Conflicts in the Caucasus. Ethnic Conflicts of Small Nations Or Political Battles of Great Powers?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Conflicts in the Caucasus. Ethnic Conflicts of Small Nations Or Political Battles of Great Powers? Conflicts in the Caucasus. Ethnic Conflicts of Small Nations or Political Battles of Great Powers? Senior Project Thesis Luka Liparteliani Submitted in Partial fulfillment Of the Requirements for the degree of Degree Earned In International Economy and Relations State University of New York Empire State College 2021 Reader: Dr. Max Hilaire Statutory Declaration / Čestné prohlášení I, Luka Liparteliani, declare that the paper entitled: Conflicts In The Caucasus. Ethnic Conflicts Of Small Nations Or Political Battles of Great Powers? was written by myself independently, using the sources and information listed in the list of references. I am aware that my work will be published in accordance with § 47b of Act No. 111/1998 Coll., On Higher Education Institutions, as amended, and in accordance with the valid publication guidelines for university graduate theses. Prohlašuji, že jsem tuto práci vypracoval/a samostatně s použitím uvedené literatury a zdrojů informací. Jsem vědom/a, že moje práce bude zveřejněna v souladu s § 47b zákona č. 111/1998 Sb., o vysokých školách ve znění pozdějších předpisů, a v souladu s platnou Směrnicí o zveřejňování vysokoškolských závěrečných prací. In Prague, 24.04.2021 Luka Liparteliani 1 Acknowledgements As any written work in the world would not have been done without suggestions and advice of others, this paper has been inspired and influenced by people that I am grateful for. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to professor Dr. Max Hilarie for he has guided me through the journey of working on this thesis. I would also like to thank professor Oscar Hidalgo for his inspirational courses and for giving me the knowledge in the political science field, without which this paper could not have been done. Table Of Contents Chapter 1. The Caucasus In Conflict.---------------------------------------------------------------------- 5 Chapter 2. The Historical Roots And Legacy.------------------------------------------------------------ 9 Chapter 3. Disputes Over Nagorno-Karabakh.---------------------------------------------------------- 17 Chapter 4. Georgian Struggle For Unity And Breakout Regions.------------------------------------ 26 Chapter 5. Geopolitics Of The Black Sea Region.----------------------------------------------------- 34 Turkey.----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 34 Russian Federation.-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 37 The United States Of America.------------------------------------------------------------------- 40 Conclusion.-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 43 Bibliography. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 45 2 Abstract The paper delivers a profound overview of the conflicts in the Caucasian. The region that has been in conflict since the late 1980s has yet not achieved a settlement. The three states of the Southern Caucasus: Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan have established independent states after the collapse of the USSR, some nations are struggling to gain sovereignty and some have joined the Russian federation as autonomous regions. The conflicts we come across in the Caucasus are various by nature. Some of the conflicts have been settled but some remain frozen. After the wave of conflicts in the 1990s, results have been devastating for people and economies, but the tensions have been lower. The developments of the conflicts have been slower since then, the 2008 Russo-Georgian war and the recent events in Azerbaijan are exceptions. The Caucasus has seen civil wars, intra-state conflicts as well as conflicts with the external powers. These conflicts have been known as ethnic conflicts between the Caucasian ethnicities. Although the external involvement creates a different opinion. Considering the geopolitical location of the region, the conflicts could be granted a geopolitical categorization. Russia has been an inseparable part of what is happening in the Caucasus from day one and enjoys the largest influential power over the region. Turkey and Iran have historically been trying to acquire strong positions and in recent decades it has been a proper time to do so. The US and the EU offer peaceful settlements in the region and also try to build economical and political bridges with the Southern Caucasian states. China has shown its interest in the region lately as well, due to the communicational benefits it can deliver between Asia and Europe. 3 Chapter 1: The Caucasus in conflict A small region between the Caucasian mountain and two seas, that has been struggling for peace, is yet stuck in the middle of frozen and ongoing territorial and ethnic conflicts. Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Dagestan, Chechnya, Abkhazia, Ossetia, Kabardino-Balkaria, and Karachai-Cherkessia battling over their identities and positions in the region. Such a small piece of land that has been in conflict for decades and still remains unstable. The historical legacy, cultural and religious differences, and External forces play a huge role in the Caucasian tensions. The Caucasus is a region that has directly suffered from the new political disorder. Considering its territorial size, the Caucasus has seen one of the biggest numbers of armed conflicts after the cold war. The conflicts in Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, the Prigorodniy Rayon of North Ossetia, and Chechnya make up five of the total eight armed conflicts in the former Soviet republics and it has suffered the most (Cornell, 2000). Hundreds of thousands of deaths and millions of refugees have been a cause of these conflicts and the numbers are getting higher even today (Jafarova, 2011). The armed conflicts and their consequences have left a significant mark on the region’s economy, which was already struggling to transition from centralized to open market. It is worth discussing that the conflicts, except the one between Chechnya and Ingushetia, have very similar patterns and the roots for the conflict. They are all based on ethnic identity and the fight for self-determination. They have all revolted against the central governments after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It is also important to mention that all these revolting parties have been granted autonomy during the Soviet era, and despite the fact that there are many more ethnic minorities in the region, the ones that did not have autonomy are not supported by the 4 external actors as much. Another similarity that has to be pointed out is the external support of all these breakaway minorities. It almost seems like the conflicts that broke out after the collapse Soviet Union have been encouraged and used for political interests, Thus they are more geopolitical than ethno-religious. The geographical location of the Caucasus region has made it a land of borders. The Caucasus has been a land where empires ended as well as a land of civilizational and religious exchange. It has functioned both as a crossroad and a fence between East and West, North and South. The region has been a battlefield of Tsarist, Safavid, and Ottoman empires and later to their successors. The situation sometimes benefited but mostly damaged the people of the Caucasus. External powers have cooperated with local kingdoms and leadership against their competitors. Using domestic powers, foreigners have invaded the Caucasian territories, emigrated, and terminated the populations (King, 2008). The new world has brought a new opportunity for the Caucasus to turn themselves from being barriers to being a bridge between Europe and Asia. Especially, through producing and exporting Caspian Sea oil and gas, making the region an essential communication route for the two continents. Nevertheless, the armed tensions have not been settling and the political and economic development of the region has not been speedy for relevant reasons. One of the reasons being the devastating consequences of five armed conflicts that have broken out since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The internal and external wars have created a tremendously harsh environment for the states to survive and rise as independent. Since then, the heritage of the conflicts has been holding the countries back from developing in a free environment. Even though the facts remain that all the conflicts are frozen, there has not been a 5 final settlement on any of the conflicts. Considering the recent happenings, the option of mutual settlement is getting farther from reality. Another factor is the positions of major foreign powers that in general are vouching for war and instability in the region. The external actors that are interested in the Caucasus are securing their political interests at the expense of local populations and the governments. The following chapters will describe further the methods and doing of Russia, Turkey and the U.S. Finally, the geopolitical importance of the Caucasus attracts attention from the outside. Oil politics of the external powers requires them to gain influence over the region. While these powers actively try to align with either of the states, the separatist minorities are looking for a helping hand from outside for future security. The fight over influence weakens the Caucasian states and prevents them from dominating others. The states cannot achieve a shared foreign policy. This situation prevents the states from settling the conflicts between themselves because they are seeking
Recommended publications
  • Societal Perceptions of the Conflict in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh
    Caucasus Institute Policy Paper Societal Perceptions of the Conflict in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh Hrant Mikaelian © 2017 Caucasus Institute, Yerevan Policy Paper www.c-i.am SOCIETAL PERCEPTIONS OF THE CONFLICT IN ARMENIA AND NAGORNO-KARABAKH Caucasus Institute Policy Paper Yerevan, December 2017 Author: Hrant Mikaelian, Research Fellow at the Caucasus Institute Editors: Nina Iskandaryan, Liana Avetisyan 1 This policy paper is part of a project on Engaging society and decision-makers in dialogue for peace over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict implemented by the Caucasus Institute with support from the UK Government’s Conflict, Stability and Security Fund. Page The project is aimed at reducing internal vulnerabilities created by unresolved conflicts and inter-ethnic tension, and increasing the space for constructive dialogue on conflict resolution, creating capacities and incentives for stakeholders in Armenia and Nagorno- Karabakh for resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, reconciliation and peace- building. Opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors and may not reflect the views of the Caucasus Institute or any other organization, including project sponsors and organizations with which the authors are affiliated. All personal and geographical names used in this volume are spelled the way they were spelled by the authors. SOCIETAL PERCEPTIONS OF THE CONFLICT IN ARMENIA AND NAGORNO-KARABAKH War or Peace? Public Opinion and Expectations ...............................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Forced Displacement in the Nagorny Karabakh Conflict: Return and Its Alternatives
    Forced displacement in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict: return and its alternatives August 2011 conciliation resources Place-names in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict are contested. Place-names within Nagorny Karabakh itself have been contested throughout the conflict. Place-names in the adjacent occupied territories have become increasingly contested over time in some, but not all (and not official), Armenian sources. Contributors have used their preferred terms without editorial restrictions. Variant spellings of the same name (e.g., Nagorny Karabakh vs Nagorno-Karabakh, Sumgait vs Sumqayit) have also been used in this publication according to authors’ preferences. Terminology used in the contributors’ biographies reflects their choices, not those of Conciliation Resources or the European Union. For the map at the end of the publication, Conciliation Resources has used the place-names current in 1988; where appropriate, alternative names are given in brackets in the text at first usage. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of Conciliation Resources or the European Union. Altered street sign in Shusha (known as Shushi to Armenians). Source: bbcrussian.com Contents Executive summary and introduction to the Karabakh Contact Group 5 The Contact Group papers 1 Return and its alternatives: international law, norms and practices, and dilemmas of ethnocratic power, implementation, justice and development 7 Gerard Toal 2 Return and its alternatives: perspectives
    [Show full text]
  • A Lose-Lose Perspective for the Future of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia-Azerbaijan Relations
    GETTING TO KNOW NAGORNO-KARABAKH Rethinking-and-Changing: A Lose-Lose Perspective for the Future of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia-Azerbaijan Relations Francesco TRUPIA, PhD Postdoc Fellow at the University Centre of Excellence Interacting Minds, Societies and Environment (IMSErt) - Nicolaus Copernicus University, Toruń – Poland The ‘Second Karabakh War’ has arguably ended the oldest conflict of the post-Soviet region. Nevertheless, the aftermath of the latest military confrontation between the Artsakh Armenian forces and Azerbaijan has made very little room for peacebuilding. Six months after, Armenia and Azerbaijan’s civil societies continue to take antagonistic approaches to the post-2020 ‘Nagorno-Karabakh issue’, which remains far from being solved and properly settled down. At present, both conflictual positions show two connected yet different processes of negotiations and reconciliation1. While on the one hand the two Caucasian nations are struggling to maximise their opportunities that stemmed from the post-2020 status quo, on the other hand suspicious ideas and radical plots have been circulating and casting dark shadows on the future of the Nagorno-Karabakh region and the South Caucasus. The recent crisis over the Syunik and Gegharkunik borderlands between Armenia and Azerbaijan, is here instructive for assessing the highly volatile scenario. As the title states, this essay attempts to provide a different perspective over the Nagorno-Karabakh rivalry through the lens of the ‘rethinking-and-changing’ approach rather than the old-fashioned paradigm of ‘forgiving-and-forgetting’. It is not here question the transition from warfare to peace scenario for overcoming the new status quo and avoiding new escalations. Conversely, this essay raises the following question: whom the current peacebuilding process is designed for? Hence, the choice to knowingly overlook the historical as well as latest military events in Nagorno-Karabakh has the scope of focusing on a future-oriented perspective of reconciliation.
    [Show full text]
  • Monuments and Memory: the Remediation and the Visual Appropriations of the Mother Armenia Statue on Instagram During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War
    Monuments and Memory: The Remediation and the Visual Appropriations of the Mother Armenia Statue on Instagram During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War Lala Mouradian A Thesis in The Department of Communication Studies Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (Media Studies) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada April 2021 © Lala Mouradian, 2021 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Lala Mouradian Entitled: Monuments and Memory: The Remediation and the Visual Appropriations of the Mother Armenia Statue on Instagram During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Media Studies) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: ______________________________________Chair Dr. Jeremy Stolow ______________________________________ Examiner Dr. Stefanie Duguay ______________________________________ Examiner Dr. Jeremy Stolow ______________________________________ Supervisor Dr. Monika Gagnon Approved by________________________________________________ Dr. Monika Gagnon Chair of Department ________________________________________________ Dr. Pascale Sicotte Dean of Faculty Date: April 9, 2021 Abstract Monuments and Memory: The Remediation and the Visual Appropriations of the Mother Armenia Statue on Instagram During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War Lala Mouradian This thesis analyzes the remediation and the visual appropriations of the Mother Armenia statue on Instagram during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war. The Mother Armenia statue was erected in 1967 in Armenia’s capital city of Yerevan as a female personification of Armenia. Its meaning and symbolism have been reworked during different collective crises for the Armenian nation.
    [Show full text]
  • HUNSC Background Guide
    Table of Contents Letter from the Secretary-General 2 Letter From the Directors 3 Statement of the Problem 4 History of the Committee 5 History of the Conflict 6 Current Situation 9 Past Actions 10 Bloc Positions 13 Questions a Resolution Must Answer 14 Suggestions for further research 15 Position Paper Guidelines 15 Disclaimer on Committee Dynamics 16 Closing Remarks 17 Bibliography 17 1 Letter from the Secretary-General Dear Delegates and Faculty Advisors, It is my honor and pleasure to welcome you all to the 8th edition of Newton College Model United Nations! My name is Alvaro Estrella and I will be acting as the secretary-general of this edition! I am a second year IB Diploma student at Newton College looking to major in Computer Science in the near future. Please do not feel confused if you have seen versions of myself in the corridors as I have an identical twin, which, ironically, would also like to study Computer Science. I feel my interests and hobbies were influenced by my second brother (currently studying Computer Science at the University of Texas at Austin), However I have always enjoyed technology-related activities. I also enjoy non-technology-related activities such as playing football, listening to music, and discussing controversial topics. My MUN career started as an usher in NewMUN 2015 when I was 11 years old. Shortly after the conference I was invited to join the MUN Club (I felt it was a huge privilege as at the time since the club was restricted to students under the age of 15).
    [Show full text]
  • Informal Networks and Formal Institutions in Armenia
    WAR, BUSINESS AND POLITICS: INFORMAL NetworKS AND ForMAL Institutions IN ARMenia Alexander Iskandaryan, Hrant Mikaelian and Sergey Minasyan Yerevan • 2016 UDC 32.001:330:355/359 WAR, BUSINESS AND POLITICS: INFORMAL NETWORKS AND FORMAL INSTITUTIONS IN ARMENIA. – Alexander Iskandaryan, Hrant Mikaelian and Sergey Minasyan. –Yerevan: Caucasus Institute. 2016. - 144 p. The volume presents the results of a study of formal and informal groups and mechanisms within Armenia’s political, economic and military elites, aiming to reveal trends in formal institution-building and the changing role of informality in Armenia’s power system since its independence from the USSR. The study relies on data from over 50 interviews with elite actors, backed up by archive materials, media stories, and expert opinions. A separate case study looks at the emergence and evolution of the Armenian army. Research team: Liana Avetisyan, Luiza Ayvazyan, Gayane Baghdasaryan, Ani Grigoryan, Johnny Melikyan, Tatevik Sargsyan, Marina Saryan, Naira Vardanyan Editing by Nina Iskandaryan Copy editing by AJE Cover design by Matit / www.matit.am Layout by Collage / www.collage.am ISBN 978-9939-1-0464-5 © Caucasus Institute, 2016 The present study was conducted with the support of the Academic Swiss Caucasus Net (ASCN), a programme aimed at promoting the social sciences and humanities in the South Caucasus (primarily Georgia and Armenia). Its activities foster the emergence of a new generation of talented scholars. Promising junior researchers receive support through research projects, capacity-building, training and scholarships. The programme emphasises the advancement of individuals who, thanks to their ASCN experience, become better integrated in international academic networks.
    [Show full text]
  • From Ter-Petrossian to Kocharian: Explaining Continuity in Armenian Foreign Policy, 1991–2003
    From Ter-Petrossian to Kocharian: Explaining Continuity in Armenian Foreign Policy, 1991–2003 TALINE PAPAZIAN Abstract: This article is a study of Armenian foreign policy since independence, as a major component and requirement of national sovereignty. I argue that despite the replacement of the first administration by its opponents in 1998, the most rel- evant characteristic of foreign policy is continuity rather than change. In terms of political science approach, foreign policy is studied both in terms of internation- al relations of the young republic and of the main actors responsible for it. The combination of these two approaches allows us to understand both the raisons d’Edat and the internal actors that explain continuity, although the brevity and novelty of the present study requires more extensive research. While the descrip- tion of Armenian foreign policy has often been reviewed, the decision-making process and political elites related to it are practically uncharted territory. Key words: actors, continuity/change, decision making, Diaspora, foreign poli- cy, ideology, institutions, internal politics, leadership, military, Nagorno- Karabakh conflict/issue, political elites, security lthough foreign policy seems somewhat beyond the “democratization” and A “liberalization” (leitmotiv) present in the addresses made to the Newly Inde- pendent States (NIS), it is actually a relevant observation in studying the evolu- tion of the republics. Foreign policy is situated at the crossroads of development, regional stability, and globalization. Since gaining independence, the Republic of Armenia has been trying hard to impose its sovereignty on the definition of foreign policy. This brief research is based on two political science approaches, usually dis- joined.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Independence and Transition
    The Politics of Independence and Transition INTERVIEW WITH ARA SAHAKYAN ormer deputy speaker of the Armenian Parliament answers questions on polit- F ical developments in Soviet Armenia that led to indpendence, a legislative process, economic transformation problems, and democratization in a time of war. Sahakyan assesses the role of the Armenian National Movement in these changes and the future. Demokratizatsiya: You have played a major role in the Karabakh movement, the establishment of the new Republic of Armenia, and the establishment of its institutions and new political culture. What led you to be involved in the move- ment? What changed the Karabakh movement from a request for the annexation of Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast to Armenia to a national revival move- ment that aspired for democracy and independence? Sahakyan: The moving force of the Karabakh movement that emerged in Feb- ruary 1988 came from among the middle-level intellectuals within the literary, sci- entific, and teaching professions, and to a lesser extent also from the industrial or engineering fields. The political credo of this generation born after World War II was stamped by the duality of the times. On the one hand, this generation was raised under the influence of the Khrushchevian critique of Stalinist despotism, the hopes raised by the “thawing” of the cold war, and the antigovernment actions and ideals proclaimed by the dissident movement; on the other hand, their atti- tudes were warped under the pressure of the conformist dispositions of Brezhnev’s years of “stagnation.” The political line being pursued beginning in 1985 under perestroika definitely moved the pendulum of the intellectual and spiritual duality of our generation in the direction of law and justice.
    [Show full text]
  • Coping with the Nagorno-Karabakh Crisis
    COPING WITH THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH CRISIS PAUL A. GOBLE More than any other problem in the post-Soviet space, the fighting around Nagorno-Karabakh threatens to expand and to involve not only regional pow- ers but more distant countries as well. The current difficulties there reflect the complexities of geography, ancient cultural and religious divisions, certain peculiarities of Soviet nationality policy, the changing dynamics of the fighting itself over the last four years, and the exigencies of state building in the post-Soviet environment. Any effort at reaching a stable settlement and the settlement itself must be based on an understanding of these factors and on an appreciation of the often strained relationships among and between regional and international actors. Defining Factors of the Conflict Geography Nagorno-Karabakh-the name itself means "mountainous dark gardens" in a combination of Russian and Azeri-has been the home of both Armenians and Turkic communities for almost one thousand years. Mountainous and difficult to reach from either Yerevan or Baku,this isolated region supports an economy largely dependent on agriculture, particularly grape growing. Besides its relative isolation, another geographic feature compounding Nagorno- Karabakh's ethnic troubles is the location there of the headwaters of one of the most important tributaries of the river that flows through Baku, the capital of Azerbaijan. Consequently, the group that controls Karabakh will have powerful leverage over the center of the Azerbaijani state. CulturalAsymmetries Although they have existed alongside one another for almost one thousand years, the Armenian and Turkic communities have long been in conflict, a reflection of deep cultural animosities and asymmetrical ethnic development.
    [Show full text]
  • Armenia–Azerbaijan Conflict: the Failure of Multilateral Diplomacy
    ARTICLES Volume 1 • Issue 2 • Winter 2020 Armenia–Azerbaijan Conflict: The Failure of Multilateral Diplomacy Murad Muradov* This article describes the failure of the long-term attempts to resolve the Arme- nia–Azerbaijan conflict in and around the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan through the means of multilateral diplomacy. It shows that the OSCE Minsk Group has been unable to fulfil its mission and analyses the structural problems their at- tempts have had. Then, the article proceeds to question the validity of the liberal concept of global politics and its ability to resolve conflicts, arguing that, in the case of the Armenia–Azerbaijan conflict, multilateral diplomatic efforts could actual- ly have made matters worse instead of improving them. It reveals that attempts to stimulate the conflict parties to achieve a consensus were futile owing to the fun- damentally skewed status quo and, in reality, only motivated Armenia to continue doing nothing and trying to normalize the fact of territorial occupation. The article also points up the failure to apply similar legal standards to the Nagorno-Karabakh and other separatist conflicts in the post-Soviet space and Eastern Europe. Finally, it evokes the realist concept of diplomacy and reviews its fundamental pillars, arguing for a case that their application in the foreign policy of the conflicting states might have helped them to achieve much better conflict-resolution dynamics. Keywords: Armenia–Azerbaijan conflict, democratic peace, conflict resolution, po- litical realism, OSCE Minsk Group, multilateral diplomacy * Murad Muradov is Deputy Director at the Topchubashov Center (based in Baku, Azerbaijan). 81 CAUCASUS STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES Armenia–Azerbaijan conflict: Negotiations Outside observers often find it difficult to understand why the Armenia– Azerbaijan conflict has been so intractable and resisted peaceful resolution.
    [Show full text]
  • 1988: Final Stage of the Deportation of Azerbaijanis from Armenia Article 1
    Karabakh Ilgar NIFTALIYEV PhD in History 1988: Final stage of the deportation of Azerbaijanis from Armenia Article 1 hinking about the prospect of change in the international image of the USSR, which did not allow it to Soviet Union in 1985, the architects of reform did use mass violence to crack down on unrest. Permission to Tnot suspect how much importance the national use troops and make mass arrests of national movement question will have in the history of perestroika. Gorbachev’s activists had to be more thoroughly justified. Naturally, policies in many respects provided an impetus for this facilitated the development of national movements. ethno-national processes, the direction of which was The December 1986 events in Alma-Ata were a pre-set by earlier contradictions. These contradictions harbinger of the coming storm. They can be considered had historical roots and stemmed from both ethnic and the first Gorbachev provocation in the field of “national other social and political factors. Contradictions resulted and ethnic conflicts”. Moscow then decried the Kazakhs in national movements that developed based on two and Kyrgyz for “their tendency toward national isolation classical models - the Baltic and Caucasus models. The and the mood of national conceit” and “nationalist first option was characterized by the growing tendency individual manifestations”. Later such accusations would of the Baltic republics toward autonomy from the Union be made against Azerbaijanis. Following the events in center until independence, which would change the Kazakhstan, the Institute of Ethnography of the USSR external borders of the country. The second option was established a Center for the Study of Interethnic Issues characterized by the versatility of conflicts (Union center and Interethnic Relations.
    [Show full text]
  • General Assembly Security Council Seventy-Second Session Seventy-Third Year Agenda Item 34 Prevention of Armed Conflict
    United Nations A/72/876–S/2018/486 General Assembly Distr.: General Security Council 25 May 2018 Original: English General Assembly Security Council Seventy-second session Seventy-third year Agenda item 34 Prevention of armed conflict Letter dated 18 May 2018 from the Chargé d’affaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of Armenia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General Upon the instructions of my Government I have the honour to transmit herewith a memorandum from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh Republic) regarding the state of the historical and cultural monuments in Artsakh and Azerbaijan (see annexes). I kindly request that the present letter and its annexes 1 be circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 34, and of the Security Council. (Signed) Mher Margaryan Chargé d’affaires a.i. __________________ 1 Annex II is being circulated in the language of submission only. 18-08316 (E) 290618 *1808316* A/72/876 S/2018/486 Annex I to the letter dated 18 May 2018 from the Chargé d’affaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of Armenia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General Memorandum of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Artsakh on the state of the historical and cultural monuments in Artsakh and Azerbaijan In connection with the memorandum regarding historical monuments in the territory of Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh), which was distributed by Azerbaijan in various international organizations, including the UN, OSCE and the Council of Europe, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh Republic) considers it necessary to state the following: All architectural monuments in the territory of Artsakh, including places of worship, are the property and heritage of Artsakh.
    [Show full text]