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“TELLING the STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: a Regional Perspective (2011-2016)
“TELLING THE STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective (2011-2016) Emma Hooper (ed.) This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. © 2016 CIDOB This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. CIDOB edicions Elisabets, 12 08001 Barcelona Tel.: 933 026 495 www.cidob.org [email protected] D.L.: B 17561 - 2016 Barcelona, September 2016 CONTENTS CONTRIBUTOR BIOGRAPHIES 5 FOREWORD 11 Tine Mørch Smith INTRODUCTION 13 Emma Hooper CHAPTER ONE: MAPPING THE SOURCES OF TENSION WITH REGIONAL DIMENSIONS 17 Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective .......... 19 Zahid Hussain Mapping the Sources of Tension and the Interests of Regional Powers in Afghanistan and Pakistan ............................................................................................. 35 Emma Hooper & Juan Garrigues CHAPTER TWO: KEY PHENOMENA: THE TALIBAN, REFUGEES , & THE BRAIN DRAIN, GOVERNANCE 57 THE TALIBAN Preamble: Third Party Roles and Insurgencies in South Asia ............................... 61 Moeed Yusuf The Pakistan Taliban Movement: An Appraisal ......................................................... 65 Michael Semple The Taliban Movement in Afghanistan ....................................................................... -
Afghan Presidential Election: Potential Candidates and Powerbrokers
Afghan Presidential Election: Open Source Center As of March Potential Candidates and Powerbrokers15, 2009 Presidential Election Scheduled for 20 August Article 61 of Afghanistan's Constitution1 states that the presidential election should be held "thirty to sixty days prior to the expiration of the current president's term," which ends on 22 May. However, Afghanistan's Independent Powerbrokers Election Commission on 4 March announced that it would push back the date of the election to 20 August in order A number of prominent Afghan figures appear to be powerbrokers in Afghanistan's political scene. to address funding, security, and weather challenges to organizing a nationwide free and fair election (iec.org.af). Many of these men acquired their influence as Jihadi leaders with authority and arms, which they Afghan media have highlighted potential candidates and powerbrokers who may be influential in the election. parlayed into backing from religious, ethnic, regional, or party coalitions that continue to support them. They could prove influential in this year's elections by supporting and mobilizing their political, religious, tribal, regional, and ethnolinguistic constituencies to support preferred Potential Candidates for 2009 candidates. Abdullah Abdullah, Afghanistan's minister of foreign affairs from 2001 to 2006, is running as the candidate for the National Front. In a 2 February interview with Jawedan.com, he supported the presence of international forces to improve the security situation in the country. Regarding the Taliban, he said that the door for negotiation should be "kept open to anyone willing to lay down their arms and join the peace process, except for Mullah Omar and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar," whom he claimed were "pushing Afghanistan to war and destruction." Once a special adviser and chief Abdul Hadi Arghandiwal is the current chairman of the Islamic Party of Afghanistan, formed in 2008 by . -
Afghanistan Assessment
AFGHANISTAN COUNTRY REPORT April 2005 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Afghanistan April 2005 CONTENTS 1 Scope Of Document 1.1 - 1.12 2 Geography General 2.1 – 2.2 Languages/Main ethnic groups/Religions 2.3 - 2.5 3.Economy 3.1 - 3.8 4 History Overview to December 2001 4.1 Post Taliban 4.2 – 4.13 January 2004 – December 2004 4.14 – 4.59 January 2005 onwards 4.60 – 4.66 5.State Structures The Constitution 5.1 - 5.8 The Constitutional Loya Jirga 5.9 – 5.13 Citizenship and Nationality 5.14 – 5.16 Political System Overview 5.17 – 5.26 Elections: - General 5.27 – 5.29 - Presidential Election 5.30 – 5.40 - Presidential Election Results 5.41 – 5.42 - Lead up to Parliamentary Elections 5.43 – 5.47 Political Situation in Herat 5.48 – 5.50 Judiciary 5.51 – 5.64 Land Court 5.65 – 5.66 Legal Rights/Detention 5.67 - 5.83 Death Penalty 5.84 - 5.86 Internal Security Developments following 11 September 2001 5.87 - 5.90 Security Sector Reform (SSR) 5.91 - 5.94 General security situation 5.95 – 5.112 Security situation in different regions: - Kabul 5.113 – 5.116 - Central 5.117 - South and Southeast 5.118 - 5.122 - North 5.123 – 5.124 Internal Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and Provincial Reconstruction 5.125 – 5.150 Teams (PRTs) Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Programme (DDR) 5.151 – 5.166 National Security Directorate (Amniat) 5.167 – 5.170 Army 5.171 – 5.174 Police 5.175 – 5.184 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.185 - 5.208 Military Service 5.209 - 5.212 Medical Services -
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Hakimi, Aziz Ahmed (2015) Fighting for patronage: American counterinsurgency and the Afghan local police. PhD thesis. SOAS, University of London. Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. Fighting for Patronage: American counterinsurgency and the Afghan Local Police AZIZ AHMED HAKIMI Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Development Studies School of Oriental and African Studies University of London 2015 1 Abstract This thesis examines the emergence and evolution of the Afghan Local Police (ALP), a pro-government militia supported by the US military as an entry point for exploring the fluid security and political terrain of post-2001 Afghanistan. The study reveals how the ALP emerged as a compromise between the US ambition to scale up the use of local militias and the Afghan president’s attempts to control the local armed groups and the flow of patronage that the US support to these groups represented. -
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs November 8, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21922 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Summary The limited capacity and widespread corruption of all levels of Afghan governance are factors in debate over the effectiveness of U.S. policy in Afghanistan and in implementing a transition to Afghan security leadership by the end of 2014. The capacity of the formal Afghan governing structure has increased significantly since the Taliban regime fell in late 2001, but many positions, particularly at the local level, are unfilled. Widespread illiteracy limits expansion of a competent bureaucracy. A dispute over the results of the 2010 parliamentary elections paralyzed governance for nearly a year and was resolved in September 2011 with the unseating on the grounds of fraud of nine winners of the elected lower house of parliament. Karzai also has tried, through direct denials, to quell assertions by his critics that he wants to stay in office beyond the 2014 expiration of his second term, the limits under the constitution. While trying, with mixed success, to build the formal governing structure, Afghan President Hamid Karzai also works through an informal power structure centered around his close ethnic Pashtun allies as well as other ethnic and political faction leaders. Some faction leaders oppose Karzai on the grounds that he is too willing to make concessions to insurgent leaders in search of a settlement—a criticism that grew following the September 20 assassination of the most senior Tajik leader, former President Burhanuddin Rabbani. -
ELECTORAL ALLIANCES in the 2014 Presidential Season
Jackson Keith BACKGROUNDER October 3, 2013 The FORMATION OF ELECTORAL ALLIANCES IN the 2014 Presidential Season ey Takeaway: Candidates for Afghanistan’s 2014 elections will declare their intent to run for office by KOctober 6, 2013. The most prominent candidates to emerge are Zalmai Rassoul and Abdullah Abdullah. They represent the two main electoral factions will decide the 2014 election: the Karzai-Establishment and an anti-Karzai opposition. Although it appears that a large number of electoral alliances have formed and are backing a wider pool of high profile candidates, these two factions will predominate. The Karzai-Fahim electoral alliance that has characterized Afghan politics since 2009 seems to have broken, and Fahim has joined Abdullah Abdullah. Northern powerbrokers are reorienting, but some influential Tajiks such as Mohammad Atta Noor are likely to join the pro-Karzai establishment candidate. Rassoul is either a Karzai puppet or a placeholder for another candidate. He will need the Karzai family for electoral support. From now until October 6, candidates for the 2014 to the Karzai-establishment, and the opposition organized Afghan presidential election can officially declare their to defeat it. The opposing forces reflect significant trends intent to run for office. The Afghan political rumor mill that cut across ethnic lines and demonstrate that the has proffered a number of viable contenders, with early players are pursuing a real strategy to form coalitions with speculation centering on President Karzai’s older brother electoral and power political strength. Qayum Karzai,1 controversial Islamist figure Abdurrab Rasul Sayyaf,2 popular former Ambassador to Pakistan THE ANTI-KARZAI FACTION-THE ELECTORAL ALLIANCE and recently appointed Interior Minister Omar Daudzai,3 OF AFGHANISTAN (EAA) and former National Security Advisor and current Foreign The anti-Karzai faction is primarily composed of Tajik Minister Zalmai Rassoul. -
Metaphorizing Dialogue to Enact a Flow Culture Transcending Divisiveness by Systematic Embodiment of Metaphor in Discourse -- /
Alternative view of segmented documents via Kairos 6 May 2019 | Draft Metaphorizing Dialogue to Enact a Flow Culture Transcending divisiveness by systematic embodiment of metaphor in discourse -- / -- Introduction Metaphorizing -- beyond one-off usage Sustaining dialogue through metaphor? Indicative precedents of metaphorizing skills Discourse and debate reframed as cognitive combat through metaphor? Integrity of metaphorizing framed by complementarity between alternatives Imagining a relevant philosophers' game -- and beyond Requisite metaphoric "circumlocution" avoiding disruptive disagreement Sustainable discourse framed metaphorically as "orbiting" Metaphorizing as artful indulgence in misplaced concreteness? Re-imagining: metaphorizing, metamorphizing and cognitive shapeshifting Sustainable discourse: longest conflict versus longest conversation? References Introduction There is no difficulty in recognizing the extent to which discourse has become problematic, whether in national assemblies, parliaments, or the media (social media or otherwise). The current scene has been described as poisonously divisive. Each faction is adamant that the facts and principles it presents are beyond question. Each is necessarily right, with any in disagreement being by definition wrong. Discourse between nations, between religions, between political parties, and between disciplines currently offers little hope for a more fruitful modality. Curiously efforts towards transcending this situation -- if they are more than tokenistic -- seem to be readily entrapped by the same dynamic. Each is necessarily right or better, with others essentially misguided, misinformed or behind the times. The following is an exploration of a distinctive mode which does not rely on facts and truth as commonly understood, or on the deprecation of fake news and pretence. The focus is not on being right or wrong or the attribution of blame. -
Afghanistan 2004 -Security with a Human Face
AFGHANISTAN NATIONAL HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2004 Security with a Human Face: Challenges and Responsibilities U N D P Afghanistan Islamic Republic of Afghanistan ©United Nations Development Programme 2004 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of UNDP. The analysis and policy recommendations of this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the UNDP nor those of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. The report is a publication commissioned by UNDP and authored by an independent team. Cover designed by the Afghan artist Sharif Ahmad Haidari, from Herat, winner of the UNDP competition for the National Human Development Report cover. Design and Printing: Army Press, Plot # 1, Street 40, I & T Center, G-10/4, Islamabad, Pakistan The Preparatory Team National Coordinator of the Project Background Paper Authors Abdullah Mojaddedi Mohammad Najeeb Azizi, Homira Nassery, Daud S. Saba, Lutfullah Safi, Naqibullah Safi, Said Mubin Editor-in-Chief Shah and Nasrullah Stanikzai Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh Thematic Paper Authors Principal Authors Abdul Baqi Banwal, Ramazan Bashar Dost, Nancy Daud S. Saba and Omar Zakhilwal Dupree, Abdul Rashid Fakhri, Abdullah Haqaiqi, Mir Ahmad Joyenda, Partaw Nadiri, Ahmad Zia Neikbin, Contributing Authors Daud Rawish, Asadullah Walwalji and Seddiq Weera Abi Masefield and Michael Schoiswohl Statistician National Advisory Panel R. N. Pandey Minister Haneef Atmar (Chair), Abdul Baqi Banwal, Data Analyst Abdul Rashid Fakhri, Hafizullah Haddad, Abdullah Haqiq Rahmani Haqaiqi, Helena Malikyar, Nilab Mobarez, Daud Administrative and Research Assistant Rawish, Safia Siddiqi and Asadullah Walwalji Sadeq Wardak International Expert Committee Research Assistants Katarina Ammitzboell, Nancy Hatch Dupree, Carol Abdul Latif Bari and Khial M. -
Today We Shall All Die” Afghanistan’S Strongmen and the Legacy of Impunity WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS “Today We Shall All Die” Afghanistan’s Strongmen and the Legacy of Impunity WATCH “Today We Shall All Die” Afghanistan’s Strongmen and the Legacy of Impunity Copyright © 2015 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-32347 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org MARCH 2015 ISBN: 978-1-6231-32347 “Today We Shall All Die” Afghanistan’s Strongmen and the Legacy of Impunity Map .................................................................................................................................... i Glossary of Acronyms and Terms ........................................................................................ ii Summary .......................................................................................................................... -
The Northern Alliance Prepares for Afghan Elections in 2014
August 2013 Mara Tchalakov AFGHANISTAN REPORT 10 THE NORTHERN ALLIanCE PREpaRES FOR AFGHan ELECTIONS IN 2014 Cover Photo: Salahuddin Rabbani (C) prays after he was introduced as the care taker to Jamiat-e Islami party during a gathering at the Kabul Intercontinental Hotel October 4, 2011. The party’s leader Burhanuddin Rabbani, former Afghan president and head of the government’s peace council, was killed on Sept 20, 2011. Salahuddin Rabbani, son of Burhanuddin Rabbani, was appointed as the care taker to Jamiat-e Islami party during the gathering in Kabul. REUTERS/Ahmad Masood. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2013 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2013 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 Washington, DC 20036. http://www.understandingwar.org Mara Tchalakov AFGHANISTAN REPORT 10 THE NORTHERN ALLIanCE PREpaRES FOR AFGHan ELECTIONS IN 2014 ABOUT THE AUTHOR Mara Tchalakov is a doctoral candidate in International Relations at the University of Oxford. She completed her undergraduate studies at Princeton University, graduating with a B.A. summa cum laude from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, and her MPhil in International Relations from the University of Oxford. She has worked for a variety of government agencies, having served on the Secretary of State’s Policy Planning Staff at the U.S. -
Electoral Choices, Ethnic Accommodations, and the Consolidation of Coalitions: Critiquing the Runoff Clause of the Afghan Constitution
Washington International Law Journal Volume 26 Number 3 6-1-2017 Electoral Choices, Ethnic Accommodations, and the Consolidation of Coalitions: Critiquing the Runoff Clause of the Afghan Constitution Mohammad Bashir Mobasher Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Election Law Commons Recommended Citation Mohammad B. Mobasher, Electoral Choices, Ethnic Accommodations, and the Consolidation of Coalitions: Critiquing the Runoff Clause of the Afghan Constitution, 26 Wash. L. Rev. 413 (2017). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj/vol26/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington International Law Journal by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Compilation © 2017 Washington International Law Journal Association ELECTORAL CHOICES, ETHNIC ACCOMMODATIONS, AND THE CONSOLIDATION OF COALITIONS: CRITIQUING THE RUNOFF CLAUSE OF THE AFGHAN CONSTITUTION Mohammad Bashir Mobasher* Abstract: Article sixty-one of the Afghan Constitution requires a candidate to win an absolute majority of votes to become the president. This constitutional rule comprises a runoff clause, which prescribes a second round of elections between the two front-runners should no candidate win over 50% of the votes in the first round. While this article agrees with the majority view of Afghan scholars and politicians who see the runoff clause as instrumental to developing trans-ethnic coalitions and governments, it distinguishes between the formation of alliances and their consolidation. -
Post-Taliban State-Building in Afghanistan
Post-Taliban State-Building in Afghanistan The State Governmental Design at the National Level and the Role of Democratic Provincial Councils in Decentrali- zation at the Sub-National Level Haqmal Daudzai Dissertation completed in fulfilment of the requirement for the de- gree of a Doctor of Social Sciences (Dr. rer. Pol) from the Faculty of Law, Economics and Social Sciences at the University of Erfurt. 25.11.2019 First Reader: Prof. Dr. Frank Ettrich Second Reader: Dr. habil. Christian Wagner urn:nbn:de:gbv:547-201900273 1 Erklärung “Ich erkläre hiermit, dass ich die vorliegende Arbeit ohne unzuläs- sige Hilfe Dritter und ohne Benutzung anderer als der angegebenen Hilfsmittel angefertigt habe; die aus fremden Quellen wörtlich oder inhaltlich übernommenen Stellen habe ich kenntlich gemacht, bei Verwendung eigener Vorarbeiten (Veröffentlichungen und Qualifi- kationsarbeiten) habe ich auf diese hingewiesen. Bei der Auswahl und Auswertung des Materials sowie be der Her- stellung des Manuskripts habe ich Unterstützungsleistungen von folgenden Personen erhalten: 1. Frau Anna Willman 2. Frau Parwana Khogiani 3. Herr Muneer Ahmad Daudzai Weitere Personen waren an der geistigen Herstellung der vorliegen- den Arbeit nicht beteiligt. Insbesondere habe ich nicht die Hilfe ei- nes Promotionsberaters in Anspruch genommen. Dritte haben von mir weder unmittelbar noch mittelbar geldwerte Leistungen für Ar- beiten erhalten, die im Zusammenhang mit dem Inhalt der vorge- legten Dissertation stehen. Die Arbeit wurde bisher weder im Inland noch im Ausland in glei- cher oder ähnlicher Form einer anderen Prüfungsbehörde als Dis- sertation vorgelegt.“ „Ich erkläre hiermit, dass die Dissertation in der vorligenden oder einer ähnlichen Fassung oder ein Teil hieraus keiner anderen Hoch- schule zu Erlangung des Doktorgrads vorgelegen hat, und dass sie oder Teile daraus nicht bereits Gegenstand eines sons- tigen Prüfungsverfahrens waren“ dass sie bzw.