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Les Beg Musulmans Du Turkestan Oriental (1759-1864)

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Les Beg Musulmans Du Turkestan Oriental (1759-1864) 1887-08-JA2008-1_03_Papas 07-04-2009 11:44 Pagina 23 FONCTIONNAIRES DES FRONTIÈRES DANS L'EMPIRE MANDCHOU: LES BEG MUSULMANS DU TURKESTAN ORIENTAL (1759-1864) PAR ALEXANDRE PAPAS «Jadis j’ai écrit cette phrase ‘déterminé à anéantir les brigands, faisant tout pour parvenir à mes fins’. Maintenant Galdan est mort, et ses parti- sans nous font à nouveau allégeance. Ma grande tâche est terminée. En deux ans, j’ai réalisé trois voyages, à travers les déserts fouettés par le vent et inondés par les pluies, mangeant un jour sur deux, dans les déserts arides et inhabités – on pourrait appeler ceci une épreuve mais je ne l’ai jamais appelé ainsi; les gens évitent ce genre de choses mais je ne les ai jamais évitées. Le voyage incessant et l’épreuve ont mené à cette grande réussite. Je n’aurais jamais dit une telle chose si cela n’avait été pour Gal- dan. Or le Ciel, la Terre et les Ancêtres m’ont protégé et ont permis cette réussite. Quant à ma vie, disons qu’elle est heureuse. Disons qu’elle est accomplie. Disons que j’ai obtenu ce que je voulais. Dans quelques jours, au palais, je vous parlerai de tout ceci en personne (…)»1 C’est ainsi que l’empereur Kangxi (r. 1662-1722) s’exprime au prin- temps 1697 dans une lettre adressée à son eunuque en chef Ku Wenxing. Ces mots sont écrits quelques jours après le suicide du puissant Djoun- gar Galdan Boshogtu Khan (1632?-1697), et quelques mois après une traque sans merci menée par l’empereur lui-même à travers les steppes * Je remercie Françoise Aubin pour sa relecture attentive et pour avoir établi les caractères chinois. J’utilise les abréviations suivantes: ch. = chinois; ma. = mandchou; ar. = arabe; tu. = turki. Cet article est tiré d’une communication présentée lors du colloque «Fonctionnaires des frontières chinoises» organisé par Paola Calanca et Fabienne Jagou (Taipei, octobre 2006). 1 Cité in Jonathan D. Spence, Emperor of China. Self-Portrait of K’ang-hsi, p. 165. Journal Asiatique 296.1 (2008): 23-57 doi: 10.2143/JA.296.1.2034492 1887-08-JA2008-1_03_Papas 07-04-2009 11:44 Pagina 24 24 A. PAPAS de la Djoungarie. Ce que dit la missive est tout autant un soulagement – la bête noire est terrassée2 – qu’un avènement – Kangxi a accompli sa mission impériale. Elle dit aussi la représentation romantique de ces steppes tant convoitées. Car ce décès de Galdan marque un tournant dans l’histoire des Qing: il annonce la fin du pouvoir mongol dans les régions nord-ouest et le début de leur conquête militaire et politique. C’est ainsi qu’après la Djoungarie3, c’est au tour du Turkestan d’être envahi par les armées mandchoues4. Dès 1715, les régents de Hami font alliance avec les Qing contre les Djoungars de Tsevang-rabdan et prêtent allégeance à l’empereur; cinq ans plus tard, ceux de Turfan se rendent aux armées de Yongzheng; les troupes de Qianlong (r. 1736-1795) enva- hissent l’Ili en 1755 et s’emparent de Kashgar puis de Yarkand pendant l’hiver de 1759. À nouveau, un décès dramatique scelle le sort et la mémoire des populations. Comme Galdan, le ou plutôt les héros controversés de la région – c’est-à-dire les chefs musulmans Burhân al-Dîn Khwâja et Jahân Khwâja – trouvent la mort en 1759 après une poursuite acharnée; la tête du second est alors exhibée dans la capitale impériale. Ce rituel de triomphe remplit une fonction classique: il s’agit de déclarer l’identité du vainqueur et celle du vaincu, de distinguer clairement les deux camps et leur destin respectif5. D’autre part, il donne naissance à deux mémoires populaires divergentes. Tandis que le rituel de triomphe marque, par son 2 Il faut préciser que – contrairement à ce que laisse entendre Kangxi et, plus tard, l’historiographie mandchoue – Galdan n’a pas toujours représenté cet éternel ennemi des Qing. Ce n’est qu’à partir de 1686-87 que la situation se dégrade entre Pékin et les Djoun- gars. Par ailleurs, sur les circonstances de la mort de Galdan, voir Hidehiro Okada, «Gal- dan’s Death: When and How», p. 91-97. Plusieurs versions existent: suicide, maladie, empoisonnement. 3 Sur la conquête de la Djoungarie, voir Peter C. Perdue, China Marches West The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia, ch. 5, 6 et 7, fondé notamment sur le Qingzhen ping- ding shuomo fanglüe [Chronique des expéditions personnelles de l’empereur pour pacifier les frontières], Zhongguo shudian, Pékin, 1708, et le Qinding pingding Zhunga’er fanglüe Chronique de la pacification des Djoungars], Xinhua Shudian, Pékin, 1990. Les références chinoises ou japonaises fournies dans cet article sont indica- tives, je ne les ai pas consultées pour la plupart, faute de compétence linguistique. 4 Voir à ce sujet Ablat Khodjaev, Tsinskaja imperija i vostochnyj Turkestan v XVIII v. [L’empire Qing et le Turkestan oriental au XVIIIe siècle]. 5 Sur les rituels et les commémorations de victoire sous Qianlong, voir Joanna Waley- Cohen, «Commemorating War in Eighteenth-Century China», p. 869-899. Journal Asiatique 296.1 (2008): 23-57 1887-08-JA2008-1_03_Papas 07-04-2009 11:44 Pagina 25 FONCTIONNAIRES DES FRONTIÈRES DANS L'EMPIRE MANDCHOU 25 caractère spectaculaire et sa dramaturgie, les foules de la capitale, une mémoire du vaincu se construit dans une tradition de martyr à travers les oasis du Turkestan. A la vision impériale romantique et dominatrice, s’oppose une vision régionale dans l’expectative et la nostalgie. Si, en effet, les Djoungars ne suscitaient guère l’adhésion des gens du Turkes- tan, il n’en va pas de même des Khwâja qui sont une lignée de mys- tiques musulmans perçue comme sainte et intimement liée au Prophète6. Celle-ci renvoie à une longue histoire religieuse et à un Monde de l’is- lam (ar. dâr al-islâm) qui va du Turkestan jusqu’à La Mecque, sans solution de continuité, c’est-à-dire, en un sens, sans frontière. On y reviendra. De la vision impériale en revanche, résultat de la rapide expansion des Qing, on peut dire qu’elle redéfinit la problématique chinoise ou sino- mandchoue de la frontière. C’est là un sujet abondamment traité: une série de travaux – clairement présentée dans l’ouvrage déjà mentionné de Peter Perdue – montre comment les nouveaux territoires, en particu- lier le Turkestan, font l’objet de controverses dans les milieux de la cour Qing et suscitent une représentation idéale de l’empire. Ces territoires appellent une mythologie de l’empire-monde où tous les peuples figu- rent, mais ils supposent tout autant une administration impériale où un ordre nouveau doit être fondé. On a donc recours à une élite locale qu’on appelle beg et qui remplit les rangs des fonctionnaires de la nouvelle frontière occidentale. Or la réalité du terrain turkestanais s’avère plus compliquée dans la mesure où ces administrateurs ne semblent pas par- tager la même vision de la situation ; ils semblent obéir à d’autres moti- vations qui sont autant pragmatiques que religieuses, autant loyalistes qu’idéalistes. Ce sont ces motivations, ces comportements que nous allons nous efforcer d’analyser ici. Enfin, nous reviendrons sur le pro- blème de ces deux visions, tant il semble caractériser cette période his- torique durant laquelle les fonctionnaires impériaux jouent un rôle déter- minant. Mais auparavant, commençons par rappeler les premières réformes administratives de la zone frontière. 6 Sur la lignée des Khwâja, je me permets de renvoyer à Alexandre Papas, Soufisme et politique entre Chine, Tibet et Turkestan. Etude sur les Khwajas naqshbandis du Tur- kestan oriental. Journal Asiatique 296.1 (2008): 23-57 1887-08-JA2008-1_03_Papas 07-04-2009 11:44 Pagina 26 26 A. PAPAS L’ADMINISTRATION TERRITORIALE DU HUIJIANG/XINJIANG Avant la création officielle du Xinjiang en 1884, c’est-à-dire durant les règnes successifs de Jiaqing (1796-1821), Daoguang (1821-1851) et Xianfeng (1851-1862), on appelle parfois Huijiang ou «Territoires musulmans» la région qui regroupe la Djoungarie et la Kashgarie7. C’est davantage sur cette seconde sous-région que nous allons nous concentrer dans la mesure où elle abrite la catégorie autochtone de fonctionnaires des frontières que sont les beg (ch. bo-ke ) – les jasaq (chefs mili- taires mongols)8 étant pour la Djoungarie peut-être leurs équivalents, mais non leurs semblables. C’est d’après un modèle d’administration appliqué dans la région voisine du Gansu et hérité de la période Ming, moyennant certaines simplifications, modifications et innovations, que le Huijiang est organisé selon une hiérarchie bureaucratique9: un gou- verneur général (zongdu ) qui dirige l’ensemble du territoire, divisé en plusieurs préfectures (zhilizhou , zhiliting ), com- prenant de nombreux districts (xian , zhou , ting ). Tels sont les principes. Or plusieurs particularités sont à rappeler. Le gouver- neur général est en fait ici un commandant militaire (gouverneur de l’Ili: Yili jiangjun ) basé à Gulja / Huiyuan /actuel Yining 10, au nord-ouest du Turkestan. Cette combinaison révèle la forte militarisation du système en vigueur dans la région, ceci à des fins défensives et préventives. Il y aurait eu 25 forts autour de la ville d’Ürümchi / Dihua et à Ili, 18 autres plus petits dans le Sud, occupés par quelque 30 000 soldats11. Les districts sont souvent, à l’ori- gine, des colonies militaires agraires (tuntian ) qui accueillent des contingents de l’armée, des exilés ou des déplacés, d’origine ethnique 7 Lin Chang-Kuan, «Sinkiang», p. 674. 8 Sur les jasaq, voir Joseph F. Fletcher, «Ch’ing Inner Asia c. 1800», p. 49-51. 9 Perdue, pp. 314-323; 333-353. Pour un tableau général (chiffres et plans à l’appui) des villes turkestanaises sous les Qing, signalons Sunao Hori, «Muslim Cities under the Ch’ing Rule», p.
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