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Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics Proceedings from the first Workshop on American Indigenous Languages May 9-10, 1998 Department of Linguistics University of California, Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, CA 93106 Papers in Linguistics Linguistics Department University of California, Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, California 93106 U.S.A. Checks in U.S. dollars should be made out to UC Regents with $5.00 added for overseas postage. If your institution is interested in an exchange agreement, please write the above address for information. Volume I: Korean: Papers and Discourse Date $13.00 Volume 2: Discourse and Grammar $10.00 Volume 3: Asian Discourse and Grammar $10.00 Volume 4: Discourse Transcription $15.00 Volume 5: East Asian Linguistics $15.00 Volume 6: Aspects of Nepali Grammar $15.00 Volume 7: Prosody. Grammar, and Discourse in Central Alaskan Yup'ik $15.00 Proceedings from the first $20.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages Proceedings from the second $15.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages Proceedings from the third $15.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages CONTENTS FOREWARD............. .. 1 PRELIMINARY REMARKS ON TONE IN COATLAN-LoXICHA ZAPOTEC. 3 Rosemary G. Beam de Azcona ELIDING THE OBVIOUS: ZERO SUBJECTS IN LUSHOOTSEED . 15 David Beck LANGUAGE REACQUISITION IN A CHEROKEE SEMI-SPEAKER: EVIDENCE FROM CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION. 30 Anna Berge VERBAL ARTISTRY IN A SENECA FOLKTALE. 42 Wallace Chafe SOME OUTCOMES OFTHE GRAMMATICALIZATION OFTHE VERB ..2'00' IN APINAJE. 57 Christiane Cunha de Oliveira THE DOUBLE LiFE OF HALKOMELEM REFLEXIVE SUFFIXES. 70 Donna B. Gerdts LOCATION AND DIRECTION IN MOCOVI. 84 Veronica Grondona NOTES ON SWITCH-REFERENCE IN CREEK. 97 Jack Martin TRANSLATION AND INTERPRETATION OF ELLA C. DELORIA'S "A SIOUX CAPTIVE RESCUED BY HIS WIFE". 108 Kathleen Jeanette Martin IMPLICATION AND ASSERTION IN ATTRIBUTIVE POSSESSION. 123 Marianne Mithun AGENTIVE SYSTEM OF LOWLAND CHONT AL . 144 Loretta 0'Connor SECONDARY VERBS IN NORTHERN PAIUTE. 158 Tim Thomes FOREWARD The papers in this volume comprise the proceedings of the first Workshop on American Indigenous Languages rwAIL '98). The conference itself was the outgrowth of a student discussion group on North American Indigenous Languages (NAIL), the changing membership of which have been convening monthly for more than a decade under the guidance (and at the home) of Marianne Mithun and Wallace Chafe. This introduction is our opportunity to thank Wally and Marianne for their support, in myriad forms, of our work on these fascinating languages and for their affirmation of its importance to speaker communities as well as to linguistic research. We hope that this volume of the Working Papers represents the establishment of a tradition of WAIL, as a forum where we may all share our discoveries, both descriptive and theoretical, concerning these increasingly endangered languages. Paul Barthmaier Joe Holmberg Violet Bianco Gary Holton Greg Brown Chris Newton Nancy Caplow Randy Rightmire Kristine Hildebrandt Suzanne Wash Rosemary G. Beam de Azcona University of California, Berkeley o. Coatlim-Loxicha Zapotec (CLZ) is a Southern Zapotec language spoken in at least four townsii in the ex-districts ofMiahuatbln and Pochutla in southern Oaxaca, Mexico. This branch of Zapotec is characterized by a historical non-tonic vowel deletion which produced consonant clusters and heavy syllables, uncommon in more conservative Zapotec languages. Suprasegmental features such as tone and glottalization, once associated with now-deleted vowels, may map onto remaining sonorous segments or may float or delete. In addition to pitch, tone in CLZ is indicated by such features as glottalization, length and amplitude, on both vowels and sonorant consonants. Information about tone in CLZ is of particular interest due to the lack of general knowledge about this branch of Zapotec, and due to the the drastic change in syllable shape in Southern Zapotec resulting from the historical vowel deletion. This paper will give preliminary information on tone in CLZ, both on how it is realized phonetically and on some of its morpho-phonological functions. This is not intended to be a complete description of tone in CLZ, and I do not attempt to solve all the problems which come up, but I do give a preliminary sketch, describing tone in CLZ phonetically and identifying some of the phonological problems for future work. The present study results from three two-month summer field seasons (1996-98). Data presented in this paper come from the variety of CLZ spoken in San Baltazar Loxicha. iii 1. There are four tones in the San Baltazar Loxicha variety of CLZ. These contrast with glottalized syllables which do not bear contrastive pitch patterns: (1) high mbe 'cangrejo' (crabt low mbe 'neblina' (fog) falling mbe 'arana' (spider) nsmg mbe 'tortuga' (turtle) glottalized mbe7 v 'luna; mariposa' (moon; butterfly) 1.1 Pitch is what most people think of as being the main phonetic component of tone. In CLZ pitch is indeed the primary, though not the only, phonetic feature of tone. The direction and degree of movement are as important as the range a certain tone falls in. The high tone moves somewhat more than the low tone but not as much as true contour tones. For the primary consultant this tone typically starts around 210Hz. and falls to around 200Hz. or slightly lower. There is often higher amplitude with the high tone as well. In the Loxicha dialect of CLZ, the low tone is very level, and this lack of change in pitch is perhaps one of the main cues of this tone, as the actual fundamental frequency may vary even in the speech of a single speaker. For the primary consultant this tone is typically around 150Hz. but may be as high as 170Hz. There is very little or no movement (0-5Hz.). The falling tone typically starts in the range of200-180Hz., though sometimes lower, and falls 50Hz. or more. The rising tone usually starts around 120 or 130Hz. and rises to anywhere from 170Hz. to over 200Hz. With the rising tone there is an increase in amplitude concomitant with the increase in fundamental frequency. Checked syllables typically have a high-rising pitch pattern which may begin between 180 and 200Hz. and rise to 220Hz., 250Hz. or higher. The pitch patterns on checked syllables may vary but do not make a contrast with other checked syllables. Phonemic glottalization is a suprasegmental feature which functions in many ways similar to tone in CLZ. Under a broad definition, one might even consider checked syllables to have a fifth tone. Glottalization does contrast with the four other tones. Both phonemic glottalization and tone in CLZ use both pitch patterns and phonetic glottalization as important cues. The difference between phonemic glottalization and what we would consider tone under a narrow definition, is that for one glottalization is a primary cue and pitch a secondary one, and for the other the reverse is true. Here I will treat phonemic glottalization as a separate category from tone. Figure I. Pitch patterns for CLZ tones and glottalized syllables. high ' low ' falling /\ rising v checked 7 ( 1.2 Besides pitch, the next most important features of tone in CLZ are duration and glottalization. Glottalization has many functions in CLZ, so let us look at it first. It is important to distinguish phonetic glottalization from phonemic glottalization. Phonemic glottalization is more robust and will not disappear except as a result of certain morpho- phonological rules. Non-phonemic glottalization is not as robust and generally only appears in pre-pausal position. Non-phonemic glottalization occurs word-finally and is a cue for certain tones as well as for lenis obstruents. 1.2.1 Word-finally and in pre-pausal position, fortis obstruents are heavily aspirated, often to the point of affrication, while lenis obstruents in the same position will have a short glottal stop following them: ngip [lJgiph] 'cicatriz' (scar) yib ['(yiP?] 'vena' (vein) The main phonetic component of the fortisllenis contrast in CLZ is voicing, but when a phonemic glottal stop precedes a word-finallenis obstruent, that obstruent becomes sandwiched between glottal stops phonetically and devoices. When a lenis obstruent loses voice, the phonetic glottal stop which follows it may be the main feature left to mark it as lenis: 1.2.2 Because phonetic glottalization is part of the fortisllenis contrast in obstruents, it could not serve to mark tone or any other phonological contrast in words ending in obstruents. In words ending in vowels or sonorant consonants however, glottalization is part of the tonal contrast. Words with low or rising tone, and which end in vowels or sonorants, have a final glottal stop in pre-pausal position, whereas words of the same shape but with high or falling tone do not. This can be seen in the following examples. (4) mbe [mbe:] 'cangrejo' (crab) mbe [mbe::'?] 'neblina' (fog) wla [wla:] 'amargo' (sour) da [Oil::'?] 'petate' (mat) mzhin [m(;})~in] 'venado' (deer) mzhin [m~in:'?] 'miel' (honey) kwan [kwan] 'espeso' (thick) man [man':'?] 'animal' (animal) 16 [16:] 'higado' (liver) 10 [lo::'?] 'troja' (trough) yi [yyi:] 'piedra' (stone) Yi [yYi::'?] 'cal' (lime) mbeAl [mbeAl] 'estrella' (star) mml [mbi!':'?] ,lagartij a' (lizard) 1.3 As seen above, word-final sonorants, both vowels and consonants, are lengthened when in words with low or rising tones, but not when in words with high or falling tones. Duration is also an important cue for tone in CLZ. Vowels and sonorants in syllables with low and rising tones are 100 ms. or more longer than their counterparts in syllables with high and falling tones. In the data below, the final segment, be it vowel, nasal, or lateralvi, is measured for duration marked in milliseconds: (5) xin 'danoso' (harmful) In! 120 ms. kwal 'frio' (cold) III 240 ms. mbeAl 'estrella' (star) III 125 ms.
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