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Calcidius's Commentary on Plato's Timaeus in Latin Astronomy of the Ninth to Eleventh Centuries
BRUCE S. EASTWOOD CALCIDIUS'S COMMENTARY ON PLATO'S TIMAEUS IN LATIN ASTRONOMY OF THE NINTH TO ELEVENTH CENTURIES Prior to the twelfth-century recovery of Greek and discovery of Arabic astronomical (and astrological) texts, the character of European astronomy derived from three traditions: computus, classical texts, and observation (including instruments). By the ninth century each of these was involved with the others, producing an increasing variety of ideas and investigations. While the computistical and observational traditions combined in certain ways to bring about more practical and mathematical understanding of solar, lunar, and occasionally stellar motions, generally in the context of reckoning time intervals, the classical tradition led scholars to expand their frameworks for understanding the order and regularity of the heavens created by God.1 More speculative or theoretical and quite unmathematical in nature, the classical Latin materials that offered astronomical information and doctrines tested the wits of early medieval investigators in quite different ways than did the problems of the other traditions. Among these Roman astronomical works—the writings of Aratus (in translation), Pliny the Elder, Calcidius, Macrobius, and Martianus Capella were predominant—the translation of and commentary upon Plato's Timaeus by Calcidius has received the least attention by modern students of early medieval astronomy. Yet the work of Calcidius, especially his commentary, offers us a revealing field for the display of bold exploration, limits of comprehension, and successful innovation in medieval astronomical study more than half a century before the influx of Greco-Arabic works from ca. 1100 onward. Here I present examples of the boldness, the limits, and the successes from three manuscripts of Calcidius from the ninth to early eleventh centuries. -
Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University
Boise State University ScholarWorks History Faculty Publications and Presentations Department of History 1-1-2007 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University Publication Information Odahl, Charles Matson. (2007). "Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy". Connections: European Studies Annual Review, 3, 89-113. This document was originally published in Connections: European Studies Annual Review by Rocky Mountain European Scholars Consortium. Copyright restrictions may apply. Coda: Recovering Constantine's European Legacy 111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl, Boise State University1 rom his Christian conversion under the influence of cept of imperial theocracy was conveyed in contemporary art Frevelatory experiences outside Rome in A.D. 312 until (Illustration I). his burial as the thirteenth Apostle at Constantinople in Although Constantine had been raised as a tolerant 337, Constantine the Great, pagan polytheist and had the first Christian emperor propagated several Olympian of the Roman world, initiated divinities, particularly Jupiter, the role of and set the model Hercules, Mars, and Sol, as for Christian imperial theoc di vine patrons during the early racy. Through his relationship years of his reign as emperor -
Passionate Platonism: Plutarch on the Positive Role of Non-Rational Affects in the Good Life
Passionate Platonism: Plutarch on the Positive Role of Non-Rational Affects in the Good Life by David Ryan Morphew A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Studies) in The University of Michigan 2018 Doctoral Committee: Professor Victor Caston, Chair Professor Sara Ahbel-Rappe Professor Richard Janko Professor Arlene Saxonhouse David Ryan Morphew [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0003-4773-4952 ©David Ryan Morphew 2018 DEDICATION To my wife, Renae, whom I met as I began this project, and who has supported me throughout its development. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I am grateful to my advisors and dissertation committee for their encouragement, support, challenges, and constructive feedback. I am chiefly indebted to Victor Caston for his comments on successive versions of chapters, for his great insight and foresight in guiding me in the following project, and for steering me to work on Plutarch’s Moralia in the first place. No less am I thankful for what he has taught me about being a scholar, mentor, and teacher, by his advice and especially by his example. There is not space here to express in any adequate way my gratitude also to Sara Ahbel-Rappe and Richard Janko. They have been constant sources of inspiration. I continue to be in awe of their ability to provide constructive criticism and to give incisive critiques coupled with encouragement and suggestions. I am also indebted to Arlene Saxonhouse for helping me to see the scope and import of the following thesis not only as of interest to the history of philosophy but also in teaching our students to reflect on the kind of life that we want to live. -
The Earth As Pinprick: Some Early Western Challenges to Anthropocentrism the Earth As Pinprick: Some Early Western Challenges to Anthropocentrism
Author: Moore, Bryan L. Title: The Earth as Pinprick: Some Early Western Challenges to Anthropocentrism The Earth as Pinprick: Some Early Western Challenges to Anthropocentrism Bryan L. Moore Arkansas State University, USA [email protected] Abstract It is common to assume that the ancient Greeks and Romans were essentially anthropocentric in point of view. While this is partly true (as it is today), the ancients established important precedents that challenge and overturn this view, anticipating modern science and even Darwin and beyond. This article analyzes texts from the Presocratics to late antiquity to show how the questioning of anthropocentrism developed over roughly 800 years. This matters because overcoming our present ecological crises demands that we reassess our place on the earth and draw down our impact on the planet. The ancients show that the questioning of anthropocentrism it nothing new; their work is part of the bridge required to help us move more responsibly into the later parts of the twenty-first century and beyond. Keywords: Ancient Greek and Roman, science, ethics. Resumen Es común asumir que los griegos y romanos antiguos tenían un punto de vista esencialmente antropocéntrico. Aunque esto es cierto en parte (como hoy en día), los antiguos establecieron precedentes importantes que desafían y dan la vuelta a esta perspectiva, anticipándose a la ciencia moderna e incluso a Darwin y más allá. Este artículo analiza textos desde los Presocráticos hasta la antigüedad tardía para mostrar cómo se cuestionó el antropocentrismo Vol 7 durante aproximadamente 800 años. Esto es importante porque para vencer las crisis ecológicas actuales es necesario que re-evaluemos nuestro lugar en la tierra y que reduzcamos nuestro No, 1 impacto en el planeta. -
Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion
CICERO ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION: DE NATURA DEORUM AND DE DIVINATIONE. A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by John Patrick Frederick Wynne January 2008 CICERO ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION: DE NATURA DEORUM AND DE DIVINATIONE. John Patrick Frederick Wynne, Ph. D. Cornell University, 2008 Cicero wrote de Natura Deorum (dND), de Divinatione (Div.) and de Fato (Fat.) in succession and describes the latter two as continuations of the first. I argue that the three dialogues form a trilogy, in which Cicero as author indicates a stance on the material he presents (but that too little of the fragmentary Fat. remains to be useful for my purposes). There are much-debated attributions of preferences to Cicero’s propriae personae at the conclusions of dND and Div.; I take these preferences to express Cicero’s authorial stance. I examine relevant parts of the speeches to which they react and, first, make philosophical interpretations of each (often comparing other sources for Hellenistic thought) and, second, pay attention to the interaction of Cicero’s characterization of each speaker with the arguments the speaker gives. I find that Balbus in dND advocates the avoidance of superstition and the reform of religious beliefs in line with Stoic physics and that Cotta has a strong commitment to traditional Roman religious views consistent with his sceptical epistemology. Cotta’s scepticism is elusive in its details but perhaps yields a kind of fideism. I find that Quintus Cicero’s advocacy in Div. -
Creatio Ex Nihilo: Matter, Creation, and the Body in Classical and Christian Philosophy Through Aquinas
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 1995 Creatio ex Nihilo: Matter, Creation, and the Body in Classical and Christian Philosophy Through Aquinas James Noel Hubler University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, Christianity Commons, History of Christianity Commons, History of Religion Commons, Other Classics Commons, Philosophy Commons, and the Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons Recommended Citation Hubler, James Noel, "Creatio ex Nihilo: Matter, Creation, and the Body in Classical and Christian Philosophy Through Aquinas" (1995). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 980. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/980 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/980 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Creatio ex Nihilo: Matter, Creation, and the Body in Classical and Christian Philosophy Through Aquinas Abstract Creatio ex nihilo marked a major redefinition of the material cosmos by the Christian apologists of the late second century, Tatian and Theophilus of Antioch. Other scholars have properly assigned the origin of creatio ex nihilo to these thinkers, notably Gerhard May and David Winston, but the reasons for the teaching' s appearance remained unexplained. By examining the Classical philosophical views of matter, the challenge that Greek views of matter raised for the Christian message become evident. For Stoic, Platonist, and Peripatetic alike matter imposed the natural necessity of corruption upon the body. The moral limitations imposed by matter made a bodily resurrection seem offensive. Christian hopes for a resurrection seemed misguided both intellectually and morally. -
Scepticism About Gods in Hellenistic Philosophy*
SCEPTICISM ABOUT GODS IN HELLENISTIC PHILOSOPHY* Anthony A. Long University of California, Berkeley Philosophical theology offered the ancient sceptic, Academic or Pyrrhonist, a target which was tailor-made to his methods of argumentative counter-attack in the interests of “suspension of judgement” (epochê). His principal opponents, the Stoics, had marshalled a battery of formal proofs concerning the existence and nature of the gods; and formal proof, or the detection of weaknesses in it, was grist to the sceptic’s mill.1 Moreover, the Stoics were in fundamental disagreement with the Epicureans over theology, disagreement of a kind that the sceptic relished. Without exerting himself, he could begin a refutative routine, as Sextus Empiricus does in Pyrrhôneioi Hupotupôseis [hereafter PH] 3.2-4, by first invoking disagreements on god’s nature: is god corporeal or incorporeal, anthropomorphic or some other form, in spatial location or not, within the world or outside it? If such foundational questions cannot be settled, how, asks Sextus, can we even get a conception (ennoia) of god? People say [e.g., Epicureans] that god should be considered that which is imperishable and blessed.2 But consider what different schools understand by divine blessedness, and basic disagreement surfaces again: is divine blessedness displayed in the rational order pervading the entire world, as Stoics maintain? Or should one opt for the Epicurean conception of gods who are quite detached from the world and who provide no occupation for themselves or for anything else? These Pyrrhonian manoeuvres are scarcely food for deep philosophical thought. Their simplicity, none the less, is beguiling and effective. -
Rights Url: Please Cite the Original Version
This is a self-archived version of an original article. This version may differ from the original in pagination and typographic details. Author(s): Ockenström, Lauri Title: Ficino s human Demiurge and its sources: the case of Hermetica Year: 2014 Version: Copyright: © Ockenström & Officina di Studi Medievali, 2014. Rights: In Copyright Rights url: http://rightsstatements.org/page/InC/1.0/?language=en Please cite the original version: Ockenström, L. (2014). Ficino’s human Demiurge and its sources: the case of Hermetica. In A. Musco, & G. Musotto (Eds.), Coexistence and cooperation in the middle ages. IV European Congress of medieval studies F.I.D.E.M., Palermo, 23-27 june 2009 (pp. 993-1002). Biblioteca dell'Officina di Studi Medievali (18). Officina di Studi Medievali. Lauri Ockenström Ficino’s human Demiurge and its sources: the case of Hermetica Traditionally it has been suggested that the Renaissance period brought forth new, optimistic conceptions of man and even an ideal of human autonomy under- lining man’s faculties and virtues. This view has been particularly manifest in the case of the arts, where the Renaissance man was considered capable of challenging not only his ancient predecessors but also the works of nature and of God. Later such conceptions of the Renaissance have been modified and subjected to a critical re-evaluation, but the basic assumption about the prevailing anthropocentric atti- tudes has remained more or less the same. There have not been, however, many com- prehensive studies exploring the origins of these new conceptions of man and human creativity flourishing within the humanistic movement. -
Matter in Hellenistic Philosophy
MATTER IN HELLENISTIC PHILOSOPHY DAVID SEDLEY The Hellenistic fortunes of the concept of matter lay in the hands of the Stoic school. It was in this school’s physical theory, and in its skirmish- es with its Academic critics, that the concept maintained its prominence. And that prominence lasted from the time of the school’s founding father, Zeno of Citium, around 300 BC, at least to its last major Hellenistic voice, Posidonius, in the early first century BC. First, though, a word in passing about the rival Epicurean school. Para- doxically, Epicureanism was too materialist a philosophy to need a word for matter. The role that might have belonged to matter is taken up in Greek Epicurean texts with talk of the underlying atoms. And in general, although there is a probable exception to this in the Epicurean theory of mind,1 the atoms are the driving causal force of the Epicurean universe. There is no reason in principle why a materialist philosopher should not use a term like hyle¯ for the underlying matter in which causal dominance is located, but it is doubtful whether any did so. And there is a reason for this. When Ari- stotle, particularly in Metaphysics A 3, speaks of some Presocratic prede- cessors making hyle¯ the dominant cause, it is very much his own perspec- tive that is being represented, and there is even an air of censure about the terminology. The metaphor of ‘wood’ or ‘timber’ conveyed by the term hyle¯ was a sufficiently live one to create the expectation that hyle¯, proper- ly conceived, should be something subservient to a purposive cause direct- ed at good ends, like the timber from which a carpenter constructs a table. -
Why Human Beings Become Bad. the Early Stoic Doctrine of Double Perversion ______
Why Human Beings Become Bad. The Early Stoic Doctrine of Double Perversion __________________________________________________________________ RENÉ BROUWER University of Utrecht [email protected] Recibido: 07/10/2019 - Aceptado: 09/11/2019 DOI https://doi.org/10.20318/fons.2020.5055 Abstract In this article I offer a reconstruction of the early Stoics’ account of why human beings become bad, which they referred to as the doctrine of «double perversion», and place this doctrine in its Hellenistic context. I do so on the basis of the extant sources, going beyond the standard collections of evidence on the Stoics, and with particular emphasis on Calcidius’ account, which I suggest is somewhat longer than often assumed. The two causes the early Stoics identified are each first set out within Stoic thought itself and subsequently placed against the background of the debate about human conduct among the different schools of thought that emerged in the Hellenistic period. With regard to the first cause, persuasiveness of external matters, I maintain that the early Stoics in fact attacked the Epicureans, arguing that humans should not be misled by the pleasurable nature of some things. With regard to the second cause, verbal influence by others, the early Stoics actually followed Socrates and the Cynics in emphasizing the importance of thinking against common opinion. Keywords: perversion (Greek: $%&'()*+,, Latin: perversio), badness, early Stoa, Epicurus, Cynics, Socrates, Calcidius Resumen En este artículo ofrezco una reconstrucción de la explicación de los primeros estoicos de por qué los seres humanos se vuelven malos, conocida como la doctrina de la «doble perversión», y coloco esta doctrina en su contexto helenístico. -
Research and Experiment in Early Greek Thought by Tyler Mayo A
Research and Experiment in Early Greek Thought by Tyler Mayo A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Studies) in the University of Michigan 2019 Doctoral Committee: Professor Francesca Schironi, Chair Professor Sara Ahbel-Rappe Professor Richard Janko Associate Professor Ian Moyer Tyler Edward Mayo [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0002-2442-7127 To my mother and father ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, ad consuetudinem maiorum, I would like to begin by acknowledging and expressing my gratitude to the members of my committee: Professors Richard Janko, Ian Moyer, and Sara Abhel-Rappe. Their suggestions and criticisms helped me to rethink some, and alter other, points within this dissertation to its improvement, and saved me from numerous errors within the text, many of which surely still lurk within these pages and are my responsibility alone. However, I owe a special debt to my chair, Francesca Schironi, whose support not only made this dissertation possible, but who acted as a mentor throughout my entire time at Michigan. Her honesty and counsel were always welcome, and her careful philology can be seen within these pages, although I fear only as an imperfect reflection. Outside Angell Hall, others made my studies in Ann Arbor possible. The Posch family— John, Dyanna, Isabel, and most recently, Jude—acted as a family away from home, not least for their generous hospitality in boarding me. I shall always remember and cherish their ξενία. My wife Liz is certainly owed a place of honor in the beginning of this dissertation. Her support was essential in its creation as in all other things. -
Moral Transformation in Greco-Roman Philosophy of Mind
To our parents John and Esther Lee and Nam Soon Kwon for their love, prayers, and unfailing support Institue adulescentem iuxta viam suam, etiam cum senuerit, non recedet ab ea. Proverbs 22:6 Preface This project has undergone several changes since its first inception as a doctoral dissertation accepted by Fuller Theological Seminary in 2002 under the title “Greco-Roman Philosophy of Mind and Paul.” When the dissertation was first accepted into the WUNT II series, Professor Jörg Frey, then and current editor, suggested saving the material on Paul for another book and expanding the remainder on Greco-Roman philosophy of mind in two ways by: 1) adding a section on the role of the divine in moral progress for each philosophy, and 2) enlarging the analysis on Diaspora Judaism into separate chapters. Little did I know that these revisions would evolve into an almost two-decades long project where sections expanded into chapters, and major parts of the book expanded into separate works. This present book, Moral Transformation in Greco-Roman Philosophy of Mind, is a stand-alone and foundational work which maps out the moral milieu of the Apostle Paul and his Diaspora Jewish contemporaries by describing the ethical systems of, and reconstructing models of moral transformation for, Platonism and Stoicism. It ends with a Retrospect and Prospect that compares the two systems as theoretical poles and outlines the spectrum they create along which other systems can be assessed. A separate companion work under a new title will be published later that reconstructs the moral transformation systems of Epicureanism and Diaspora Judaism.