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Erik S. Herron
Erik S. Herron Department of Political Science, University of Kansas 1541 Lilac Lane, Blake Hall Lawrence, KS 66045-3129 Phone: (785) 864-9027, E-mail: [email protected] URLs: http://people.ku.edu/~eherron, http://vse-na-vybory.blogspot.com, http://web.ku.edu/~herron Positions Faculty Positions 2012-Present Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Kansas 2005-2012 Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Kansas 2001-2005 Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Kansas 2000-2001 Visiting Assistant Professor, James Madison College, Michigan State University Concurrent Administrative Positions 2012-Present Associate Chair, Department of Political Science, University of Kansas 2011-Present Program Director, Political Science, National Science Foundation 2011 Academic Advisor, Dole Institute of Politics, University of Kansas 2010-2011 Director of Graduate Studies, Department of Political Science, University of Kansas 2004-2007 Director, Center for Russian, East European and Eurasian Studies, University of Kansas Education Degree Granting Programs Ph.D., Political Science, Michigan State University, 2000 M.A., Political Science, Michigan State University, 1997 M.A., Russian and East European Studies, Indiana University, 1992 B.A., Russian and East European Studies, University of Michigan, 1990 Non-Degree Granting Programs Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, University of Michigan, 1997 Intensive Uzbek Language Program, Indiana University, 1991 Intensive -
The Noncommunist Left, Social Constituencies, and Political Strategies in Russia
The Noncommunist Left, Social Constituencies, and Political Strategies in Russia PAUL T. CHRISTENSEN efining and identifying the noncommunist Left in Russia is in many ways an Dexercise in frustration. Whereas the organizations of the noncommunist Left in Russia are somewhat more permanent than that analogy suggests, the sugges- tion that we are dealing with tenuous political formations, with few exceptions, very much to the point. There are many such organizations in Russia; some are relatively stable and have a history, many are not; and all of them are relatively small and have problematic constituencies. There are three central questions to address if we are to understand the potential political import of these groups for Russia’s political future. First, what are the organizations and parties of the non- communist Left that have any stature and political salience? Second, what are their actual or potential social constituencies? Third, what are the political strate- gies of the noncommunist Left, and why does it seem to have such a problem in carving out a political space in contemporary Russia? Before discussing the specific questions raised above, it is important to situ- ate the noncommunist Left in Russia, and indeed the entire Russian political spec- trum, on the conceptual map of political ideologies used in Western social science. Left—historically centered around socialist and communist movements—puts a high value on democracy in the economic as well as in the political realm, on eco- nomic egalitarianism, and traditionally views an expansive role for the state and organized social interests in the operation of society as necessary and positive. -
Putin's Youth
Putin’s Youth: Nashi and the Pro-Regime Youth Movement in Russia, 2000-2012 Angela Lee Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors in History May 2013 © 2013 Angela Lee Table of Contents page I. Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………………iii II. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………1 III. Background: The Komsomol, 1918-1991 ……………………….………………...…………4 IV. Chapter 1: Idushchie Vmeste, 2000-2005……………………………………...……………17 V. Chapter 2: Nashi Emerges, 2005-2008………………………………….…………………..31 VI. Chapter 3: Nashi Recedes, 2008-2012…………………………….………………………...55 VII. Conclusion.…………………………………………………………………………………..66 VIII. Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………69 ii Acknowledgments I would like to thank my advisor, Professor Nina Tumarkin for her patience, sound guidance, and endlessly good humor. I would also like to thank all my History professors at Wellesley for their dedication to teaching and their passion for the subject, and also to the Russian Language Department for making the process of learning Russian a joy during this past year. I am grateful to those who were part of the History Honors Thesis Seminar for the rich discussions and thought-provoking questions. I am thankful to Professors Mark Kramer, Ivan Kurilla, Valerie Sperling, and Elizabeth Wood for their willingness to direct me to the right sources for my research. And finally, I am indebted to the love and support of my parents and siblings for all these years. iii Introduction “The question for Russia now is what to do next. How can we make the new, market -
When Does Diffusing Protest Lead to Local Organization Building
Article When Does Diffusing Protest Lead to Local Organization Building? Evidence from a Comparative Subnational Study of Russia’s “For Fair Elections” Movement Jan Matti Dollbaum Under what conditions do nation-wide mass protests in authoritarian regimes produce new local activist organizations? Based on sixty-five interviews and over 1,000 media reports, internal documents, and social media posts, I compare the organization-building process in the “For Fair Elections” (FFE) protests of 2011–2012 across four Russian regions. I argue that mass protests are more likely to leave behind new social movement organizations (SMOs) when the local and the national interact, i.e., when long-standing activists on the ground perceive an opportunity to use the protests for their ongoing local struggles. Where new SMOs are established, their composition, activity pattern, and inner structure follow the tactical and organizational repertoires of veteran activists that were shaped by their local political environments. This argument illuminates the functioning of electoral authoritarian regimes from a subnational perspective and identifies conditions under which a bottom-up challenge to an authoritarian political system can drive local civil society development. hen tens of thousands of citizens filled the streets controlled political arena (Lasnier 2018), and many simply of Russian cities to protest fraudulent parliamen- retracted from the public sphere. W — tary elections in December 2011, the hopes for I set aside these normative perspectives the enthusiasm resurging civic engagement and imminent democratic and the frustration—and assess their empirical implications change were high. After some first concessions, however, for local activism, asking under what conditions nation- high expectations gave way to frustration. -
Russian Politics and Society, Fourth Edition
Russian Politics and Society Having been fully revised and updated to reflect the considerable changes in Russia over the last decade, the fourth edition of this classic text builds on the strengths of the previous editions to provide a comprehensive and sophisticated analysis on Russian politics and society. In this edition, Richard Sakwa seeks to evaluate the evidence in a balanced and informed way, denying simplistic assumptions about the inevitable failure of the democratic exper- iment in Russia while avoiding facile generalisations on the inevitable triumph of global integration and democratisation. New to this edition: • Extended coverage of electoral laws, party development and regional politics • New chapter on the ‘phoney democracy’ period, 1991–3 • Historical evaluation of Yeltsin’s leadership • Full coverage of Putin’s presidency • Discussion of the development of civil society and the problems of democratic consolidation • Latest developments in the Chechnya conflict • More on foreign policy issues such as Russia’s relationship with NATO and the EU after enlargement, Russia’s relations with other post-Soviet states and the problem of competing ‘near abroads’ for Russia and the West • The re-introduction of the Russian constitution as an appendix • An updated select bibliography • More focus on the challenges facing Russia in the twenty-first century Written in an accessible and lively style, this book is packed with detailed information on the central debates and issues in Russia’s difficult transformation. This makes it the best available textbook on the subject and essential reading for all those concerned with the fate of Russia, and with the future of international society. -
The Youth Movement Nashi: Contentious Politics, Civil Society, and Party Politics.1
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Birkbeck Institutional Research Online The youth movement Nashi: contentious politics, civil society, and party politics.1 Maya Atwal and Edwin Bacon Abstract The youth movement Nashi was established in Russia with the support of the Putin regime in 2005. The success of anti-regime demonstrators in Ukraine’s ‘Orange Revolution’ in 2004 had been noted in Moscow, and Nashi’s role was to serve as a pro-regime force to be mobilised against opposition. Its focus was the contentious politics of the street. Nashi represents an interesting theoretical case from the perspective of contentious politics and its relationship with civil society and formal party politics. Nashi’s role has developed to include facilitating young people’s engagement with party politics and business. Its early centralised control has been ameliorated somewhat by a reorganisation focused on local action. Nonetheless, Nashi exists with state support. Its continued role in contentious politics in support of the Putin regime, for example, countering opposition demonstrations in Moscow in December 2011, makes problematic its identification as a component of democratic civil society. Keywords: Russia; civil society; contentious politics; parties; youth movements; Nashi. Introduction This article explores the dialectic between ‘street politics’ and ‘party politics’. In particular, it focuses on the role played by the pro-Kremlin youth movement Molodezhnoe demokraticheskoe anti-fashistskoe dvizhenie Nashi (‘Democratic anti-fascist youth movement Ours’ – hereafter referred to as Nashi). Although Nashi is not formally linked to any political party, its creation was supported by key Kremlin aide Vladislav Surkov, the movement explicitly adopts a pro-Putin stance, and some of its members have gone on to become parliamentary deputies for the ‘party of power’, United Russia. -
Garry Kasparov, Chairman of Comittee 2008: Free Choice
CSCE HEARING: HUMAN RIGHTS IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA – MAY 20, 2004 THREE DOCUMENTS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY GARRY KASPAROV, CHAIRMAN OF COMITTEE 2008: FREE CHOICE I. WRITTEN STATEMENT TO THE COMMISSION II. DECLARATION OF COMITTEE 2008: FREE CHOICE III. Q & A WITH COMMITTEE CHAIRMAN GARRY KASPAROV I. WRITTEN STATEMENT TO THE CSCE (UNITED STATES HELSINKI COMMISSION) BY GARRY KASPAROV, CHAIRMAN OF COMITTEE 2008: FREE CHOICE The four years of the Putin administration have been a disaster for human rights and democracy in Russia and the future does not look bright. I submit below a sampling of the regime’s assault on democratic institutions and its effects. 1. The media, particularly television, is back under the Kremlin’s control, much as it was in the days of the USSR. This power was used to heavily influence the recent parliamentary elections. 1.1. Any media outlet not sufficiently helpful to the administration has had its management and key staff replaced by people loyal to President Putin and his allies. All of the major television networks are directly or indirectly under the control of the administration. The networks now uniformly back the president and members of his United Russia party and give no coverage to opposition members or issues. 1.2. During recent elections the networks lauded the president and members of his party and criticized candidates from other parties. As OSCE/ODIHR observers of the December 2003 parliamentary elections stated in their report, "every [media] outlet was attacking all the opposition parties." 1.3. Topics deemed unfavorable to the administration are virtually banned from discussion in the media. -
Zavadskaya Et Al Russia Electoral Authoritarian
Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization 25: 4 (Fall 2017): 455-480 ELECTORAL SOURCES OF AUTHORITARIAN RESILIENCE IN RUSSIA: VARIETIES OF ELECTORAL MALPRACTICE, 2007-2016 MARGARITA ZAVADSKAYA EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY AT ST. PETERSBURG MAX GRÖMPING THE UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY FERRAN MARTINEZ I COMA GRIFFITH UNIVERSITY Abstract: Elections do not always serve as instruments of democracy, but can successfully sustain modern forms of authoritarianism by maintaining political cooptation, signaling the regime’s invincibility, distributing rent among elites, and maintaining linkages with territorial communities. Russia exemplifies electoral practices adapted to the needs of authoritarian survival. Recent institutional reforms reflect the regime’s constant adjustment to emerging challenges. This study traces the evolution of the role of elections in Russia for ruling elites, the opposition, and parties. It argues that the information-gathering and co-optation functions of elections help sustain authoritarian rule, whereas insufficient co-optation and failure to signal regime strength may lead to anti-regime mobilization and Dr. Margarita Zavadskaya is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science and Sociology at the European University at Saint Petersburg and senior research fellow at the Laboratory for Comparative Social Research, Higher School of Economics (Russia). Contact: [email protected]. Dr. Max Grömping is Research Associate with the Department of Government and Interna- tional Relations, University of Sydney (Australia). Contact: [email protected]. Dr. Ferran Martínez i Coma is Research Fellow at the Centre for Governance and Public Policy and the Griffith Asia Institute, Griffith University, Brisbane (Australia). Contact: [email protected]. 455 456 Demokratizatsiya 25:4 (Fall 2017) weaken the regime. -
The Electoral System of the Russian Federation
The original of this publication was published as the research commissioned by the Policy Department for the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament within a framework contract with IRIS. The original version was published separately by the EP (Policy Department for External Policies) in 2011 (number PE 433.688). Copyrights belong to the European Parliament April 2011 THE EU-RUSSIA CENTRE REVIEW The electoral system of the Russian Federation Issue Seventeen CONTENTS Executive summary 4 Introduction 6 Background 6 The evolution of electoral law 7 Roles of legislative and executive branches 9 The Federal Assembly 9 Presidential powers 9 Elections under each President 10 The Yeltsin years 10 New constitution – President versus Parliament 10 Development of political parties under Yeltsin 11 The first three legislative elections 11 Presidential elections 1991 – 1996 13 International Reactions 13 Assessment of the Yeltsin period 15 The Putin years 16 Rise of United Russia 16 Presidential Elections 2000 - 2004 17 Changes during Putin‘s presidency 17 Control of the Media 18 International reactions 18 Assessment of Putin‘s presidency 21 Medvedev‘s Presidency 21 Modernisation Strategy 22 Electoral changes under Medvedev 22 Recent developments 23 Assessment of Medvedev‘s presidency 23 Political parties and electoral support 23 2 Russia‘s party system 23 Law on political parties 23 Funding of parties 24 Role of parties 25 Voter turnout 27 Voter attitudes 28 On political opposition 28 On electoral rules 28 On a personal cult of Putin 28 International reactions 28 Conclusion 29 Annex I: Presidential Election Results 1991-2008 33 Annex II: State Duma Election Results 1993-2007 35 Annex III: The Levada Centre surveys – Public Opinion 37 Bibliography 41 3 A study for the European Parliament by Professor Bill Bowring, Birkbeck College, London, member of the Advisory Board of the EU-Russia Centre1. -
Performing Political Opposition in Russia
2014:8 SOCIOLOGY PUBLICATIONS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL RESEARCH 2014:8 PERFORMING POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN RUSSIA RUSSIA IN OPPOSITION POLITICAL PERFORMING Russian civil society is often described as weak and Russians as politically apathetic. However, as a surprise for many, tens of thousands of people gathered on the streets of Moscow to protest the fraud in the parliamentary elections in December 2011. Nevertheless, this ‘awakening’ did not last for long as Vladimir Putin took hold of the Presidency again in 2012. Since then, the Russian State Duma has passed new legislation to restrict civic and political activism. This, together with the fragmentation of the opposition movement, has hindered large-scale and sustained mobiliza- tion against the government. In 2013, the number of protests has plummeted when the risks of demonstrating are high and the benefits to participate in political activism appear non-existent. Why is it impossible for the Russian opposition to find a common voice and to sustain contentious action? This book analyzes how political opportunities and restrictions in contem- porary Russia have affected the opposition activists’ activities at the grassroots level. The book examines Russian civil society, contemporary activist strategies, and democratization from the − THE CASE OF THE YOUTH MOVEMENT OBORONA OBORONA MOVEMENT YOUTH THE OF CASE THE perspective of the young activists participating in the liberal youth movement Oborona (Defense) in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Before its dissolution in 2011, Oborona was an active participant in the Russian opposition movement, and thus it is an interesting case study of the living activist traditions in Russia. The research illustrates how the Soviet continuities and liberal ideas are entangled in Russian political activism to create new post-socialist political identities and practices. -
LAWS of ATTRITION Crackdown on Russia’S Civil Society After Putin’S Return to the Presidency WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS LAWS OF ATTRITION Crackdown on Russia’s Civil Society after Putin’s Return to the Presidency WATCH Laws of Attrition Crackdown on Russia’s Civil Society after Putin’s Return to the Presidency Copyright © 2013 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-0060 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org APRIL 2013 ISBN: 978-1-62313-0060 Laws of Attrition Crackdown on Russia’s Civil Society after Putin’s Return to the Presidency Summary ............................................................................................................................. 1 Recommendations -
R Ussian O Utlook
Spring 2011 Nyetizdat: How the Internet Is Building Civil Society in Russia By Leon Aron In the past decade, Russia has experienced explosive growth in the spread of the Internet and its applica- tions. As in other authoritarian regimes, where the national media are state controlled, censored, or self- censored, the Russian “net” has become “a shelter in the world of censorship.”1 In this “shelter” capacity, “Ru.net,” as it is known in Russia, is reminiscent of samizdat (literally, “self-publishing”), an under- ground network of banned fiction and nonfiction copied and clandestinely disseminated in the Soviet Union in the 1960s and 1970s. Samizdat was central to preserving at least a trickle of uncensored infor- mation during the bleakest years of the Brezhnev “stagnation,” and in doing so paved the way for pere- stroika and glasnost. In breaking outside the perimeter of officially sanctioned public debate, Ru.net harks back to its legendary predecessor. It thus may be named nyetizdat, since in Russian “no” and “net” have Russian Outlook Russian an identical spelling and sound.2 Growing daily in penetration and sophistication, nyetizdat is a major and evolving factor in Russian politics today and, even more so, tomorrow. f course, just as today’s authoritarian Russia Ois not the totalitarian Soviet Union of the 1970s, so too does nyetizdat differ from samizdat, Key points in this Outlook: not only in its medium but also in the regime’s • Russia can be divided into two nations: the management of it. Unlike the producers and con- “television nation” and the “Internet nation.” sumers of nyetizdat, those caught publishing, dis- Although most Russians still get their daily seminating, and reading samizdat could be fired from their jobs and expelled from colleges; at news from television, the minority who rely worst they were sent to prisons and camps.