friedländer’s use of testimony, see Amos Goldberg, ‘The Victim’s Voice and Melodramatic Aesthetics in History’, History and Theory, 48 (2009), 220–37. 75. Tony Judt, ‘The “Problem of Evil” in Postwar Europe’, New York Review of Books (14 February 2008). 76. Michael Rothberg, ‘The Work of Testimony in the Age of Decolonization: Chron- icle of a Summer, Cinema Verité, and the Emergence of the Holocaust Survivor’, PMLA, 119, 5 (2004), 1243. 77. Richard Ned Lebow, ‘The Future of Memory’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 617 (2008), 25–41. 78. Prizel, ‘Nationalism in Postcommunist Russia’, 334. 79. Georges-Henri Soutou, ‘Was There a European Order in the Twentieth Century? From the Concert of Europe to the End of the Cold War’, Contemporary European History, 9, 3 (2000), 330. See, for examples: Jeffrey S. Kopstein, ‘The Politics of National Reconciliation: Memory and Institutions in German-Czech Relations since 1989’, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 3, 2 (1997), 57–78; Jan C. Behrends, ‘Jan Józef Lipskis europäischer Traum: Zur Geschichtskultur in Polen, Russland und Deutschland nach 1989’, Themenportal Europäische Geschichte (2007), online at: www.europa.clio-online.de/2007/Article= 246; and the forum ‘Truth and Rec- onciliation in History’, ed. Elazar Barkan, American Historical Review, 114, 4 (2009). Index

Abbasid Empire, 129 Austria, 124, 150 Aborigines, 50, 153–54, 166 Axis Rule in Occupied Europe (Lemkin), 21, ‘Stolen generations’, 153, 181 26–27, 28, 32 Acéphale, 135 Action (BUF), 120 Bajohr, Frank, 31, 77 Action Française, 125, 130, 131, 133 Baker, Bruce, 169 Adamovich, Ales, 179 Baldwin, Stanley, 92, 119 Adenauer, Konrad, 78 Balfour, Arthur, 85 African-Americans, 166 Baltic States, 15, 21 Agamben, Giorgio, 47, 57, 59, 63 Banse, Ewald, 84, 95 Algerian War, 129, 177, 181 Barrès, Maurice, 114, 115, 116, 120 Alltagsgeschichte, 39–40, 41, 44 Barsley, Michael, 88 Alsace-Lorraine, 31, 115 Barta, Tony, 155 Alternative to Death (Earl of Portsmouth), Bartelson, Jens, 182 119 Barthes, Roland, 41 Aly, Götz, 32, 62 Bartov, Omer, 18 Ambrosino, Georges, 126 Basrah Times,83 American Indians, 166 Bataille, Georges, 126, 128, 131, 132, Amnesty Law (Spain, 1977), 178 135–36, 137, 139 Anderson, David, 166 Baum, Steven K., 44 Antelme, Robert, 60 Bazin, René, 114 antifascism, 5, 6, 10, 23, 67–80, 135–36, Behemoth (Neumann), 81 176, 177 Belarus, 20, 21 antisemitism, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 24, Belgian Congo, 166, 181 40, 42, 54–55, 57, 59, 77, 99, 124, see also Democratic Republic of Congo 125, 175 Belgium, 20, 166 Antonescu, Ion, 20–21, 175 Bell, David, 125 Apartheid, 181 Bell, Gertrude, 83 Arendt, Hannah, 25, 28, 49–62, 76, Belloc, Hilaire, 72, 82 137–38, 173 Bellow, Saul, 157 Argentina, 155, 180, 181 Bełzec,˙ 17, 56 Armenian genocide, 26, 33, Bender, Sara, 20 50, 146 Beneš, Edvard, 87 Aron, Raymond, 127, 128 Ben-Ghiat, Ruth, 177 Arrow Cross, 133, 178 Benjamin, Walter, 126, 169–70 Arusha Accords, 147 Bensoussan, David, 121, 122 Aschheim, Steven, 37, 39 Berg, Nicolas, 38 Assmann, Jan, 159 Bergen-Belsen, 28 Augé, Marc, 143, 167 Berlin, 144, 159 Auschwitz, 16, 17, 49, 50, 55, 57, Berlin Wall, 175 137, 159 Berlusconi, Silvio, 23, 177 in collective memory, 144 Berth, Edouard, 115 Sonderkommando in, 56 Best, Andrew, 96 Australia, 22, 88, 153–54, 155, 181 Bidault, Georges, 129

241 242 Index

Black Book of Communism, The, 177 Cioran, Emil, 11 Bloxham, Donald, 22 Civil Rights, 169 Blum, Léon, 129 Club de L’Horloge, 133 Blunden, Edmund, 107, 108, 109, 119 Cold War, 16, 22, 23, 29, 30, 31, 79, 125, Boberhaus (Loewenberg), 98, 102 137, 144, 150, 155, 159, 173, 174, Borges, Jorge Luis, 11 175, 177, 181, 182, 183 Borkenau, Franz, 68, 69–71, 74, 75, College of Sociology, 123–24, 125, 126, 78, 79 127, 128, 131 Bosnia, 152, 153 Collingwood, R. G., 73 Boulangism, 114 colonialism, 10, 16, 22, 33, 49, 50, 147, Boutang, Pierre, 125 149 Boyarin, Jonathan, 159 Comité de Vincennes, 129 Boyd, Carolyn, 178 commemorations, 143, 145, 149, Bozman, E. F., 108 150–51, 153, 163–64, 168, 170, 182 Bracher, Karl Dietrich, 81 Commission for Historical Clarification Bramwell, Anna, 110, 113, 116, 120, 122 (Guatemala), 166, 181 Brasillach, Robert, 114 communism, 5, 10, 23, 29, 70, 74, 79, Brauchitsch, Walther von, 30 88, 105, 116, 125, 127, 129, 130, Bringing Them Home Report (Australia), 131, 134, 135, 172, 177, 180 153 Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), British Empire, 78, 89, 97 121 British Union of Fascists (BUF), 80, 100, Confino, Alon, 41, 43, 44, 155, 165–66, 105, 119–20, 122, 133 168, 173 Brittany, 120–21 Confluence, 137 Broszat, Martin, 29, 37–39, 41, 48 Conford, Philip, 106, 114, 120 Browning, Christopher, 54 Confucius, 159 Brucan, Silviu, 174 Congress of Vienna, 183 Bryant, Arthur, 91, 92–93, 108, 119 Connerton, Paul, 159 Buckley-Zistel, Susanne, 152 Consonni, Manuela, 44 Budapest, 23, 72, 178 Copsey, Nigel, 67, 69, 70, 74 Bulgaria, 20 Critique, 128 Bünde,98 Croatia, 21, 148 Burundi, 58, 147 Croix de Feu, 114, 120 Bush, George W., 158 Czechoslovakia, 34, 68, 134 Byers, Susie, 116 Dachau, 28 Caillois, Roger, 124, 126, 128, 131, 132 Daily Telegraph (London), 85 Cambodia, 146, 150, 151 Daily Worker (London), 87 Canada, 88 Daly, Sidney, 87 Carroll, Lewis, 88 Darfur, 182 Caruth, Cathy, 162 Darré, Richard Walther, 101, 110, 117 Ceau¸sescu, Nicolai, 20, 162 Dastur, Françoise, 60, 61, 62 Césaire, Aimé, 49 Dean, Martin, 31 Chamberlain, Neville, 73, 90, 92 de Benoist, Alain, 133, 138–39 Champetier de Ribes, Auguste, 145 Debray, Régis, 172 Chase, Malcolm, 98, 109, 119 decolonisation, 168, 183 Chełmno, 17 de Felice, Renzo, 177 Chetniks, 148, 174 Defying Hitler (Haffner), 75, 78–79 Choeung Ek, 151 de Gaulle, Charles, 128, 129, 133, 134 Churchill, Winston, 72, 79, 172 De Haan, Ido, 162, 177 Index 243

Dell, Robert, 89 Faisceau, 112, 120 Democratic Republic of Congo, Faits sociaux ne sont pas des choses, Les 59, 153 (Monnerot), 128, 132, 136 Denitch, Bogdan, 148 Falange (Spain), 133 Denmark, 75 Farrell Krell, David, 158 Déroulède, Paul, 114 fascism, 4, 6, 7, 9–10, 11, 29, 68–69, 73, Derrida, Jacques, 60, 61, 158, 159 96–97, 105, 106, 116–18, 124–25, Deutsche Arbeitsfront, 117 126, 130, 131, 135, 137, 139, 173, Deutsche Bank, 23 175 Deutsche Freischar,98 and Nazism, 5, 96–97, 101, 104, Dickson, Lovat, 84 105–6, 117–18, 132 Diner, Dan, 7, 8, 38, 150 and ‘neo-fascism’, 124–25 Distributism, 72 appeal of, 6, 105, 116, 131, 136, 137 Dmitrov, Georgi, 70 as tool of big business, 68 Dorgères, Henri, 111, 112, 120, British, 6, 80, 119–20, 122 121, 122 ecology and 110, 113, 120 Doriot, Jacques, 117 French, 111, 116, 120, 122, 124–25, Dreyfus Affair, 114, 133 126, 133 Drieu La Rochelle, Pierre, 116–17, 118, intellectual origins of, 111, 115–16 120 Italian, 4, 5, 116, 122, 133, 144 Drumont, Edouard, 114 Romanian, 5, 11 Duch (Kaing Guek Eav), 151 Fascisme, Le (Valois), 116 Dugdale, E. T. S., 85 Felman, Shoshana, 170 Dulic,´ Tomislav, 148 Ferdinand, Franz, 147 Durkheim, Emile, 126, 128, 144, 164 Finchelstein, Federico, 5, 6 Dwork, Debórah, 32 Fini, Gianfranco, 177 Finkelstein, Norman, 160, 163, 166 East Timor, 58 Finkielkraut, Alain, 54 Eichmann, Adolf, 43, 62, 150 Finland, 20 Einsatzgruppen, 30, 54 foibe, 177 Einsatzstab Reichsleiter Rosenberg (ERR), forced labour, 17, 20, 22 18, 30–31 For Fatherland and Freedom Party Eire, 88 (Latvia), 172 Eley, Geoff, 174 Foucault, Michel, 11, 47 Eliade, Mircea, 11 Fowler,David,96 Elkins, Caroline, 166 Foyle, Christina, 92 England Herself (Gardiner), 103–4, 108, Fraenkel, Heinrich, 69 109 France, 20, 68, 75, 150, 155, 177, 178 English Array, 106, 118 and decolonisation, 129 English Mistery, 106, 118 Fifth Republic, 125, 132, 137 Ensor, R. C. K., 85 Popular Front, 112 Estonia, 20, 179 Resistance, 128, 132 eugenics, 94, 95 Revolution, 88, 159 European Coal and Steel Community rural exodus, 112 (ECSC), 134 Third Republic, 113, 133 European Conservatives and Reformists Vichy, 32, 113, 122, 125, 133, 134, 177 Group (ECR), 172 Francisme, 120 European Union (EU), 8, 24, 134, 176, Franco, Francisco, 178 180, 181, 183 Francoism, 6, 178 Evans, Martin, 179 Frank, Hans, 28, 33, 36 244 Index

Friedländer, Saul, 1, 2, 7, 18, 37–48, 182 Hamburg, 18, 108 Friedman, Philip, 35 Handelman, Susan, 169 Fritzsche, Peter, 155, 165–66, 168, 171 Hargrave, John, 98 Front National, 123, 124–25, 127, 129, Hartman, Geoffrey, 159, 166, 167, 170 133, 136, 139 Harvest of Hate (Poliakov), 62 Hauner, Milan, 81 gacaca, 58, 181 Hayden, Robert M., 148 Galicia, 20 Heidegger, Martin, 60, 61, 103 Gardiner, Rolf, 96–109, 115, 116, Heiden, Konrad, 75 117–18, 119, 120, 122 Heimonet, Jean-Michel, 124, 125 Garvin, J. L., 95 Herero and Nama genocide, 22 General Government, 28 Hess, Jonathan M., 164 Generalplan Ost,33 Heydrich, Reinhard, 17 genocide, 4, 7, 21–22, 25–36, 40, 44, 50, Hilberg, Raul, 44 143–56, 168 Himmler, Heinrich, 21, 36, 110 aftermath of, 149–53 Hiroshima, 166 cultural, 27, 31 Hirsch, Marianne, 167 ‘double’, 8, 23–24, 178–79 Historikerstreit, 4, 154 Gentile, Emilio, 130 historiography, 3, 7, 11–12, 38, 48, 169 German Southwest Africa, 22, 146 history Germany Jekyll and Hyde (Haffner), 75–78 as concept, 2, 7, 9, 10 Germany’s Third Empire (Moeller van den laws of, 51–52, 138 Bruck), 82, 83–84 methodology, 3, 4, 8, 28, 37, 38–39, Geve, Thomas, 55 40–41, 48, 144–45, 155, 159, 161, Geyer, Michael, 46, 149 165, 167 ghettos, 20 of ideas, 3, 4, 9, 10–11, 76 Gilroy, Paul, 49 philosophy of, 2 Globocnik, Odilo, 17 popular, 3, 8 Goebbels, Josef, 45, 57, 91, 92, 102–3, History & Memory, 168 149 History in Transit (LaCapra), 162 Goetsch, Georg, 102, 103 Hitler, Adolf, 6, 20, 21, 26, 33, 36, 49, 67, Goldberg, Amos, 42–43, 44–45 70, 75, 76, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, Gollancz, Victor, 72, 74, 92 90, 91, 94, 95, 99, 110, 130, 135, Gourevitch, Philip, 53 137, 149, 172, 174, 179, 180 Gradowski, Zalman, 56 Hitler Case, The (Lemkin), 27, 28, 33 Great Patriotic War, 23, 179 Hitler Youth, 101, 117 Green,E.H.H.,92 Hochschild, Adam, 166 Greenshirt Movement, 111, 112, 120, Hollier, Denis, 123, 136 121, 122 Holocaust, 4, 5, 42, 153, 168, 169, 177, Grey, Peter, 159, 161 180, 183 Grifﬁths, Richard, 96, 114, 125 and fascism, 5, 7 Gringauz, Samuel, 35 and Nazi crimes, 31–32, 35, 36 Gross, Babette, 69 as ‘colonial genocide’, 21–22, 33 Guatemala, 150, 180 as ‘industrial genocide’, 15 Guedalla, Philip, 85 as ‘mysterious’, 43–44, 48, 60 Guerre en question, La (Monnerot), 131 as state-led crime, 22 Gulag, 51 as ‘subaltern genocide’, 149 bureaucracy of, 16 Haffner, Sebastian, 68, 75–79 commemoration of, 8 Halbwachs, Maurice, 144, 164 ‘consciousness’, 144, 150, 178 Index 245

denial of, 127, 148, 178 Jacoby, Gerhard, 34 economics and, 18–19, 23, 53 Jacquier, Charles, 113 hiding in, 56 Jasenovac, 148 historiography of, 6, 7–8, 15–24, 25, Jaspers, Karl, 62 26, 28, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, Jenkins, Brian, 114, 116 42, 44, 46, 48, 50, 52 Jenks, Jorian, 115, 120 in Eastern Europe, 16, 18, 20–21 Jeunesse Ouvrière Chrétienne, 111 in Western Europe, 16, 20 Jeunesse Patriotes, 114 looting in, 18, 30, 180 Jewish history, 19, 38, 157 memorial day, 23, 150, 159 John, Evan, 81, 82 micro-histories of, 16 Judt, Tony, 3, 4–5, 160, 180, 182 museums and, 23 negotiations with Allies in, 21 Kaminski, Michał, 172 perpetrators of, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 41, Kangura, 147 42, 44, 45, 53–54 Kansteiner, Wulf, 144, 153, 160, 161, photographs of, 17, 55 162, 163, 164, 165, 167, 168, 170, representation of, 2, 8 171 survival in, 20 Kantorowicz, Ernst, 83 victims of, 41, 42–43, 44, 54 Kaplan, Chaim, 57 Hölscher, Lucian, 170 Karski, Jan, 56 Hooligan’s Return, The (Manea), 162 Katz, Steven, 58 Hoover, Calvin, 83 Kaunas, 15 Howard, John, 153, 154 Kenya, 166, 181 Howkins, Alun, 116, 120 Kershaw, Ian, 44, 76 humanism, 49, 60–61 Kettenacker, Lothar, 78 Hungary, 20, 124 Kettler, David, 67, 79 Hunt, Lynn, 44 Khmer Rouge, 146, 151 Hutchinson, Walter, 91, 92, 93 Kibbo Kift Kindred, 98 Hutton, Patrick, 167 Kiernan, Ben, 146 Hutu Power, 58, 59, 147 King, Richard H., 137, 181 Huxley, Aldous, 35 Kinship in Husbandry, 107–9, 118, 119, Huyssen, Andreas, 158, 159 120 Hyde, Arnold, 85–86, 89 Kissinger, Henry, 137 Klein, Kerwin Lee, 160, 161, 163, 164, India, 88, 149 165, 167, 170, 171 Indochina, 129, 181 Klossowski, Pierre, 123, 126 Institute of Jewish Affairs (New York), 34 Kojève, Alexandre, 126 Institute of National Memory (Poland), Kolnai, Aurel, 10, 67, 68, 72–75, 77, 78, 166 79 International Criminal Court, 150 Koselleck, Reinhart, 170 International Criminal Tribunal for Kosovo, 148 Rwanda, 58 Kosovo Polje, Battle of (1389), 147 Iron Guard, 133 Krzeminski, Adam, 172 Islam, 129, 138 Kugelmass, Jack, 159 Israel, 150, 155 Kühne, Thomas, 45–46, 47 Italy, 20, 23, 68, 124, 176–77 Kulaks, 146

Jabès, Edmond, 45 La Cagoule, 120 Jäckel, Eberhard, 58 LaCapra, Dominick, 38, 160, 162, 164 Jacobs, Steven, 27 Lang, Berel, 38 246 Index

Langer, Lawrence, 38, 170 Manea, Norman, 162–63 Lanzmann, Claude, 56 Mann, Michael, 44 Lapland, 110 Margalit, Avishai, 159, 167 Laqueur, Walter, 98 Mariupol, 15 Laski, Harold, 72 Marx, Karl, 101, 138 Lassiera, Raymond, 111 Marxism, 11, 18, 68, 70, 77, 130, 136 Latvia, 23 Massingham, H. J., 109, 119 Laub, Dori, 170 Mau Mau Emergency, 181 Law and Justice Party (Poland), 172 Maurras, Charles, 114, 125 Law of Historical Memory (Spain, Mazzini, Giuseppe, 11 2007), 178 Meaning of Hitler, The (Haffner), 75 Lawrence, D. H., 98 Mégret, Bruno, 136 League of Nations, 182 Mein Kampf (Hitler), 26, 81–95 Lebow, Richard Ned, 175 memory, 2, 3, 8–9, 23–24, 38, 40, 41, Le Corbusier, 110 143–56, 157–71, 172 Lefort, Claude, 128 as process, 168 Left Book Club, 69, 72, 73, 74, collective, 143–44, 149, 152, 154–55, 75, 92 156, 160, 163, 164–65, 166–67, Leftwich, Joseph, 94 173 Lehmann-Russbüldt, Otto, 69 ‘multidirectional’, 168, 183 Leiris, Michel, 126 national, 155–56 Lemkin, Raphael, 21, 25–36 ‘wars’, 155, 172–83 Leningrad, Siege of, 179 Memory, History, Forgetting (Ricoeur), 144, Le Pen, Jean-Marie, 123, 136, 138 169 Levene, Mark, 149 Memory of Catastrophe, The (Gray and Levi, Primo, 56, 58 Oliver), 161 Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 126 Miloševic,´ Slobodan, 147, 148 Libra, Pierre, 126 Minear, Richard, 166 Lieux de mémoire, Les (Nora), 158 Moeller van den Bruck, Artur, 82, 83 Ligue Anti-Sémitique, 113 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact (1939), 180 Ligue des Patriotes, 114 Mommsen, Hans, 30 Linenthal, Edward, 159 Monnerot, Jules, 123–39 Linnaeus, Carolus, 63 Monnet, Jean, 134 Lithuania, 20, 21 Moore-Colyer, Richard, 96, 105, 106, Łód´z Ghetto, 56 114, 118 Lorimer, David, 82, 83 Morès, Marquis de, 113 Lorimer, Emily, 10, 81–95 Morgenthau, Henry, 50 Lublin, 17 Moscow, 179 Ludovici, Anthony Mario, 95, 106, 114, Moses, A. Dirk, 22, 148–49 118 Mosley, Oswald, 100, 105, 106, 120 Lymington, Viscount, see Portsmouth, Mosse, George L., 117 Earl of Mother Earth, 120 Lyotard, Jean-François, 48 Munich Agreement (1938), 6 Münzenberg, Willi, 69 Macmurray, John, 105 Murambi, 151 Maier, Charles S., 40, 158 Murphy, James, 90–91, 92, 93 Majdanek, 17 Muselmann,57 Mammone, Andrea, 125 Musikheim (Frankfurt an der Oder), 98, Man and the Sacred (Caillois), 131, 132 102 Manchester Guardian, 72, 85 Mussolini, Benito, 69 Index 247

My Lai massacre, 144, 165 Observer (London), 95 Myth of the Twentieth Century Of Spirit (Derrida), 60, 61 (Rosenberg), 86 O’Hagan, Andrew, 163 Oliver, Kendrick, 159, 161, 165 National Book Association, 92 Open, The (Agamben), 63 National Farmers Union (NFU), Operation Reinhard, 17 120, 122 Ophüls, Marcel, 175 NATO, 133 Order Police, 17, 45 Nazism, 2, 4, 5, 7, 38, 39, 40, 43, Origins of Totalitarianism, The (Arendt), 46, 49, 60–61, 71, 72, 73, 74, 51, 52, 137 80, 84, 95, 96, 100, 101, 102, Orwell, George, 69, 72 103, 109, 115, 116, 122, 127, 130, 133, 159, 172, Palestinians, 155 173, 177 Paris, 144 and big business, 18, 68 Parti Populaire Français (PPF), 116, 120 and colonialism, 16, 149 Paul,Leslie,99 and countryside, 122 Pavelic,´ Ante, 148 and ecology, 110 Paxton, Robert, 111, 122 and German youth movements, Perec, Georges, 77 98–104 Petropoulos, Jonathan, 18, 77 and war, 74, 77 Pionniers Rouges, 111 as ‘gangsterism’, 18, 77 Plumyène, Jean, 111 as Prussian militarism, 70, 78, 91 Poland, 17, 21, 22, 32, 150 as variety of fascism, 5, 6, 101, 104, Poliakov, Léon, 35, 62 105–6, 132 Pollitt, Harry, 70 collaboration with, 174 Pol Pot, 146 ideology, 16, 33, 35, 44–45, 50, 51–52, Portsmouth, Earl of (Gerald Wallop, 55, 57, 62–63, 73, 76, 77, 81, Viscount Lymington), 92, 99, 103, 83–84, 94, 103, 149 106, 108, 115, 118, 119, 120, 122 rejection of reason, 73 Portugal, 23 resistance to, 175 postmodernism, 38, 41, 126, 160, 163 Netherlands, 18, 20, 122, 177 Potts, Alex, 114 ‘Hunger Winter’, 177 Poujadism, 121 Neumann, Franz, 33, 69, 81 POWs, 17, 32 New English Weekly (London), 88 Prague, 71, 95 New German Empire, The (Borkenau), Princip, Gavrilo, 147 70–71 Prizel, Ilya, 180 New Party, 105 Probing the Limits of Representation New Pioneer, 106, 118 (Friedländer), 48 New Zealand, 88 Prowe, Diethelm, 124, 125, 134 Nietzsche, Friedrich, 143, 153, 160 Puckett, Richard, 169 Nora, Pierre, 144, 158, 159, 164, 167 Putin, Vladimir, 23, 179 North America, 22 Northern Transylvania, 20 Queensland, 50 Norway, 31, 75 Nouvelle Droite, 125, 138 race, 4, 18, 40, 45, 61, 103, 112, 147, 149 NSDAP, 38 Radio Télévision Libre des Milles Collines Nuremberg rallies, 73 (RTLMC), 147 Nuremberg Trials, 28, 30, 150 Ramsey, Archibald, 106 Nussbaum, Martha, 49 Rassinier, Paul, 127 248 Index

Rauschning, Hermann, 49, 72, 75, 78 Snyder, Timothy, 17, 18 Reﬂections of Nazism (Friedländer), 47, 48 Sobibór, 17 Reichenau, Walter von, 30 Social Credit, 98 Reitlinger, Gerald, 35 Social Darwinism, 2, 116, 146 Renan, Ernest, 143 Sociologie de la revolution (Monnerot), Renton, Dave, 67 124, 131, 135, 137 Rév, István, 178 Sociology of Communism (Monnerot), Rexism, 122 124, 128–30, 131, 136, 137 Richardson, Michael, 132 Soil Association, 106, 115, 120 Ricoeur, Paul, 143, 144, 145, 157, 158, Solidarité Française, 120 159, 162, 164, 167, 168–71 Sorabji, Cornelia, 152 Riga, 178 Soral, Alain, 127 Right Book Club, 92 Sorel, Georges, 130 Risiera di San Sabba, 177 Sorrow and the Pity, The (Ophüls), 175 Röder, Werner, 68 Soucy, Robert, 134 Romania, 11, 15, 20–21, 32, 155, 162, South Africa, 88, 155, 180 180 Soviet Union, see USSR Romanies, 16, 31–32, 35, 148, 166 Spain, 68, 151, 166, 178, 183 Rosenberg, Alfred, 33, 86, 88, 95 Spanish Civil War, 70, 153, 166 Rothberg, Michael, 167, 168, 183 Spanish Cockpit, The (Borkenau), 70 Rougement, Denis de, 126 Speer, Albert, 111 RSHA, 17, 45 SS, 17, 20, 32, 60, 124 Rubenstein, Joshua, 15 Stachura, Peter, 98 Rudd, Kevin, 153, 155 Stalin, Joseph, 44, 82, 146, 159, 172, 180 Runia, Eelco, 47 Stapledon, George, 99, 119 Russia, 23, 32, 173, 179, 183 Steed, Henry Wickham, 89 Rwanda genocide, 44, 51, 57–60, Steinlauf, Michael, 159 146–47, 152, 182 Sternhell, Zeev, 111, 115, 116, 121 memory of, 145, 151 Stier, Oren Baruch, 159 Rwandan Patriotic Front, 58, 147 Stockholm Forum (2000), 23, 150, 180 Story of a Secret State (Karski), 56 Salvemini, Gaetano, 69 Stowe, Leland, 89 Samson, Naomi, 56–57 Stowers, Stanley, 127 Schirach, Baldur von, 98 Strachey, John, 70 Schwarcz, Vera, 159, 160 Strackosch, Henry, 88 Seger, Gerhart, 69 Straus, Scott, 22 Seibel, Wolfgang, 19 Street,A.G.,112 Seldes, George, 69 Strong, Roy, 161 Serbia, 20, 147–48 Sturzo, Luigi, 69 Serge, Victor, 92 Sunday Times,72 Shakespeare, William, 49, 50 Suvorov, Viktor, 179 Shields, James, 125 Syndicalism, 10 Shoah (Lanzmann), 56 Szálasi, Ferenc, 175 Shub, Boris, 34 Szwajger, Adina Blady, 57 Sierakowiak, Dawid, 56 Sihanouk, Norodom, 146 Tallinn, 23, 178, 179 Simard, Marc, 111 Talmon, Jacob, 49 slavery, 168, 183 Tasmania, 33 Slovakia, 21 Tenenbaum Joseph, 35 Smith, William Robertson, 131 testimony, 40, 182 Index 249

Thoughts on Nazi Genocide (Lemkin), 28, VE Day, 159 29, 30, 31, 32 Vetlesen, Arne Johan, 45 Time and Tide (London), 87, 89, 90, 93 Vienna, 72, 85 Times (London), 67, 88, 100 Vietnam War, 165 Times Literary Supplement (TLS), 72 Vilnius, 178 Tismaneanu, Vladimir, 175 Voegelin, Eric, 127, 130, 137 Tiso, Jozef, 21, 175 Volhynia, 15, 18 Todorov, Tzvetan, 158, 159 Volksdeutsche,15 Todos los nombres (Spain), 151 Volksgemeinschaft, 40, 46 Toller, Ernst, 69 Volkswagen, 23 Totalitarian Enemy, The (Borkenau), 69, Volontés, 135 70 Trafalgar, Battle of, 159 Waller, James, 44 Transnistria, 20, 162 Wandervogel,99 Traverso, Enzo, 67, 79 Wannsee Conference, 28, 53 Treblinka, 54–55 War Against the West, The (Kolnai), 72, 74 Treitschke, Heinrich von, 85 Warsaw Ghetto, 56, 57 Trieste, 177 Warthegau, 17 Tudjman, Franjo, 148 Washington, DC, 144 Tuol Sleng, 151 Weber, Max, 1, 97 Tyldesley, Mike, 96, 98 Wehrmacht, 21, 30, 31, 45–46, 47, 77 Wehrmacht Exhibition, 30 Ukraine, 15, 17, 21, 22, 32, 110 Weinreich, Max, 34 Greek Catholic Church in, 19 Welzer, Harald, 44 UNESCO, 61 What Hitler Wants (Lorimer), 82, 83, 86, Unﬁnished Victory (Bryant), 92–93 87, 88, 91, 94 Union Movement, 120 What the German Needs (Lorimer), 82, 91 United Kingdom, 6 White, Arnold, 114 United Nations, 59, 182 White, Hayden, 41 United Nations Convention on the Whitehouse, Muriel, 87–88 Prevention and Punishment of Wiernik, Jankiel, 54–55 Genocide (1948), 25, 26, 33, 145, Wiesel, Elie, 57 150, 153, 181 Wildt, Michael, 45, 46, 47 United States Holocaust Memorial Williamson, Henry, 120 Museum, 20 Wilson, Ronald, 153 United States of America, 6, 53, 56, 68, Wilson, Stephen, 113 75, 88, 93, 97, 133, 155, 160, 162, Windschuttle, Keith, 154 166 Winock, Michel, 115, 116 Universal Declaration of Human Rights ‘Winter Help’, 18 (1948), 181 Wolfreys, Jim, 124 Unknown Black Book,15 Wolin, Richard, 135 Upper Silesia, 16 Wood, Nancy, 159 USSR, 20, 21, 22, 23, 51, 57, 68, 74, 75, Woodcraft Folk, 99 130, 146, 180 Work of Memory, The (Conﬁno and Ustashe, 148, 174 Fritzsche), 168 World War I, 5, 10, 34, 95, 97, 112, 135 Valley of the Fallen, 178 World War II, 6, 23, 35, 40, 43, 75, 81, Valois, Georges, 112, 115–16, 120, 122 95, 96, 97, 104, 114, 132, 139, 148, Van Pelt, Robert Jan, 32 166, 172, 173, 174, 179, 181, 183 Vansittart, Robert, 91 World Without End (Gardiner), 100 250 Index

Wright, Patrick, 96 Yizker-Bikher, 34, 151 Wulf, Joseph, 34 Young, James E., 151, 159 WVHA, 17 Yugoslavia, 148, 174, 176, 182 World War II in, 148, 176 Yaskiel, David, 69 Years of Persecution (Friedländer), 37, 39, Zaire, see Democratic Republic of Congo 41, 47 Zelizer, Barbie, 159, 165, 166, 168 Years of Extermination (Friedländer), 37, Zerubavel, Eviatar, 159, 164 40, 43, 44, 47, 48, 182 Zimmerer, Jürgen, 22 Yeats-Brown, Francis, 92 Zyklon B, 17