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Russian Politics and Society, Fourth Edition
Russian Politics and Society Having been fully revised and updated to reflect the considerable changes in Russia over the last decade, the fourth edition of this classic text builds on the strengths of the previous editions to provide a comprehensive and sophisticated analysis on Russian politics and society. In this edition, Richard Sakwa seeks to evaluate the evidence in a balanced and informed way, denying simplistic assumptions about the inevitable failure of the democratic exper- iment in Russia while avoiding facile generalisations on the inevitable triumph of global integration and democratisation. New to this edition: • Extended coverage of electoral laws, party development and regional politics • New chapter on the ‘phoney democracy’ period, 1991–3 • Historical evaluation of Yeltsin’s leadership • Full coverage of Putin’s presidency • Discussion of the development of civil society and the problems of democratic consolidation • Latest developments in the Chechnya conflict • More on foreign policy issues such as Russia’s relationship with NATO and the EU after enlargement, Russia’s relations with other post-Soviet states and the problem of competing ‘near abroads’ for Russia and the West • The re-introduction of the Russian constitution as an appendix • An updated select bibliography • More focus on the challenges facing Russia in the twenty-first century Written in an accessible and lively style, this book is packed with detailed information on the central debates and issues in Russia’s difficult transformation. This makes it the best available textbook on the subject and essential reading for all those concerned with the fate of Russia, and with the future of international society. -
Garry Kasparov, Chairman of Comittee 2008: Free Choice
CSCE HEARING: HUMAN RIGHTS IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA – MAY 20, 2004 THREE DOCUMENTS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY GARRY KASPAROV, CHAIRMAN OF COMITTEE 2008: FREE CHOICE I. WRITTEN STATEMENT TO THE COMMISSION II. DECLARATION OF COMITTEE 2008: FREE CHOICE III. Q & A WITH COMMITTEE CHAIRMAN GARRY KASPAROV I. WRITTEN STATEMENT TO THE CSCE (UNITED STATES HELSINKI COMMISSION) BY GARRY KASPAROV, CHAIRMAN OF COMITTEE 2008: FREE CHOICE The four years of the Putin administration have been a disaster for human rights and democracy in Russia and the future does not look bright. I submit below a sampling of the regime’s assault on democratic institutions and its effects. 1. The media, particularly television, is back under the Kremlin’s control, much as it was in the days of the USSR. This power was used to heavily influence the recent parliamentary elections. 1.1. Any media outlet not sufficiently helpful to the administration has had its management and key staff replaced by people loyal to President Putin and his allies. All of the major television networks are directly or indirectly under the control of the administration. The networks now uniformly back the president and members of his United Russia party and give no coverage to opposition members or issues. 1.2. During recent elections the networks lauded the president and members of his party and criticized candidates from other parties. As OSCE/ODIHR observers of the December 2003 parliamentary elections stated in their report, "every [media] outlet was attacking all the opposition parties." 1.3. Topics deemed unfavorable to the administration are virtually banned from discussion in the media. -
Shedding Light on the Murder of Boris Nemtsov
http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 14902 07 June 2019 Shedding light on the murder of Boris Nemtsov Report1 Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights Rapporteur: Mr Emanuelis ZINGERIS, Lithuania, Group of the European People's Party Summary The Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights remains profoundly shocked by the murder of Boris Nemtsov, an internationally renowned leader and figurehead of the political opposition in Russia, just outside the Kremlin in Moscow on 27 February 2015. It notes that five Chechen men have been convicted of his murder. It considers, however, that various aspects of the investigation and the prosecution's case give rise to serious concerns as to the independence and effectiveness of the authorities' efforts to identify and prosecute all participants in the crime, including its instigators and organisers. The Russian authorities are therefore called upon to reopen and continue their investigation of the murder, including by taking a series of specific steps. All Council of Europe member and observer States are invited to remind the Russian authorities of the need to identify and prosecute all participants in the murder of Boris Nemtsov, and to consider including in the list of persons subjected to targeted “Magnitsky” sanctions those responsible for the failure to take the necessary investigative measures required to identify the instigators and organisers of the murder of Boris Nemtsov. 1. Reference to committee: Doc. 13967, Reference 4276 of 10 March 2017. F - 67075 Strasbourg Cedex | [email protected] | Tel: +33 3 88 41 2000 | assembly.coe.int Doc. 14902 Report Contents Page A. Draft resolution ....................................................................................................................................... -
AS/Jur (2019) 24 Rev
Provisional version Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights Shedding light on the murder of Boris Nemtsov Report* Rapporteur: Mr Emanuelis ZINGERIS, Lithuania, Group of the European People's Party A. Draft resolution 1. Boris Nemtsov, an internationally renowned leader and figurehead of the political opposition in Russia, former deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation, former Deputy Speaker of the State Duma, former regional governor of Nizhny Novgorod and a member of the Yaroslavskaya regional parliament, was shot to death in Moscow on 27 February 2015. The Assembly remains profoundly shocked by this brutal assassination, which took place on the Bolshoi Moskvoretsky Bridge, immediately alongside the Kremlin, one of the most heavily protected and monitored locations in the country. 2. The Assembly notes that within days, five suspects had been arrested and a sixth had been killed during an operation to arrest him. Two of the suspects – Zaur Dadayev, the gunman, and Anzor Gubashev, the getaway driver – confessed under interrogation to their parts in the murder. The five suspects were tried by a jury before the Moscow district military court. In June 2017, they were convicted of murdering Mr Nemtsov in return for a payment of 15 million Roubles made by Ruslan Mukhudinov, a Chechen army driver. They were sentenced to between 11 and 20 years' imprisonment and each fined 100,000 Roubles. Their appeals against conviction were dismissed but their appeals against sentence led to the lifting of the fines. 3. The Assembly considers that various aspects of the investigation and the prosecution's case give rise to serious concerns as to the independence and effectiveness of the authorities' efforts to identify and prosecute all participants in the crime, including its instigators and organisers. -
Englisch (PDF)
rrussianussian aanalyticalnalytical russian analytical digest 01/06 ddigestigest Analysis Do Russian Liberals Stand a Chance? By Elfi e Siegl, Berlin and Moscow Summary Th e crisis of the Russian liberal democrats has become manifest since they failed to win seats in parliament in December 2003. Th e reasons include their proximity to power, the divide between the liberal political elite and the people, the fragmentation of the democratic movement, overreaching ambition, and competi- tion among liberal leaders. Veteran democratic politicians have been discredited and worn out, while the generation of their successors is as yet too inexperienced. Against this backdrop, the parliamentary elections of 2007 and the presidential elections of 2008 could represent an existential threat to Russia’s liberal demo- crats. Th e future of democrats in Russia will depend to a large extent on whether they themselves are able to agree on a shared party platform and on a common leadership in the coming months. So far, only incipient signs of consolidation are apparent. Behind the scenes, rivalries and machinations continue unabated. Fear of terrorism and revolution ter, they were criticized by individual representatives ussian liberal democrats are fundamentally dif- of the pro-democracy camp; however, no democratic Rferent from their counterparts in the West. Th ey opposition to Putin has emerged. are primarily opposed to the Communist Party in Furthermore, it is more diffi cult for the liberal their country, having originated from the “informal” democrats to form such an opposition today than it groups and clubs that came into existence during the was in the 1990s, since the Kremlin is doing every- fi rst years of perestroika. -
Two Simplified Pictures of Putin's Russia, Both Wrong
Vladimir Shlapentokh is a professor of sociology at Michigan State University. Two Simplified Pictures of Putin’s Russia, Both Wrong Vladimir Shlapentokh As we all know, stereotypical images tend probably the chasm between a Trotskyist universally to dominate mainstream politi- pamphlet circulated in Detroit and the cal discourse. The world recently glimpsed Detroit News. opposing images of America conjured by Russian writers of the pessimistic per- Republicans and Democrats. Both view- suasion assume the universality of democ- points, however, converged in supporting racy and the market economy, and assess the major tenets of American democracy. Russian developments using democratic This is not the case today in President standards. Russian writers in the second, Vladimir Putin’s Russia. “realist” camp see their country from a per- Indeed, analysts who belong to the same spective that may be described as a version Russian mainstream—even close friends and of the Eurasian ideology. This ideology as- colleagues—offer diametrically opposed im- sumes Russia has a unique role in history, ages of their country. One viewpoint is pes- determined by its size, its geographic iden- simistic, as propagated in a few liberal peri- tity spanning Europe and Asia, its ties to odicals such as Novaia Gazeta and Moskovskie the Muslim world, its historical traditions, Novosti and the radio station Ekho Moskvy. and even by its climate, an argument that It can also be found in some less ideological- became popular in Russia after the publica- ly driven newspapers, such as Moskovskii tion in 2000 of the popular Russian author Komsomolets, and even the solidly neutral Dmitry Parshin’s book, Why Russia Is Not Izvestia. -
Denis Volkov. Protest Movement in Russia Through the Eyes of Its Leaders and Activists
Denis Volkov. Protest Movement in Russia through the Eyes of its Leaders and Activists Results of previous research. ....................................................................................................................... 2 Infrastructure of protest movement. ........................................................................................................... 4 Observing during the elections. ............................................................................................................... 4 “Citizen Observer”: .............................................................................................................................. 5 “The League of Voters”: ....................................................................................................................... 6 Navalny’s “RussElections”: ................................................................................................................... 7 Political protests. ..................................................................................................................................... 9 “Ethical and “stylistic” incompatibility with the authorities, abuse of power: .................................. 10 Complaints of the people in power: ................................................................................................... 11 Inefficiency of authorities: ................................................................................................................. 11 Organizing political protest. .................................................................................................................. -
Political Opposition in Russia: a Dying Species? Vladimir Gel’Man1
Political Opposition in Russia: A Dying Species? Vladimir Gel’man1 Abstract: A specialist on Russian politics examines the evolution of political opposition in Russia from 1989 to 2005. The article specifies and employs a framework that focuses on the structure of the political elite and the political opportunity structure that it provides to oppositional forces. The framework is tested in brief case studies of three oppositional forces: communists, liberals, and democrats. Prospects for the future of political opposition in Russia are discussed. n the classic 1966 volume Political Oppositions in Western Democracies I(Dahl, 1966a), the chapter on France in the early years of Fifth Republic was entitled “France: Nothing but Opposition” (Grosser, 1966). A similar chapter about Russia in the mid-2000s would have to be called “Russia: Anything but Opposition.” In fact, after Vladimir Putin’s first term in office and the 2003–2004 parliamentary and presidential elections, all political actors who claimed to form an “opposition” were about to disappear or, at least, seriously lose their influence. As one observer put it: “There is no opposition today in Russia’s political system—neither system opposition, which is oriented toward a shift of a country’s rules, nor anti-system opposition, which is oriented toward changing the overall rules of the game” (Vorozheykina, 2003, p. 57). According to surveys done by the Levada Center, Russia’s best-known opinion pollsters, the number of Russians who believed that political opposition exists in the country declined from 53 percent in mid-2002 to 42 percent in mid-2004. Simulta- neously, the number of Russians who believed that political opposition is needed dramatically increased (Nuzhna li, 2004). -
Russianelection Watch
Harvard University (Belfer Center for Science & International Affairs, Davis Center for Russian & Eurasian Studies) and Indiana University-Bloomington RUSSIAN ELECTION WATCH Editor: Henry E. Hale Associate Editor: Danielle Lussier Vol.3, No.6, March 2004 TOP NEWS • Putin fires Kasyanov, taps Fradkov as PM SEE INSIDE • Putin still leads presidential race with 80% P.2: Theories on why Putin fired Kasyanov • Communist Kharitonov in second with 5% P.2: Biography of new PM Fradkov • Glaziev is new target of Kremlin media assault P.3: What do Russians think: results from a new poll • Fradkov announces reshuffle, major cuts in Cabinet Pp.4-5: TV campaign ads of Putin’s rivals • Economic liberals get vice-PM post, key ministries P.6: Websites with election information in English • Little-known Fradkov has ties to “Siloviki” P.7: Insider Information: Top Russian analysts from • Rybkin disappears, reappears, drops out of race pro- and anti-Putin camps interpret the campaign TRACKING THE POLLS: Percentage intending to vote for each presidential candidate, January-February 2004 79 80 80 70 60 50 40 30 4 4 5 4 4 20 2 1 11 1 2 1 1 1 10 0 January February Putin Kharitonov Glaziev Khakamada Malyshkin Mironov Rybkin Against All Polling agency VTsIOM-A (renamed Levada-Center in March 2004) polls 1600 people in 40 regions nationwide in the middle of each month and reports the percentage of adult citizens who, given a list of names, say they would cast their ballot for a candidate if the election were held the following Sunday, counting only those who intend to vote. -
6 X 10.Three Lines .P65
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-14522-0 - The Crisis of Russian Democracy: The Dual State, Factionalism and the Medvedev Succession Richard Sakwa Index More information Index Abakumov, V. S., 88 archaisation of Russian politics, 101 Abkhazia, 88 Argentina, 57 Abramovich, Roman, 94, 101, 128, 135, Arkhangel0skaya, Natal0ya, 101 185–7, 271, 338 Aron, Leon, 56, 82 administrative regime, 1, 6, 8, 10, 13, 19, Artem0ev, Igor, 324 21, 28–9, 30, 33, 35, 38, 41–2, 45, Artyakov, Vladimir, 175 47, 51–2, 85, 89, 93–4, 101–2, 105, Aslamazyan, Manana, 330 107–8, 114, 116, 125, 130, 132, A˚ slund, Anders, 72–3, 202, 271, 314 137, 144, 147, 149, 165, 184, 201, Association of Russian Lawyers, 285 270, 272, 301, 303–4, 307, 319, Astakhov, Pavel, 242 326–7, 333, 341–2, 347, 352–3, 355, Atatu¨rk, Kemal, 27 361–3, 365 Atomic Industry Complex Afanasiev, Mikhail, 78, 303 (Atomenergoprom), 155 Afghanistan, 120 Audit Chamber, 120, 194, 271 Agapova, Natalya, 242 authoritarian capitalism, 150, 319, 322 Agrarian Party, 4, 211, 217, 226, 246, 269, authoritarianism, 31, 37, 73, 76–7, 137–8, 294, 320 150, 230, 304, 332, 342 Akaev, Askar, 21 autonomy Akchurin, Renat, 242 external, 109, 135 Aksenenko, Nikolai, 161, 199 internal, 109, 116 Alekperov, Vagit, 135 Aven, Petr, 94, 201 Aleksashenko, Sergei, 158 Avisma (VSMPO), 155 Alekseeva, Ludmila, 278 Avtovaz, 126, 155, 175 Aleshin, Alexei, 199 Azerbaijan, 114 Alfa Group, 201 Alferov, Zhores, 222 Babakov, Alexander, 19, 262 Aliev, Heidar, 114 Baburin, Sergei, 211, 217, 227, 320 Alkhanov, Alu, 170 Baburova, Anastasia, -
Russia After the Presidential Election
Conflict Studies Research Centre Russian Series 04/01 Russia After The Presidential Election Dr Mark A Smith Key Points • Putin totally dominates the political system. He faces no obvious rival for the presidency or any significant parliamentary opposition. Big business is unlikely to challenge him. The system is becoming increasingly authoritarian. • The new prime minister (Mikhail Fradkov), is unlikely to challenge Putin. He is a competent economic administrator. • The new government structure reduces the number of ministries by 17, to 14. • The government will continue market oriented economic reforms, aiming to join the World Trade Organisation. • Key personnel appointments: former foreign minister Igor Ivanov becomes secretary of the Security Council, to raise its profile in the policy-making process. The new foreign minister is Russia’s UN Ambassador Sergey Lavrov. The main foreign policy lines are unlikely to change. • In 2008 Putin is due to step down as president. He may seek a constitutional fudge to secure a third term, or appoint a “successor” as prime minister, possibly the current defence minister Sergey Ivanov. 04/01 Russia After The Presidential Election Dr Mark A Smith The presidential elections of 14 March 2004 which resulted in the re-election of Vladimir Putin for his second four year term, confirmed his dominance of the Russian political system. There is no other figure who stands out as a serious rival to him. In his first four years in office, he succeeded in creating a political system that offers little in the way of opposition to the Kremlin. The Federation Council, the regional leaderships and the electronic media have been largely neutralised, and become compliant to the Putin leadership. -
Eracity, De-Politization, De-Contemporarization, De-Intellectualization, De-Ability, De-Lawfulness, De- Independence, De-Morality/De-Civility, and De-Superiority
University of Alberta Competitive Discourse in an Imitational Democracy: The Multifaceted Image of the Opponents in the Online Materials of Russian Political Parties and Leaders by Artëm Andreevich Medvedev A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Slavic Linguistics Department of Modern Languages and Cultural Studies ©Artëm Andreevich Medvedev Spring 2012 Edmonton, Alberta Permission is hereby granted to the University of Alberta Libraries to reproduce single copies of this thesis and to lend or sell such copies for private, scholarly or scientific research purposes only. Where the thesis is converted to, or otherwise made available in digital form, the University of Alberta will advise potential users of the thesis of these terms. The author reserves all other publication and other rights in association with the copyright in the thesis and, except as herein before provided, neither the thesis nor any substantial portion thereof may be printed or otherwise reproduced in any material form whatsoever without the author's prior written permission. 1 ABSTRACT In contemporary Russia, the Internet serves as the most diverse and open platform of sharing and contrasting ideas. While the most life-like imitational democracy elements do manifest themselves to a limited extent in the mainstream print and electronic media, only online do all political forces and leaders have the opportunity of reaching a wide audience and disseminating seemingly uncensored information. This thesis analyzes the discourse of Russia‟s political parties and figures through the prism of representation strategies. Particular focus is made on the ways Russian politicians represent themselves indirectly, through their opponents.