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Download PDF Van Tekst Voortgang. Jaargang 18 bron Voortgang. Jaargang 18. 1999 Zie voor verantwoording: http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/_voo004199901_01/colofon.php © 2011 dbnl i.s.m. 7 Die navolging van Guido Gezelle se ‘Twee horsen’ deur Jan F.E. Celliers Etienne Britz Abstract - In a previous issue of this journal (Voortgang XVI, 1996: 91-113), J.D.F. van Halsema traced the argument which evolved in 1913 and 1914 between the Dutch literary critic Albert Verwey on the one side, and South African supporters of the advancement of Afrikaans as a cultural language on the other. The argument involved the alleged merits of the Afrikaans poet C. Louis Leipoldt and the corresponding demerits of Leipoldt's contemporaries Jan F.E. Celliers and Totius. In his periodical De Beweging, Verwey lauded Leipoldt's so-called ‘spraak’ (literally: - ‘speech’), by which he meant Leipoldt's lack of contrivance; his natural talent and originality as a poet. Leipoldt was clearly well-read, according to Verwey, but his erudition did not have a conspicuous regulatory effect on his writing. Celliers and Totius, however, produced ‘schriftuur’ (writing according to set rules), because they employed the well-known rhetorical devices of nineteenth century European poetry and their poems were often recognizable imitations of English, Dutch, French or German originals. They reiterated the European register, whereas Leipoldt deviated from this register with his uniquely South African ‘speech’. The denunciation of Celliers and Totius alarmed the ‘taalstryders’ (language fighters) of the so-called Second Afrikaans Language Movement in South Africa because it denied Afrikaans two artists who seemed to lend new refinement, dignity and depth to its advance as a civilized language. The two parties in the debate were in fact completely differently motivated. The ‘taalstryders’ were interested in the elevation and empowerment of Afrikaans, whereas Verwey held strong views on the distinction between rhetoric and real poetry and was struck by his discovery of an Afrikaans poet who seemed to answer to his definition of an authentic artist, i.e. someone who ‘conveyed the movement of life, that is rhythm, in words’. Despite this incongruity, the debate, which touched on the fundamental question of what South African poetry could offer the world, remained dormant in Afrikaans literary criticism. It eventually contributed to the decline of especially Jan Celliers' fame. In this essay a well-known example of Celliers' imitations - a poem called ‘Die ossewa’ (The ox wagon), based on a poem by the Flemish master Guido Gezelle (‘Twee horsen’ - Two horses) - is analysed. ‘Die ossewa’ featured in every anthology of Afrikaans poetry while Celliers was still regarded in South Africa as the first amongst his peers. But the authoritative anthologist D.J. Opperman - who was well versed in Albert Verwey's opinions - conspicuously excluded the poem from his influential Groot verseboek in 1951. It is hoped that this essay will revive some sympathy for what Celliers - who was a kindly, imaginative bookworm rather unsuited to the role of national poet - attempted with his reviled ‘schriftuur’. Voortgang. Jaargang 18 8 In ‘Menings van ons lesers’, die briewekolomme van die Kaapse koerant Die Burger, steek in Maart 1999 'n storm in 'n glas water op tussen die Suid-Afrikaanse letterkundige John Kannemeyer - wie se biografie van die digter C. Louis Leipoldt binne enkele weke sou verskyn1 - en myself.2 Die skermutseling met Kannemeyer handel oor die esoteriese vraag of die Afrikaanstalige digters Jan F.E. Celliers en Totius gerespekteer kan word vir die feit dat hulle in die jare onmiddellik na die Anglo-Boereoorlog op een plek in Europa gebly het as kreatiewe skrywers of studente, terwyl hul kollegadigter C. Louis Leipoldt die wêreld vol gereis het. Die woordewisseling ontstaan na aanleiding van Kannemeyer se neerhalende verwysings - in 'n artikel vir die bylaag ‘Boekewêreld’ in Die Burger - na Celliers en Totius se selfopgelegde afsondering in Europa.3 Oor Jan Celliers het Kannemeyer byvoorbeeld geskryf: ‘Terwyl Celliers hom as bittereinder ná die Anglo-Boereoorlog in die (vir Europa) betreklik geïsoleerde Switserland tussen die Alpe en die melkkoeie afsonder en weinig indrukke van die res van Europa opdoen, bereis Leipoldt die hele Europa, tot so ver as Moskou, en besoek hy Noord- en Suid-Amerika en die Verre Ooste.’ Totius weer, het hom - volgens Kannemeyer - ‘aan die Vrije Universiteit in Amsterdam met sy geloofsvooroordeel en -beperktheid’ afgesonder terwyl Leipoldt ‘die vasteland van Europa deurreis het om sy mediese kennis te verruim en hom met besoeke aan kunsmuseums nog verder as mens te verbreed.’ Die meningsverskil tussen Kannemeyer en myself was esoteries omdat dit inderdaad iets was vir ingewydes, vir mense wat kennis dra van die debat oor die relatiewe meriete van Celliers en Totius aan die een kant, en Leipoldt aan die ander kant, wat terugreik na die jaar 1913. In daardie jaar verskyn in Albert Verwey se maandblad De Beweging 'n artikel van C.G.N de Vooys, getitel ‘Afrikaner taal en poëzie’, waarin hy veral Celliers beskuldig van lukrake imitasie, van ‘oefening van het aanpassingsvermogen’ by die Europese tradisie.4 Digters soos Totius en Celliers wie se werk telkens aan verse van byvoorbeeld Perk, Potgieter, De Genestet en Gezelle herinner, kontrasteer De Vooys dan met Leipoldt, wat volgens hom ‘zingt zoals de “windswaal” zingt, zonder aangeleerde kunst.’ Na De Vooys sou ook Albert Verwey by die verering van Leipoldt - en die gepaardgaande neerhaling van Celliers en Totius - aansluit.5 Volgens Verwey het Leipoldt outentieke poëtiese ‘spraak’ geskryf en vir die eerste keer waarlik uitdrukking gegee aan ‘de poëzie van Zuid-Afrika’. Daar is by Leipoldt sprake van ‘de éénmalige uiting van een éénmalig innerlijk’, skryf Verwey, en daarmee van ‘de onmiddelijke weergave van de dichterlijke inhoud van Zuid-Afrika.’ Celliers en Totius daarenteen, het volgens Verwey Voortgang. Jaargang 18 9 ‘schriftuur’ voortgebring, dit wil sê herkenbare imitasies van Europese modelle, ‘de beproeving van nu deze, dan gene uitheemsche vorm.’6 Die opstelle van De Vooys en Verwey het heelwat reperkussie gehad in Suid-Afrika, en Leipoldt het gelyk gehad toe hy aan Verwey geskryf het dat sy siening nie in Suid-Afrika in dank afgeneem sou word nie omdat die letterkundiges daar ‘mijn platheid afkeuren in tegenstelling met de deftigheid van Totius en Celliers.’7 Gaandeweg het De Vooys en Verwey se soort standpunt egter wel die oorhand in Suid-Afrika gekry - later byvoorbeeld deur die spesiale waardering wat digter-akademici soos N.P. van Wyk Louw en D.J. Opperman, of vooraanstaande kritici soos Merwe Scholtz en E. Lindenberg, uitgespreek het vir Leipoldt.8 Dit verklaar dan ook waarom J.C. Kannemeyer teen 3 Maart 1999, op die vooraand van die verskyning van sy biografie van Leipoldt, meen dat hy straffeloos 'n paar grappe ten koste van Celliers en Totius kan vertel. 'n Geskiedenis waarby 'n digter langsamerhand permanent uit die guns val - iets wat van Celliers nog sterker gesê kan word as van Totius - prikkel 'n mens se nuuskierigheid en opstandigheid, want jy voel 'n sekere druk aan om te konformeer aan 'n ingeburgerde oordeel of miskien vooroordeel. Die feit dat die destydse liefde vir Celliers in Suid-Afrika gaandeweg onderdruk is deur belangrike eminensies van die literêre kritiek, hoef 'n mens se vrae ook nie te demp nie. Was Celliers se imitasies of ‘beproeving van nu deze, dan gene uitheemsche vorm’ byvoorbeeld werklik wars van ‘de dichterlijke inhoud van Zuid-Afrika’? En indien Verwey met laasgenoemde formulering bedoel het 'n outentieke, uniek-Suid-Afrikaanse poëtiese kwaliteit, was alle gedigte van Celliers dan mislukkings in hierdie opsig? Deug Celliers se verse, ook sy duidelike ‘oefeningen van het aanpassingsvermogen’ by Europese voorbeelde, slegs om negatief teen die werk van Leipoldt afgespeel te word? 'n Mens se neiging om weer na Celliers se werk te kyk, word trouens gestimuleer deur ánder klein beledigings of wanvoorstellings wat die digter in Suid-Afrika en ook in Nederland te beurt geval het na die opstelle van De Vooys en Verwey. J.D.F. Van Halsema wys byvoorbeeld in sy opstel ‘“Spraak” en “schriftuur” of Leipoldt versus Totius’ in Voortgang van 1996 op 'n sardoniese sin uit 'n artikel van Menno ter Braak in Het Vaderland van 8 Oktober 1939. Ter Braak skryf oor die gebrek aan belangstelling vir die Suid-Afrikaanse literatuur in Nederland en verwys na 'n portret van Celliers in die Platenatlas bij de Nederlandsche literatuurgeschiedenis van Poelhekke en De Vooys uit 1914: ‘Meestal noemt men (op skool in Nederland - EB) snel een Voortgang. Jaargang 18 10 paar in Afrika beroemde namen: Celliers, Totius, Leipoldt, om te memoreren voor een eventueel examen; een paar portretten, waaronder de heer Celliers met een vervaarlijke rol in zijn hand, als wilde hij ook in effigie vooral de indruk maken van een dichter ...’9 Die ‘vervaarlijke rol’ wat vir Ter Braak die pretensies van Celliers as digter versinnebeeld, was in werklikheid die Suid-Afrikaner se diploma as landmeter! Sover ek kon vasstel, is die gewraakte foto ook byna twintig jaar voor Celliers se debuut as digter geneem. Die landmeetkunde was 'n vak wat Celliers teen sy sin, veral om sy vader te behaag, in Delft en Leiden in die tydperk 1887-1890 bestudeer het. Hierdie ‘broodverdienvak’ wat sy ‘hart koud gemaak het’ - volgens 'n hoofstuk in Afrikaanse skrywers aan die woord van P.J. Nienaber - het Celliers slegs vir een jaar na sy terugkeer na Pretoria in 1891 beoefen, voordat hy as Staatsbibliotekaris aangestel is in 'n ‘hemel van boeke’, die Staatsbiblioteek van die ZAR.10 Dit sou nog agtien jaar jaar duur voordat hy met Die vlakte en ander gedigte sou debuteer en dus hoegenaamd as digter sou kon poseer! Ek wil die leser se aandag graag vra vir een van die bekendste imitasiegedigte van Celliers, 'n gedig wat tot in die jare vyftig so holrug gery is deur gereelde behandeling op skool in Suid-Afrika dat dit byna 'n parodie op sigself geword het.
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