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Red Sand: Canadians in Persia & Transcaucasia, 1918 Tom
RED SAND: CANADIANS IN PERSIA & TRANSCAUCASIA, 1918 TOM SUTTON, MA THESIS ROUGH DRAFT, 20 JANUARY 2012 CONTENTS Introduction Chapter 1 Stopgap 2 Volunteers 3 The Mad Dash 4 Orphans 5 Relief 6 The Push 7 Bijar 8 Baku 9 Evacuation 10 Historiography Conclusion Introduction NOTES IN BOLD ARE EITHER TOPICS LEFT UNFINISHED OR GENERAL TOPIC/THESIS SENTENCES. REFERECNCE MAP IS ON LAST PAGE. Goals, Scope, Thesis Brief assessment of literature on Canada in the Russian Civil War. Brief assessment of literature on Canadians in Dunsterforce. 1 Stopgap: British Imperial Intentions and Policy in the Caucasus & Persia Before 1917, the Eastern Front was held almost entirely by the Russian Imperial Army. From the Baltic to the Black Sea, through the western Caucasus and south to the Persian Gulf, the Russians bolstered themselves against the Central Empires. The Russians and Turks traded Kurdistan, Assyria, and western Persia back and forth until the spring of 1917, when the British captured Baghdad, buttressing the south-eastern front. Meanwhile, the Russian army withered in unrest and desertion. Russian troops migrated north through Tabriz, Batum, Tiflis, and Baku, leaving dwindling numbers to defend an increasingly tenable front, and as the year wore on the fighting spirit of the Russian army evaporated. In the autumn of 1917, the three primary nationalities of the Caucasus – Georgians, Armenians, and Azerbaijanis – called an emergency meeting in Tiflis in reaction to the Bolshevik coup d'etat in Moscow and Saint Petersburg. In attendance were representatives from trade unions, civil employees, regional soviets, political parties, the army, and lastly Entente military agents. -
Conflicts in the Caucasus. Ethnic Conflicts of Small Nations Or Political Battles of Great Powers?
Conflicts in the Caucasus. Ethnic Conflicts of Small Nations or Political Battles of Great Powers? Senior Project Thesis Luka Liparteliani Submitted in Partial fulfillment Of the Requirements for the degree of Degree Earned In International Economy and Relations State University of New York Empire State College 2021 Reader: Dr. Max Hilaire Statutory Declaration / Čestné prohlášení I, Luka Liparteliani, declare that the paper entitled: Conflicts In The Caucasus. Ethnic Conflicts Of Small Nations Or Political Battles of Great Powers? was written by myself independently, using the sources and information listed in the list of references. I am aware that my work will be published in accordance with § 47b of Act No. 111/1998 Coll., On Higher Education Institutions, as amended, and in accordance with the valid publication guidelines for university graduate theses. Prohlašuji, že jsem tuto práci vypracoval/a samostatně s použitím uvedené literatury a zdrojů informací. Jsem vědom/a, že moje práce bude zveřejněna v souladu s § 47b zákona č. 111/1998 Sb., o vysokých školách ve znění pozdějších předpisů, a v souladu s platnou Směrnicí o zveřejňování vysokoškolských závěrečných prací. In Prague, 24.04.2021 Luka Liparteliani 1 Acknowledgements As any written work in the world would not have been done without suggestions and advice of others, this paper has been inspired and influenced by people that I am grateful for. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to professor Dr. Max Hilarie for he has guided me through the journey of working on this thesis. I would also like to thank professor Oscar Hidalgo for his inspirational courses and for giving me the knowledge in the political science field, without which this paper could not have been done. -
Societal Perceptions of the Conflict in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh
Caucasus Institute Policy Paper Societal Perceptions of the Conflict in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh Hrant Mikaelian © 2017 Caucasus Institute, Yerevan Policy Paper www.c-i.am SOCIETAL PERCEPTIONS OF THE CONFLICT IN ARMENIA AND NAGORNO-KARABAKH Caucasus Institute Policy Paper Yerevan, December 2017 Author: Hrant Mikaelian, Research Fellow at the Caucasus Institute Editors: Nina Iskandaryan, Liana Avetisyan 1 This policy paper is part of a project on Engaging society and decision-makers in dialogue for peace over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict implemented by the Caucasus Institute with support from the UK Government’s Conflict, Stability and Security Fund. Page The project is aimed at reducing internal vulnerabilities created by unresolved conflicts and inter-ethnic tension, and increasing the space for constructive dialogue on conflict resolution, creating capacities and incentives for stakeholders in Armenia and Nagorno- Karabakh for resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, reconciliation and peace- building. Opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors and may not reflect the views of the Caucasus Institute or any other organization, including project sponsors and organizations with which the authors are affiliated. All personal and geographical names used in this volume are spelled the way they were spelled by the authors. SOCIETAL PERCEPTIONS OF THE CONFLICT IN ARMENIA AND NAGORNO-KARABAKH War or Peace? Public Opinion and Expectations ............................................................................... -
The Ethnic Roots of Class Universalism
Edinburgh Research Explorer The Ethnic Roots of Class Universalism Citation for published version: Riga, L 2008, 'The Ethnic Roots of Class Universalism: Rethinking the “Russian” Revolutionary Elite', American Journal of Sociology, vol. 114, no. 3, pp. 649-705. https://doi.org/10.1086/592862 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1086/592862 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Published In: American Journal of Sociology Publisher Rights Statement: © Riga, L. (2008). The Ethnic Roots of Class Universalism: Rethinking the “Russian” Revolutionary Elite. American Journal of Sociology, 114(3), 649-705 doi: 10.1086/592862. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 28. Sep. 2021 The Ethnic Roots of Class Universalism: Rethinking the “Russian” Revolutionary Elite Author(s): Liliana Riga Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 114, No. 3 (November 2008), pp. 649-705 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/592862 . Accessed: 22/01/2014 06:01 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . -
Forced Displacement in the Nagorny Karabakh Conflict: Return and Its Alternatives
Forced displacement in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict: return and its alternatives August 2011 conciliation resources Place-names in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict are contested. Place-names within Nagorny Karabakh itself have been contested throughout the conflict. Place-names in the adjacent occupied territories have become increasingly contested over time in some, but not all (and not official), Armenian sources. Contributors have used their preferred terms without editorial restrictions. Variant spellings of the same name (e.g., Nagorny Karabakh vs Nagorno-Karabakh, Sumgait vs Sumqayit) have also been used in this publication according to authors’ preferences. Terminology used in the contributors’ biographies reflects their choices, not those of Conciliation Resources or the European Union. For the map at the end of the publication, Conciliation Resources has used the place-names current in 1988; where appropriate, alternative names are given in brackets in the text at first usage. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of Conciliation Resources or the European Union. Altered street sign in Shusha (known as Shushi to Armenians). Source: bbcrussian.com Contents Executive summary and introduction to the Karabakh Contact Group 5 The Contact Group papers 1 Return and its alternatives: international law, norms and practices, and dilemmas of ethnocratic power, implementation, justice and development 7 Gerard Toal 2 Return and its alternatives: perspectives -
Karabakh: Vision
KARABAKH: VISION “We are ready to guarantee the security of the Armenian community of Karabakh. I stressed, [that] Baku will not allow the community to face any danger” Ilham Aliyev President of Azerbaijan September 2005 BAKU-2011 | 2 | KARABAKH: VISION KARABAKH: VISION | 3 | CONTENTS: Preface 5 THE HISTORY OF AZERBAIJAN: General Information 8 KARABAKH: Historical Conditions 12 CURRENT SITUATION IN KARABAKH: Two Communities – One Vision 17 INTERNATIONAL LAW: Legitimacy of “Unrecognized State” 23 Concluding Remarks 26 | 4 | KARABAKH: VISION KARABAKH: VISION | 5 | Preface The Nagorno-Karabakh region of the Repub- been top agenda item for the Government of lic of Azerbaijan is part of the geographical Azerbaijan with the following priorities: area called Garabagh (Qarabağ). The name 1) liberation of all occupied territories; consists of two Azerbaijani words: “qara” 2) return of forcibly displaced persons to (black) and “bağ” (garden).1 The geographi- their places of origin; cal area of Karabakh covers the lands from 3) establishment of long-lasting peace and the Araz River in the south to the Kur River stability in the Nagorno-Karabakh region of in the north, and from the junction of the the Republic of Azerbaijan, which willpro- Kur and Araz Rivers in the east to the eastern mote in term the peace in the entire South ranges of the Lesser Caucasus in the west. Caucasus. Further continuation of such kind of pro- tracted conflicts is a major security threat in the region of South Caucasus, as one can see on the example of Five-Day war in Georgia (August 2008) that it can easily can turn into a flash fire. -
A Lose-Lose Perspective for the Future of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia-Azerbaijan Relations
GETTING TO KNOW NAGORNO-KARABAKH Rethinking-and-Changing: A Lose-Lose Perspective for the Future of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia-Azerbaijan Relations Francesco TRUPIA, PhD Postdoc Fellow at the University Centre of Excellence Interacting Minds, Societies and Environment (IMSErt) - Nicolaus Copernicus University, Toruń – Poland The ‘Second Karabakh War’ has arguably ended the oldest conflict of the post-Soviet region. Nevertheless, the aftermath of the latest military confrontation between the Artsakh Armenian forces and Azerbaijan has made very little room for peacebuilding. Six months after, Armenia and Azerbaijan’s civil societies continue to take antagonistic approaches to the post-2020 ‘Nagorno-Karabakh issue’, which remains far from being solved and properly settled down. At present, both conflictual positions show two connected yet different processes of negotiations and reconciliation1. While on the one hand the two Caucasian nations are struggling to maximise their opportunities that stemmed from the post-2020 status quo, on the other hand suspicious ideas and radical plots have been circulating and casting dark shadows on the future of the Nagorno-Karabakh region and the South Caucasus. The recent crisis over the Syunik and Gegharkunik borderlands between Armenia and Azerbaijan, is here instructive for assessing the highly volatile scenario. As the title states, this essay attempts to provide a different perspective over the Nagorno-Karabakh rivalry through the lens of the ‘rethinking-and-changing’ approach rather than the old-fashioned paradigm of ‘forgiving-and-forgetting’. It is not here question the transition from warfare to peace scenario for overcoming the new status quo and avoiding new escalations. Conversely, this essay raises the following question: whom the current peacebuilding process is designed for? Hence, the choice to knowingly overlook the historical as well as latest military events in Nagorno-Karabakh has the scope of focusing on a future-oriented perspective of reconciliation. -
IRMO-Brief-11-2020.Pdf
IRMO Institut za razvoj i međunarodne odnose Institute for Development and International Relations I R M O Ured u Zagrebu B R E F 11 2020 I The End of the Second Karabakh War: Has a Lasting Peace Come to the South Caucasus? By Krševan Antun Dujmović Introduction In a year in which the whole world seemed namely unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) by Azerbaijan, a long war of attrition was avoided. to curb the COVID-19 pandemic, a war broke to have frozen its conflicts, uniting its efforts out between Armenia and Azerbaijan over destruction of properties and cultural sites in Thus, the second war caused a significantly lower Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding regions in this region of rich history on the crossroads between Asia and Europe, the Caspian and involving two nations in the South Caucasus, the Black Sea. The short duration of this war Azerbaijan. This was a full-scale armed conflict also insured that no big players neighboring for more than six years, this war lasted only Armenia and Azerbaijan get directly involved but unlike the first Karabakh war that lasted six weeks. Mainly due to modern warfare and on either of the two warring sides, which could deployment of new sophisticated technology, have had incomprehensible consequences for IRMO BRIEF 11/2020 1 the international community. This is because to gain the interest of the world, it rapidly the countries neighboring the conflict area ended, leaving the international community are substantively different comparatively to once again perplexed. Has the ceasefire what they were in the first half of the nineties agreement signed between Armenia and when the first Karabakh war took place. -
Monuments and Memory: the Remediation and the Visual Appropriations of the Mother Armenia Statue on Instagram During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War
Monuments and Memory: The Remediation and the Visual Appropriations of the Mother Armenia Statue on Instagram During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War Lala Mouradian A Thesis in The Department of Communication Studies Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (Media Studies) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada April 2021 © Lala Mouradian, 2021 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Lala Mouradian Entitled: Monuments and Memory: The Remediation and the Visual Appropriations of the Mother Armenia Statue on Instagram During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Media Studies) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: ______________________________________Chair Dr. Jeremy Stolow ______________________________________ Examiner Dr. Stefanie Duguay ______________________________________ Examiner Dr. Jeremy Stolow ______________________________________ Supervisor Dr. Monika Gagnon Approved by________________________________________________ Dr. Monika Gagnon Chair of Department ________________________________________________ Dr. Pascale Sicotte Dean of Faculty Date: April 9, 2021 Abstract Monuments and Memory: The Remediation and the Visual Appropriations of the Mother Armenia Statue on Instagram During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War Lala Mouradian This thesis analyzes the remediation and the visual appropriations of the Mother Armenia statue on Instagram during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war. The Mother Armenia statue was erected in 1967 in Armenia’s capital city of Yerevan as a female personification of Armenia. Its meaning and symbolism have been reworked during different collective crises for the Armenian nation. -
Informal Networks and Formal Institutions in Armenia
WAR, BUSINESS AND POLITICS: INFORMAL NetworKS AND ForMAL Institutions IN ARMenia Alexander Iskandaryan, Hrant Mikaelian and Sergey Minasyan Yerevan • 2016 UDC 32.001:330:355/359 WAR, BUSINESS AND POLITICS: INFORMAL NETWORKS AND FORMAL INSTITUTIONS IN ARMENIA. – Alexander Iskandaryan, Hrant Mikaelian and Sergey Minasyan. –Yerevan: Caucasus Institute. 2016. - 144 p. The volume presents the results of a study of formal and informal groups and mechanisms within Armenia’s political, economic and military elites, aiming to reveal trends in formal institution-building and the changing role of informality in Armenia’s power system since its independence from the USSR. The study relies on data from over 50 interviews with elite actors, backed up by archive materials, media stories, and expert opinions. A separate case study looks at the emergence and evolution of the Armenian army. Research team: Liana Avetisyan, Luiza Ayvazyan, Gayane Baghdasaryan, Ani Grigoryan, Johnny Melikyan, Tatevik Sargsyan, Marina Saryan, Naira Vardanyan Editing by Nina Iskandaryan Copy editing by AJE Cover design by Matit / www.matit.am Layout by Collage / www.collage.am ISBN 978-9939-1-0464-5 © Caucasus Institute, 2016 The present study was conducted with the support of the Academic Swiss Caucasus Net (ASCN), a programme aimed at promoting the social sciences and humanities in the South Caucasus (primarily Georgia and Armenia). Its activities foster the emergence of a new generation of talented scholars. Promising junior researchers receive support through research projects, capacity-building, training and scholarships. The programme emphasises the advancement of individuals who, thanks to their ASCN experience, become better integrated in international academic networks. -
From Ter-Petrossian to Kocharian: Explaining Continuity in Armenian Foreign Policy, 1991–2003
From Ter-Petrossian to Kocharian: Explaining Continuity in Armenian Foreign Policy, 1991–2003 TALINE PAPAZIAN Abstract: This article is a study of Armenian foreign policy since independence, as a major component and requirement of national sovereignty. I argue that despite the replacement of the first administration by its opponents in 1998, the most rel- evant characteristic of foreign policy is continuity rather than change. In terms of political science approach, foreign policy is studied both in terms of internation- al relations of the young republic and of the main actors responsible for it. The combination of these two approaches allows us to understand both the raisons d’Edat and the internal actors that explain continuity, although the brevity and novelty of the present study requires more extensive research. While the descrip- tion of Armenian foreign policy has often been reviewed, the decision-making process and political elites related to it are practically uncharted territory. Key words: actors, continuity/change, decision making, Diaspora, foreign poli- cy, ideology, institutions, internal politics, leadership, military, Nagorno- Karabakh conflict/issue, political elites, security lthough foreign policy seems somewhat beyond the “democratization” and A “liberalization” (leitmotiv) present in the addresses made to the Newly Inde- pendent States (NIS), it is actually a relevant observation in studying the evolu- tion of the republics. Foreign policy is situated at the crossroads of development, regional stability, and globalization. Since gaining independence, the Republic of Armenia has been trying hard to impose its sovereignty on the definition of foreign policy. This brief research is based on two political science approaches, usually dis- joined. -
The Politics of Independence and Transition
The Politics of Independence and Transition INTERVIEW WITH ARA SAHAKYAN ormer deputy speaker of the Armenian Parliament answers questions on polit- F ical developments in Soviet Armenia that led to indpendence, a legislative process, economic transformation problems, and democratization in a time of war. Sahakyan assesses the role of the Armenian National Movement in these changes and the future. Demokratizatsiya: You have played a major role in the Karabakh movement, the establishment of the new Republic of Armenia, and the establishment of its institutions and new political culture. What led you to be involved in the move- ment? What changed the Karabakh movement from a request for the annexation of Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast to Armenia to a national revival move- ment that aspired for democracy and independence? Sahakyan: The moving force of the Karabakh movement that emerged in Feb- ruary 1988 came from among the middle-level intellectuals within the literary, sci- entific, and teaching professions, and to a lesser extent also from the industrial or engineering fields. The political credo of this generation born after World War II was stamped by the duality of the times. On the one hand, this generation was raised under the influence of the Khrushchevian critique of Stalinist despotism, the hopes raised by the “thawing” of the cold war, and the antigovernment actions and ideals proclaimed by the dissident movement; on the other hand, their atti- tudes were warped under the pressure of the conformist dispositions of Brezhnev’s years of “stagnation.” The political line being pursued beginning in 1985 under perestroika definitely moved the pendulum of the intellectual and spiritual duality of our generation in the direction of law and justice.