Parts of a Circle Is a Cycle of Three Documentary Films About the Karabakh Conflict
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Final Report: Review of Export Permits to Turkey” Published by Global Affairs Canada
CANADA: HUMAN RIGHTS CHAMPION OR PAWN TO AUTOCRATIC REGIMES IN THE GLOBAL ARMS TRADE? Response to the “Final report: Review of export permits to Turkey” published by Global Affairs Canada May 4, 2021 Mtre Anaïs Kadian and Mtre Emilie Béatrice Kokmanian, Attorneys-at-law* I. INTRODUCTION In its Final report: Review of export permits to Turkey (the “Final Report”) published in April 20211, Global Affairs Canada (“GAC”) concludes that Electro-Optical/Infra-Red imaging and targeting sensor systems manufactured by the Canadian company L3Harris Wescam (the “Targeting Sensors”) and exported to Turkey were found in Nagorno- Karabakh (also known as “Artsakh”) and used by the government of Azerbaijan to target and attack the Armenian population in the region, all of which was contrary to the end- assurances given by Turkey and to Canada’s foreign policy. 2 Yet, the Final Report is conveniently silent on the question of the responsibility of the Minister of Foreign Affairs (the “Minister” or “Ministry”) in the matter. In our opinion, given the criteria imposed by the Export and Import Permits Act (the “EIPA” or “Act”), the Minister should not have approved the export permits of Canadian military technology destined to Turkey in May 2020. Thus, the Final Report errs in its approach in that: (i) it omits to analyze the Minister’s initial decision to issue the export permits to Turkey in light of the EIPA’s criteria and (ii) it ignores the facts and evidence demonstrating the illegal use of this military technology by Turkey as well as the substantial risk which continues to exist today. -
Forced Displacement in the Nagorny Karabakh Conflict: Return and Its Alternatives
Forced displacement in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict: return and its alternatives August 2011 conciliation resources Place-names in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict are contested. Place-names within Nagorny Karabakh itself have been contested throughout the conflict. Place-names in the adjacent occupied territories have become increasingly contested over time in some, but not all (and not official), Armenian sources. Contributors have used their preferred terms without editorial restrictions. Variant spellings of the same name (e.g., Nagorny Karabakh vs Nagorno-Karabakh, Sumgait vs Sumqayit) have also been used in this publication according to authors’ preferences. Terminology used in the contributors’ biographies reflects their choices, not those of Conciliation Resources or the European Union. For the map at the end of the publication, Conciliation Resources has used the place-names current in 1988; where appropriate, alternative names are given in brackets in the text at first usage. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of Conciliation Resources or the European Union. Altered street sign in Shusha (known as Shushi to Armenians). Source: bbcrussian.com Contents Executive summary and introduction to the Karabakh Contact Group 5 The Contact Group papers 1 Return and its alternatives: international law, norms and practices, and dilemmas of ethnocratic power, implementation, justice and development 7 Gerard Toal 2 Return and its alternatives: perspectives -
General Assembly Security Council Seventy-Third Session Seventy-Third Year Agenda Item 34 Prevention of Armed Conflict
United Nations A/73/628–S/2018/1085 General Assembly Distr.: General Security Council 11 December 2018 Original: English General Assembly Security Council Seventy-third session Seventy-third year Agenda item 34 Prevention of armed conflict Letter dated 4 December 2018 from the Permanent Representative of Armenia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General Upon the instructions of my Government, I am transmitting herewith a memorandum of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh Republic) on the issue of missing persons in the context of the Azerbaijan- Karabakh conflict (see annex). I kindly request that the present letter and its annex be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 34, and of the Security Council. (Signed) Mher Margaryan Ambassador Permanent Representative 18-21102 (E) 121218 *1821102* A/73/628 S/2018/1085 Annex to the letter dated 4 December 2018 from the Permanent Representative of Armenia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Artsakh Memorandum on the issue of missing persons in the context of the Azerbaijan- Karabakh conflict The issue of missing persons in the context of the Azerbaijan-Karabakh conflict emerged long before the full-scale war, which was unleashed by Azerbaijan against the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh Republic)1 in 1991. Individual cases of hostage-taking and kidnapping of persons of Armenian nationality were taking place in Artsakh already in 1988–1989. The issue of hostages and missing persons became more acute as the conflict escalated. -
"From Ter-Petrosian to Kocharian: Leadership Change in Armenia
University of California, Berkeley FROM TER-PETROSIAN TO KOCHARIAN: LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN ARMENIA Stephan H. Astourian Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Working Paper Series This PDF document preserves the page numbering of the printed version for accuracy of citation. When viewed with Acrobat Reader, the printed page numbers will not correspond with the electronic numbering. The Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies (BPS) is a leading center for graduate training on the Soviet Union and its successor states in the United States. Founded in 1983 as part of a nationwide effort to reinvigorate the field, BPSs mission has been to train a new cohort of scholars and professionals in both cross-disciplinary social science methodology and theory as well as the history, languages, and cultures of the former Soviet Union; to carry out an innovative program of scholarly research and publication on the Soviet Union and its successor states; and to undertake an active public outreach program for the local community, other national and international academic centers, and the U.S. and other governments. Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies University of California, Berkeley Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies 260 Stephens Hall #2304 Berkeley, California 94720-2304 Tel: (510) 643-6737 [email protected] http://socrates.berkeley.edu/~bsp/ FROM TER-PETROSIAN TO KOCHARIAN: LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN ARMENIA Stephan H. Astourian Winter 2000-2001 Stephan H. Astourian is the William Saroyan Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History at the University of California, Berkeley. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank his friends and colleagues in Armenia for sharing their insights with him; Dana Sherry and Denise Monczewski for their cheerful production work; and Edward W. -
The Making of Nagorno-Karabagh: from Secession to Republic
1 Introduction Levon Chorbajian “Soviet Reports Major Unrest in Armenian Areas in South” New York Times, February 24, 1988, p. A-1 “News Cut Off as Armenian Protests Continue” New York Times, February 26, 1988, p. A-6 “Gorbachev Urges Armenians to End Nationalist Furor” New York Times, February 27, 1988, p. A-1 “Soviet Reports a Major Oil Center in Azerbaijan Hit by Riots” New York Times, March 1, 1988, p. A-1 “Soviet Said It Used Troops to Quell Riots” New York Times, March 2, 1988, p. A-10 Background In February 1988, Nagorno-Karabagh rocked the Soviet Union.1 The above headlines were typical of the global attention that focused on Armenian protests which had no precedent in scale and intensity since the early years of the Soviet Union. Continuous mass demonstrations, marches, vigils, and hunger strikes along with Azerbaijani repression, placed Nagorno-Karabagh, Armenia, and Azerbaijan center stage. Yet few people had ever heard of Nagorno-Karabagh, the small, 4400 sq km Soviet enclave then known as the Nagorno-Karabagh Autonomous Oblast. And less was known about the forces that were driving people into the plazas, squares and streets of Yerevan and Stepanakert, the respective capitals of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabagh, by the hundreds of thousands. 1 2 The Making of Nagorno-Karabagh For a time, Nagorno-Karabagh continued to be front page news, and justifiably so. In rapid succession beginning on February 13, there was the resolution from the region’s legislature, the Supreme Soviet, asking that the region be transferred from the Azerbaijan SSR to the Armenian SSR. -
General Assembly Distr.: General 7 August 2019
United Nations A/74/282 General Assembly Distr.: General 7 August 2019 Original: English Seventy-fourth session Items 19 (c) and (j), 22 and 31 of the provisional agenda* Sustainable development: disaster risk reduction; ensuring access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all Eradication of poverty and other development issues Prevention of armed conflict Letter dated 29 July 2019 from the Permanent Representative of Armenia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General Upon the instructions of my Government, I have the honour to enclose herewith the national review of the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh Republic) on implementation of the Sustainable Developments Goals (see annex).** The document represents a comprehensive review of the policy of the elected authorities of Artsakh towards building a democratic and resilient country and ensuring economic, social and cultural development by virtue of its people’s right to self-determination. It highlights the progress achieved so far in the implementation of specific Goals. The Government of Artsakh has employed an inclusive approach in elaborating the national review, touching upon challenges existing in several spheres, including good governance, poverty eradication, gender equality, education, environmental protection, access to facilities and services for disabled persons. The national review of Nagorno-Karabakh on implementation of the Goals reveals the political will and commitment of the Government of Artsakh to integrate the Sustainable Development Goals into its domestic policy and reform agenda, despite serious security challenges and threats to the physical existence of its people emanating from Azerbaijan. We believe that this voluntary step will also contribute towards greater understanding of the issues related to Nagorno-Karabakh in line with the global commitment of leaving no one behind, as enshrined in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. -
Redalyc.Identity Conflicts and Its Implications for Conflict Management
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Gahramanova, Aytan Identity Conflicts and its Implications for Conflict Management UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 11, mayo, 2006, pp. 153-186 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701115 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Nº 11 (Mayo / May 2006) IDENTITY CONFLICTS AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR CONFLICT MANAGEMENT 1 AUTHOR: AYTAN GAHRAMANOVA Mannheim University Introduction Ethnic conflicts with territorial dimensions expressed in secessionism have been important causes of contemporary conflict in the 1990s in the post Communist area and pose a major challenge to conflict management. Real or perceived inequalities and fears turn ethnicity into a political instrument for channeling ethnic based interests and needs. Three major factors can be identified as influencing the wave of contemporary ethnic conflicts. First, the trend towards ‘democratization’ in previously authoritarian countries has given more opportunities for ethnic minorities to freely assert their perceived group rights. Second, there is increasing international concern for minority rights, which seems in some cases to override concerns on sovereignty. Third, there is a legal gap left for the voluntary interpretation of the content and holders of self-determination rights. In reality, such a situation can create a ‘legal license’ for violent ethnic conflict, with ethnic cleansing and human rights violations as the main attributes of the secessionist movement. -
The Gordian Knot of the Caucasus. the Conflict Over Nagorno-Karabakh
THE GORDIAN KNOT OF THE CAUCASUS THE CONFLICT OVER NAGORNO-KARABAKH Wojciech Górecki WARSAW MAY 2020 THE GORDIAN KNOT OF THE CAUCASUS THE CONFLICT OVER NAGORNO-KARABAKH Wojciech Górecki © Copyright by Centre for Eastern Studies CONTENT EDITORS Adam Eberhardt, Krzysztof Strachota EDITORS Małgorzata Zarębska, Tomasz Strzelczyk CO-OPERATION Katarzyna Kazimierska TRANSLATION Iwona Reichardt CO-OPERATION Jim Todd GRAPHIC DESIGN PARA-BUCH MAP Wojciech Mańkowski DTP IMAGINI PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Wojciech Mańkowski Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, 00-564 Warsaw, Poland tel.: (+48) 22 525 80 00, [email protected] www.osw.waw.pl ISBN: 978-83-65827-51-7 Contents KEY POINTS | 5 INTRODUCTION | 8 I. THE NATURE OF THE CONFLICT AND THE PARTIES INVOLVED | 11 II. FUNDAMENTAL DIFFERENCE IN POSITIONS | 16 III. IN THE SHADOW OF KARABAKH | 19 1. The conflict’s impact on Azerbaijan and Armenia | 19 1.1. The political and military dimension | 19 1.2. The economic dimension | 28 1.3. The social dimension | 30 2. The conflict’s regional significance | 33 2.1. The political dimension | 33 2.2. The economic dimension | 46 2.3. The social dimension | 48 3. The conflict and its more distant neighbourhood | 50 3.1. Iran and Turkey’s positions | 50 3.2. The position of the West | 52 IV. SUMMARY AND FORECASTS | 55 APPENDIX 1. Outline of the conflict’s history (1987–2020) | 58 APPENDIX 2. The peace process | 67 APPENDIX 3. The conflict’s military dimension | 81 APPENDIX 4. The Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic | 87 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS | 90 MAP | 93 KEY POINTS • The conflict over the state affiliation of Nagorno ‑Karabakh, which has been ongoing since 1987 (and led to full‑scale war in 1992–94) has deter‑ mined Armenia and Azerbaijan’s post‑Soviet history. -
Black Garden : Armenia and Azerbaijan Through Peace and War / Thomas De Waal
BLACK GARDEN THOMAS DE WAAL BLACK GARDEN Armenia and Azerbaijan through Peace and War a New York University Press • New York and London NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS New York and London © 2003 by New York University All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data De Waal, Thomas. Black garden : Armenia and Azerbaijan through peace and war / Thomas de Waal. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8147-1944-9 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict, 1988–1994. 2. Armenia (Republic)— Relations—Azerbaijan. 3. Azerbaijan—Relations—Armenia (Republic) I. Title. DK699.N34 D4 2003 947.54085'4—dc21 2002153482 New York University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and their binding materials are chosen for strength and durability. Manufactured in the United States of America 10987654321 War is kindled by the death of one man, or at most, a few; but it leads to the death of tremendous numbers. —Elias Canetti, Crowds and Power Mercy on the old master building a bridge, The passer-by may lay a stone to his foundation. I have sacrificed my soul, worn out my life, for the nation. A brother may arrange a rock upon my grave. —Sayat-Nova Contents Author’s Note ix Two Maps, of the South Caucasus and of Nagorny Karabakh xii–xiii. Introduction: Crossing the Line 1 1 February 1988: An Armenian Revolt 10 2 February 1988: Azerbaijan: Puzzlement and Pogroms 29 3 Shusha: The Neighbors’ Tale 45 4 1988–1989: An Armenian Crisis 55 5 Yerevan: Mysteries of the East 73 6 1988–1990: An Azerbaijani Tragedy 82 7 -
OSW Report | the Gordian Knot of the Caucasus. the Conflict Over
THE GORDIAN KNOT OF THE CAUCASUS THE CONFLICT OVER NAGORNO-KARABAKH Wojciech Górecki WARSAW MAY 2020 THE GORDIAN KNOT OF THE CAUCASUS THE CONFLICT OVER NAGORNO-KARABAKH Wojciech Górecki © Copyright by Centre for Eastern Studies CONTENT EDITORS Adam Eberhardt, Krzysztof Strachota EDITORS Małgorzata Zarębska, Tomasz Strzelczyk CO-OPERATION Katarzyna Kazimierska TRANSLATION Iwona Reichardt CO-OPERATION Jim Todd GRAPHIC DESIGN PARA-BUCH MAP Wojciech Mańkowski DTP IMAGINI PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Wojciech Mańkowski Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, 00-564 Warsaw, Poland tel.: (+48) 22 525 80 00, [email protected] www.osw.waw.pl ISBN: 978-83-65827-51-7 Contents KEY POINTS | 5 INTRODUCTION | 8 I. THE NATURE OF THE CONFLICT AND THE PARTIES INVOLVED | 11 II. FUNDAMENTAL DIFFERENCE IN POSITIONS | 16 III. IN THE SHADOW OF KARABAKH | 19 1. The conflict’s impact on Azerbaijan and Armenia | 19 1.1. The political and military dimension | 19 1.2. The economic dimension | 28 1.3. The social dimension | 30 2. The conflict’s regional significance | 33 2.1. The political dimension | 33 2.2. The economic dimension | 46 2.3. The social dimension | 48 3. The conflict and its more distant neighbourhood | 50 3.1. Iran and Turkey’s positions | 50 3.2. The position of the West | 52 IV. SUMMARY AND FORECASTS | 55 APPENDIX 1. Outline of the conflict’s history (1987–2020) | 58 APPENDIX 2. The peace process | 67 APPENDIX 3. The conflict’s military dimension | 81 APPENDIX 4. The Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic | 87 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS | 90 MAP | 93 KEY POINTS • The conflict over the state affiliation of Nagorno ‑Karabakh, which has been ongoing since 1987 (and led to full‑scale war in 1992–94) has deter‑ mined Armenia and Azerbaijan’s post‑Soviet history. -
Chained to the Caucasus: Peacemaking in Karabakh, 1987–2012
Chained to the Caucasus: Peacemaking in Karabakh, 1987–2012 Philip Remler Chained to the Caucasus: Peacemaking in Karabakh, 1987–2012 Philip Remler International Peace Institute, 777 United Nations Plaza, New York, NY 10017 www.ipinst.org © 2016 by International Peace Institute All rights reserved. Published 2016. About the Author: Philip Remler is a retired US diplomat who served with the US Department of State and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). His overseas posts included Ankara, Baku, Chi in u, Groznyy, Iraqi Kurdist an, Moscow, and Tbilisi. In addition to hisş extendedă involvement with the Karabakh conflict and with OSCE-led efforts to mediate it, he reported on and/or participated in peace negotiations on the Abkhazia, Chechnya, South Ossetia, and Transdniestria conflicts. Cover Photo: Armenian and Karabakh armed forces hold joint military exercises at a training ground near the town of Tigranakert in Karabakh, November 14, 2014. Getty Images/Karen Minasyan. Disclaimer: The views expressed in this paper represent those of the author and not necessarily those of the International Peace Institute (IPI). IPI welcomes consideration of a wide range of perspectives in the pursuit of a well-informed debate on critical policies and issues in international affairs. IPI owes a debt of gratitude to its many generous donors, whose contributions make publications like this one possible. In particular, IPI would like to thank the government of Switzerland. ISBN: 0-937722-81-2 ISBN-13: 978-0-937722-81-7 CONTENTS Foreword . v Acknowledgements . vii Acronyms . viii Introduction. 1 1. The Social and Political Origins of the Karabakh Conflict . -
The Artsakh Independence Process in the Context of the Ussr Collapse
THE ARTSAKH INDEPENDENCE PROCESS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE USSR COLLAPSE Manasyan A. S. Corresponding member of NAS RA The whole process of the origin of the Karabakh (Artsakh) movement1, as well as of the collapse of the USSR proves that these two phenomena are in need of deep analysis of their motives also conditioned by external factors2. CPSU General Secretary M.Gorbachev’s idea that the whole society is in need of serious reforms with the slogans of glasnost (publicity) and perestroika (reconstruction) was acceptable to all but extreme conservatives. The danger of collapse of the social system was real. But the West, the experts of which had probably calculated its inevitability, encouraged Gorbachev, praising the “courage of the great reformer”3. It resulted in making him a Nobel laureate (October, 1990) after Sumgait (February, 1988) and Baku (January, 1990) atrocities. However, the positive attitude of the West towards Gorbachev’s perestroika was evident from the very beginning. The next important fact for understanding the inner political life of the USSR is related to the national question. And it was this very national question that became the explosive for the possible breakup of the USSR. The experience of the last decades had already shown that all those unfair deeds that the Bolshevik party did in determining the boundaries of the national states became delayed-action mines. The previous history had also shown that it was possible to put the very explosive in action mostly in Nagorno Karabakh, not only because in the 1920s the biggest injustice was committed against the Armenians of Artsakh in the most cynical way.