The Artsakh Independence Process in the Context of the Ussr Collapse
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Final Report: Review of Export Permits to Turkey” Published by Global Affairs Canada
CANADA: HUMAN RIGHTS CHAMPION OR PAWN TO AUTOCRATIC REGIMES IN THE GLOBAL ARMS TRADE? Response to the “Final report: Review of export permits to Turkey” published by Global Affairs Canada May 4, 2021 Mtre Anaïs Kadian and Mtre Emilie Béatrice Kokmanian, Attorneys-at-law* I. INTRODUCTION In its Final report: Review of export permits to Turkey (the “Final Report”) published in April 20211, Global Affairs Canada (“GAC”) concludes that Electro-Optical/Infra-Red imaging and targeting sensor systems manufactured by the Canadian company L3Harris Wescam (the “Targeting Sensors”) and exported to Turkey were found in Nagorno- Karabakh (also known as “Artsakh”) and used by the government of Azerbaijan to target and attack the Armenian population in the region, all of which was contrary to the end- assurances given by Turkey and to Canada’s foreign policy. 2 Yet, the Final Report is conveniently silent on the question of the responsibility of the Minister of Foreign Affairs (the “Minister” or “Ministry”) in the matter. In our opinion, given the criteria imposed by the Export and Import Permits Act (the “EIPA” or “Act”), the Minister should not have approved the export permits of Canadian military technology destined to Turkey in May 2020. Thus, the Final Report errs in its approach in that: (i) it omits to analyze the Minister’s initial decision to issue the export permits to Turkey in light of the EIPA’s criteria and (ii) it ignores the facts and evidence demonstrating the illegal use of this military technology by Turkey as well as the substantial risk which continues to exist today. -
Conflicts in the Caucasus. Ethnic Conflicts of Small Nations Or Political Battles of Great Powers?
Conflicts in the Caucasus. Ethnic Conflicts of Small Nations or Political Battles of Great Powers? Senior Project Thesis Luka Liparteliani Submitted in Partial fulfillment Of the Requirements for the degree of Degree Earned In International Economy and Relations State University of New York Empire State College 2021 Reader: Dr. Max Hilaire Statutory Declaration / Čestné prohlášení I, Luka Liparteliani, declare that the paper entitled: Conflicts In The Caucasus. Ethnic Conflicts Of Small Nations Or Political Battles of Great Powers? was written by myself independently, using the sources and information listed in the list of references. I am aware that my work will be published in accordance with § 47b of Act No. 111/1998 Coll., On Higher Education Institutions, as amended, and in accordance with the valid publication guidelines for university graduate theses. Prohlašuji, že jsem tuto práci vypracoval/a samostatně s použitím uvedené literatury a zdrojů informací. Jsem vědom/a, že moje práce bude zveřejněna v souladu s § 47b zákona č. 111/1998 Sb., o vysokých školách ve znění pozdějších předpisů, a v souladu s platnou Směrnicí o zveřejňování vysokoškolských závěrečných prací. In Prague, 24.04.2021 Luka Liparteliani 1 Acknowledgements As any written work in the world would not have been done without suggestions and advice of others, this paper has been inspired and influenced by people that I am grateful for. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to professor Dr. Max Hilarie for he has guided me through the journey of working on this thesis. I would also like to thank professor Oscar Hidalgo for his inspirational courses and for giving me the knowledge in the political science field, without which this paper could not have been done. -
Societal Perceptions of the Conflict in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh
Caucasus Institute Policy Paper Societal Perceptions of the Conflict in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh Hrant Mikaelian © 2017 Caucasus Institute, Yerevan Policy Paper www.c-i.am SOCIETAL PERCEPTIONS OF THE CONFLICT IN ARMENIA AND NAGORNO-KARABAKH Caucasus Institute Policy Paper Yerevan, December 2017 Author: Hrant Mikaelian, Research Fellow at the Caucasus Institute Editors: Nina Iskandaryan, Liana Avetisyan 1 This policy paper is part of a project on Engaging society and decision-makers in dialogue for peace over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict implemented by the Caucasus Institute with support from the UK Government’s Conflict, Stability and Security Fund. Page The project is aimed at reducing internal vulnerabilities created by unresolved conflicts and inter-ethnic tension, and increasing the space for constructive dialogue on conflict resolution, creating capacities and incentives for stakeholders in Armenia and Nagorno- Karabakh for resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, reconciliation and peace- building. Opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors and may not reflect the views of the Caucasus Institute or any other organization, including project sponsors and organizations with which the authors are affiliated. All personal and geographical names used in this volume are spelled the way they were spelled by the authors. SOCIETAL PERCEPTIONS OF THE CONFLICT IN ARMENIA AND NAGORNO-KARABAKH War or Peace? Public Opinion and Expectations ............................................................................... -
Forced Displacement in the Nagorny Karabakh Conflict: Return and Its Alternatives
Forced displacement in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict: return and its alternatives August 2011 conciliation resources Place-names in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict are contested. Place-names within Nagorny Karabakh itself have been contested throughout the conflict. Place-names in the adjacent occupied territories have become increasingly contested over time in some, but not all (and not official), Armenian sources. Contributors have used their preferred terms without editorial restrictions. Variant spellings of the same name (e.g., Nagorny Karabakh vs Nagorno-Karabakh, Sumgait vs Sumqayit) have also been used in this publication according to authors’ preferences. Terminology used in the contributors’ biographies reflects their choices, not those of Conciliation Resources or the European Union. For the map at the end of the publication, Conciliation Resources has used the place-names current in 1988; where appropriate, alternative names are given in brackets in the text at first usage. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of Conciliation Resources or the European Union. Altered street sign in Shusha (known as Shushi to Armenians). Source: bbcrussian.com Contents Executive summary and introduction to the Karabakh Contact Group 5 The Contact Group papers 1 Return and its alternatives: international law, norms and practices, and dilemmas of ethnocratic power, implementation, justice and development 7 Gerard Toal 2 Return and its alternatives: perspectives -
A Lose-Lose Perspective for the Future of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia-Azerbaijan Relations
GETTING TO KNOW NAGORNO-KARABAKH Rethinking-and-Changing: A Lose-Lose Perspective for the Future of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia-Azerbaijan Relations Francesco TRUPIA, PhD Postdoc Fellow at the University Centre of Excellence Interacting Minds, Societies and Environment (IMSErt) - Nicolaus Copernicus University, Toruń – Poland The ‘Second Karabakh War’ has arguably ended the oldest conflict of the post-Soviet region. Nevertheless, the aftermath of the latest military confrontation between the Artsakh Armenian forces and Azerbaijan has made very little room for peacebuilding. Six months after, Armenia and Azerbaijan’s civil societies continue to take antagonistic approaches to the post-2020 ‘Nagorno-Karabakh issue’, which remains far from being solved and properly settled down. At present, both conflictual positions show two connected yet different processes of negotiations and reconciliation1. While on the one hand the two Caucasian nations are struggling to maximise their opportunities that stemmed from the post-2020 status quo, on the other hand suspicious ideas and radical plots have been circulating and casting dark shadows on the future of the Nagorno-Karabakh region and the South Caucasus. The recent crisis over the Syunik and Gegharkunik borderlands between Armenia and Azerbaijan, is here instructive for assessing the highly volatile scenario. As the title states, this essay attempts to provide a different perspective over the Nagorno-Karabakh rivalry through the lens of the ‘rethinking-and-changing’ approach rather than the old-fashioned paradigm of ‘forgiving-and-forgetting’. It is not here question the transition from warfare to peace scenario for overcoming the new status quo and avoiding new escalations. Conversely, this essay raises the following question: whom the current peacebuilding process is designed for? Hence, the choice to knowingly overlook the historical as well as latest military events in Nagorno-Karabakh has the scope of focusing on a future-oriented perspective of reconciliation. -
Monuments and Memory: the Remediation and the Visual Appropriations of the Mother Armenia Statue on Instagram During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War
Monuments and Memory: The Remediation and the Visual Appropriations of the Mother Armenia Statue on Instagram During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War Lala Mouradian A Thesis in The Department of Communication Studies Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (Media Studies) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada April 2021 © Lala Mouradian, 2021 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Lala Mouradian Entitled: Monuments and Memory: The Remediation and the Visual Appropriations of the Mother Armenia Statue on Instagram During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Media Studies) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: ______________________________________Chair Dr. Jeremy Stolow ______________________________________ Examiner Dr. Stefanie Duguay ______________________________________ Examiner Dr. Jeremy Stolow ______________________________________ Supervisor Dr. Monika Gagnon Approved by________________________________________________ Dr. Monika Gagnon Chair of Department ________________________________________________ Dr. Pascale Sicotte Dean of Faculty Date: April 9, 2021 Abstract Monuments and Memory: The Remediation and the Visual Appropriations of the Mother Armenia Statue on Instagram During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War Lala Mouradian This thesis analyzes the remediation and the visual appropriations of the Mother Armenia statue on Instagram during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war. The Mother Armenia statue was erected in 1967 in Armenia’s capital city of Yerevan as a female personification of Armenia. Its meaning and symbolism have been reworked during different collective crises for the Armenian nation. -
General Assembly Security Council Seventy-Third Session Seventy-Third Year Agenda Item 34 Prevention of Armed Conflict
United Nations A/73/628–S/2018/1085 General Assembly Distr.: General Security Council 11 December 2018 Original: English General Assembly Security Council Seventy-third session Seventy-third year Agenda item 34 Prevention of armed conflict Letter dated 4 December 2018 from the Permanent Representative of Armenia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General Upon the instructions of my Government, I am transmitting herewith a memorandum of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh Republic) on the issue of missing persons in the context of the Azerbaijan- Karabakh conflict (see annex). I kindly request that the present letter and its annex be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 34, and of the Security Council. (Signed) Mher Margaryan Ambassador Permanent Representative 18-21102 (E) 121218 *1821102* A/73/628 S/2018/1085 Annex to the letter dated 4 December 2018 from the Permanent Representative of Armenia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Artsakh Memorandum on the issue of missing persons in the context of the Azerbaijan- Karabakh conflict The issue of missing persons in the context of the Azerbaijan-Karabakh conflict emerged long before the full-scale war, which was unleashed by Azerbaijan against the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh Republic)1 in 1991. Individual cases of hostage-taking and kidnapping of persons of Armenian nationality were taking place in Artsakh already in 1988–1989. The issue of hostages and missing persons became more acute as the conflict escalated. -
HUNSC Background Guide
Table of Contents Letter from the Secretary-General 2 Letter From the Directors 3 Statement of the Problem 4 History of the Committee 5 History of the Conflict 6 Current Situation 9 Past Actions 10 Bloc Positions 13 Questions a Resolution Must Answer 14 Suggestions for further research 15 Position Paper Guidelines 15 Disclaimer on Committee Dynamics 16 Closing Remarks 17 Bibliography 17 1 Letter from the Secretary-General Dear Delegates and Faculty Advisors, It is my honor and pleasure to welcome you all to the 8th edition of Newton College Model United Nations! My name is Alvaro Estrella and I will be acting as the secretary-general of this edition! I am a second year IB Diploma student at Newton College looking to major in Computer Science in the near future. Please do not feel confused if you have seen versions of myself in the corridors as I have an identical twin, which, ironically, would also like to study Computer Science. I feel my interests and hobbies were influenced by my second brother (currently studying Computer Science at the University of Texas at Austin), However I have always enjoyed technology-related activities. I also enjoy non-technology-related activities such as playing football, listening to music, and discussing controversial topics. My MUN career started as an usher in NewMUN 2015 when I was 11 years old. Shortly after the conference I was invited to join the MUN Club (I felt it was a huge privilege as at the time since the club was restricted to students under the age of 15). -
"From Ter-Petrosian to Kocharian: Leadership Change in Armenia
University of California, Berkeley FROM TER-PETROSIAN TO KOCHARIAN: LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN ARMENIA Stephan H. Astourian Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Working Paper Series This PDF document preserves the page numbering of the printed version for accuracy of citation. When viewed with Acrobat Reader, the printed page numbers will not correspond with the electronic numbering. The Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies (BPS) is a leading center for graduate training on the Soviet Union and its successor states in the United States. Founded in 1983 as part of a nationwide effort to reinvigorate the field, BPSs mission has been to train a new cohort of scholars and professionals in both cross-disciplinary social science methodology and theory as well as the history, languages, and cultures of the former Soviet Union; to carry out an innovative program of scholarly research and publication on the Soviet Union and its successor states; and to undertake an active public outreach program for the local community, other national and international academic centers, and the U.S. and other governments. Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies University of California, Berkeley Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies 260 Stephens Hall #2304 Berkeley, California 94720-2304 Tel: (510) 643-6737 [email protected] http://socrates.berkeley.edu/~bsp/ FROM TER-PETROSIAN TO KOCHARIAN: LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN ARMENIA Stephan H. Astourian Winter 2000-2001 Stephan H. Astourian is the William Saroyan Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History at the University of California, Berkeley. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank his friends and colleagues in Armenia for sharing their insights with him; Dana Sherry and Denise Monczewski for their cheerful production work; and Edward W. -
Informal Networks and Formal Institutions in Armenia
WAR, BUSINESS AND POLITICS: INFORMAL NetworKS AND ForMAL Institutions IN ARMenia Alexander Iskandaryan, Hrant Mikaelian and Sergey Minasyan Yerevan • 2016 UDC 32.001:330:355/359 WAR, BUSINESS AND POLITICS: INFORMAL NETWORKS AND FORMAL INSTITUTIONS IN ARMENIA. – Alexander Iskandaryan, Hrant Mikaelian and Sergey Minasyan. –Yerevan: Caucasus Institute. 2016. - 144 p. The volume presents the results of a study of formal and informal groups and mechanisms within Armenia’s political, economic and military elites, aiming to reveal trends in formal institution-building and the changing role of informality in Armenia’s power system since its independence from the USSR. The study relies on data from over 50 interviews with elite actors, backed up by archive materials, media stories, and expert opinions. A separate case study looks at the emergence and evolution of the Armenian army. Research team: Liana Avetisyan, Luiza Ayvazyan, Gayane Baghdasaryan, Ani Grigoryan, Johnny Melikyan, Tatevik Sargsyan, Marina Saryan, Naira Vardanyan Editing by Nina Iskandaryan Copy editing by AJE Cover design by Matit / www.matit.am Layout by Collage / www.collage.am ISBN 978-9939-1-0464-5 © Caucasus Institute, 2016 The present study was conducted with the support of the Academic Swiss Caucasus Net (ASCN), a programme aimed at promoting the social sciences and humanities in the South Caucasus (primarily Georgia and Armenia). Its activities foster the emergence of a new generation of talented scholars. Promising junior researchers receive support through research projects, capacity-building, training and scholarships. The programme emphasises the advancement of individuals who, thanks to their ASCN experience, become better integrated in international academic networks. -
The Making of Nagorno-Karabagh: from Secession to Republic
1 Introduction Levon Chorbajian “Soviet Reports Major Unrest in Armenian Areas in South” New York Times, February 24, 1988, p. A-1 “News Cut Off as Armenian Protests Continue” New York Times, February 26, 1988, p. A-6 “Gorbachev Urges Armenians to End Nationalist Furor” New York Times, February 27, 1988, p. A-1 “Soviet Reports a Major Oil Center in Azerbaijan Hit by Riots” New York Times, March 1, 1988, p. A-1 “Soviet Said It Used Troops to Quell Riots” New York Times, March 2, 1988, p. A-10 Background In February 1988, Nagorno-Karabagh rocked the Soviet Union.1 The above headlines were typical of the global attention that focused on Armenian protests which had no precedent in scale and intensity since the early years of the Soviet Union. Continuous mass demonstrations, marches, vigils, and hunger strikes along with Azerbaijani repression, placed Nagorno-Karabagh, Armenia, and Azerbaijan center stage. Yet few people had ever heard of Nagorno-Karabagh, the small, 4400 sq km Soviet enclave then known as the Nagorno-Karabagh Autonomous Oblast. And less was known about the forces that were driving people into the plazas, squares and streets of Yerevan and Stepanakert, the respective capitals of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabagh, by the hundreds of thousands. 1 2 The Making of Nagorno-Karabagh For a time, Nagorno-Karabagh continued to be front page news, and justifiably so. In rapid succession beginning on February 13, there was the resolution from the region’s legislature, the Supreme Soviet, asking that the region be transferred from the Azerbaijan SSR to the Armenian SSR. -
From Ter-Petrossian to Kocharian: Explaining Continuity in Armenian Foreign Policy, 1991–2003
From Ter-Petrossian to Kocharian: Explaining Continuity in Armenian Foreign Policy, 1991–2003 TALINE PAPAZIAN Abstract: This article is a study of Armenian foreign policy since independence, as a major component and requirement of national sovereignty. I argue that despite the replacement of the first administration by its opponents in 1998, the most rel- evant characteristic of foreign policy is continuity rather than change. In terms of political science approach, foreign policy is studied both in terms of internation- al relations of the young republic and of the main actors responsible for it. The combination of these two approaches allows us to understand both the raisons d’Edat and the internal actors that explain continuity, although the brevity and novelty of the present study requires more extensive research. While the descrip- tion of Armenian foreign policy has often been reviewed, the decision-making process and political elites related to it are practically uncharted territory. Key words: actors, continuity/change, decision making, Diaspora, foreign poli- cy, ideology, institutions, internal politics, leadership, military, Nagorno- Karabakh conflict/issue, political elites, security lthough foreign policy seems somewhat beyond the “democratization” and A “liberalization” (leitmotiv) present in the addresses made to the Newly Inde- pendent States (NIS), it is actually a relevant observation in studying the evolu- tion of the republics. Foreign policy is situated at the crossroads of development, regional stability, and globalization. Since gaining independence, the Republic of Armenia has been trying hard to impose its sovereignty on the definition of foreign policy. This brief research is based on two political science approaches, usually dis- joined.