R.W. Sharples Stoics, Epicureans and Sceptics an Introduction to Hellenistic Philosophy 1996
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The Coherence of Stoic Ontology
The Coherence of Stoic Ontology by Vanessa de Harven A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Philosophy in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Prof. Dorothea Frede, Co-chair Prof. Klaus Corcilius, Co-chair Prof. A.A. Long Spring 2012 Abstract The Coherence of Stoic Ontology by Vanessa de Harven Doctor of Philosophy in Philosophy University of California, Berkeley Professors Dorothea Frede and Klaus Corcilius, Co-chairs Any thoroughgoing physicalist is challenged to give an account of immaterial entities such as thoughts and mathematical objects. The Stoics, who eagerly affirmed that only bodies exist, crafted an elegant solution to this challenge: not everything that is Something (ti) exists. Rather, some things have a derivative mode of reality they call subsistence: these entities are non-existent in that they are not themselves solid bodies, but they are nonetheless Something physical because they depend on bodies for their subsistence. My dissertation uncovers the unifying principles of Stoic subsistence, and shows how they can account for thoughts and other immaterial entities without running afoul of their physicalist commitments. While all commentators agree that the Stoics posited Something as the highest category of being, they have failed to find a coherent physicalist account of Stoic ontology. For instance, (1) a canonical set of incorporeals (time, place, void, and what is sayable (lekton)) is well attested, but there is little agreement as to what these entities have in common as incorporeals, which makes the category look like an ad hoc collection of left-over entities. -
Commentary on Englert Martha Nussbaum I Admire Englert's
Commentary on Englert Martha Nussbaum I admire Englert's paper. I find its major conclusions entirely convincing: (1) the analysis of the difference between Epicurean and Stoic attitudes to suicide; (2) the account of the original Stoic position; (3) the argument that Seneca is an orthodox Stoic about suicide; and (4) the very interesting claims about the role of dif- ferent sorts of freedom in Seneca's arguments. Although I am persuaded by his analysis, I am inclined to be somewhat more critical of the Stoic position than he seems inclined to be: for I think that in a crucial way it is internally incoherent. In what follows, therefore, I want to focus on a problem in the Stoic account itself, with respect to the ambivalence the suicide theory reveals toward the importance of externals. I shall do this by focusing on one line of argument leading to suicide, in Seneca's De Ira.l 1. The Stoics famously hold that only virtue is worth choosing for its own sake. And virtue all by itself suffices for a complete- ly fulfilled and fulfilling human life, that is, for eudaimonia. Virtue is something unaffected by external contingency—both, apparently, as to its acquisition and as to its maintenance once acquired? Items that are not fully under the control of the 1. My interpretation of this work is developed at greater length in Nussbaum 1994. My general account of Stoic virtue theory and its relationship to the call for the extirpation of passion is in chapter 10, my detailed analysis of the argu- ments about anger in the De Ira in chapter 11. -
Augustine on Knowledge
Augustine on Knowledge Divine Illumination as an Argument Against Scepticism ANITA VAN DER BOS RMA: RELIGION & CULTURE Rijksuniversiteit Groningen Research Master Thesis s2217473, April 2017 FIRST SUPERVISOR: dr. M. Van Dijk SECOND SUPERVISOR: dr. dr. F.L. Roig Lanzillotta 1 2 Content Augustine on Knowledge ........................................................................................................................ 1 Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................ 4 Preface .................................................................................................................................................... 5 Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 6 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 7 The life of Saint Augustine ................................................................................................................... 9 The influence of the Contra Academicos .......................................................................................... 13 Note on the quotations ........................................................................................................................ 14 1. Scepticism ........................................................................................................................................ -
Abraham (Hermit) 142F. Aristode 160 Acacius (Bishop Atarbius (Bishop Of
INDEX Abraham (hermit) 142f. Aristode 160 Acacius (bishop Atarbius (bishop of Caesarea) 80f., 86f., of Neocaesarea) 109f., 127 91 Athanasius 63, 67ff., 75 Acacius (bishop Athanasius of Balad 156, 162 of Beroea) 142ff. Athenodorus (brother Aelianus 109 of Gregory al-Farabi 156 Thaumaturgus) 103, 105, Alexander (bishop 133 of Comana) I 26f., 129, Athens 120 132 Augustine 9-21, 70 Alexander (of the Cassiciacum Dialogues 9, 15ff. "Non-Sleepers" Corifessions 9-13, 15, monastery) 203, 211 18, 20f. Alexander (patriarch De beata vita 16ff. of Antioch) 144 De ordine 16ff. Alexander of Retractions 19 Abonoteichos 41 Soliloquies 19f. Alexander Severus Aurelian (emperor (emperor 222-235) 47 270-275) 121 Alexandria 37, 39f., 64, Auxentios 205 82, 101, 104, 120, Babai 172 n. II, 126f., 129 173ff. n. 92, 143, Babylas 70 156, 215 Baghdad 156 Alexandrian Christology 68 Bardesanism/Bardesanites 147 Amaseia 128 Barhadbeshabba 'Arbaya 145 Ambrose 70, 91 Barnabas 203 n. 39 Basil of Caeserea 109f., 117, Anastasios (monk) 207 121ff., 126f., Anastasius (= Magundat) 171 131, 157, Ancyra 113 166 Andrew Kalybites 207 Basilides 32, 37ff. Andrew the Fool 203 Beroea 141, 142 Annisa 112f. Berytus 101, 103f., Antioch 82, 105, 120 I I If., 155, 160, 215 Caesarea (Cappadocia) 129 Antiochene theology 72f., 143 Caesarea (Palestine) 80ff., 87, Antiochos the African 205 91, 92, 100, Antony 63,69f., 101, 103ff., 75f. 120 Antony / Antoninus Cappadocia 46ff., 53, (pupil of Lucian) 65 122 Apelles 51 Carpocrates 32, 39, 41 Arius/ Arianism/ Arians 65ff., 80ff., Carthage 47,49, 51, 92, 148 53ff., 57f. 224 INDEX Cataphrygian(s) 50ff., 56, 59 David of Thessalonike 205 Chaereas (comes) 140 Dcmosthenes (vicarius Chalcedon 75 of Pontica) III Chosroes II 17Iff., 175, Diogenes (bishop 177, I 79f., of Edessa) 144 182, 184, Dionysius (pope 259~269) 106 188 Doctrina Addai 91 n. -
Skepticism and Pluralism Ways of Living a Life Of
SKEPTICISM AND PLURALISM WAYS OF LIVING A LIFE OF AWARENESS AS RECOMMENDED BY THE ZHUANGZI #±r A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN PHILOSOPHY AUGUST 2004 By John Trowbridge Dissertation Committee: Roger T. Ames, Chairperson Tamara Albertini Chung-ying Cheng James E. Tiles David R. McCraw © Copyright 2004 by John Trowbridge iii Dedicated to my wife, Jill iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In completing this research, I would like to express my appreciation first and foremost to my wife, Jill, and our three children, James, Holly, and Henry for their support during this process. I would also like to express my gratitude to my entire dissertation committee for their insight and understanding ofthe topics at hand. Studying under Roger Ames has been a transformative experience. In particular, his commitment to taking the Chinese tradition on its own terms and avoiding the tendency among Western interpreters to overwrite traditional Chinese thought with the preoccupations ofWestern philosophy has enabled me to broaden my conception ofphilosophy itself. Roger's seminars on Confucianism and Daoism, and especially a seminar on writing a philosophical translation ofthe Zhongyong r:pJm (Achieving Equilibrium in the Everyday), have greatly influenced my own initial attempts to translate and interpret the seminal philosophical texts ofancient China. Tamara Albertini's expertise in ancient Greek philosophy was indispensable to this project, and a seminar I audited with her, comparing early Greek and ancient Chinese philosophy, was part ofthe inspiration for my choice ofresearch topic. I particularly valued the opportunity to study Daoism and the Yijing ~*~ with Chung-ying Cheng g\Gr:p~ and benefited greatly from his theory ofonto-cosmology as a means of understanding classical Chinese philosophy. -
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
The Nature of Hellenistic Domestic Sculpture in Its Cultural and Spatial Contexts
THE NATURE OF HELLENISTIC DOMESTIC SCULPTURE IN ITS CULTURAL AND SPATIAL CONTEXTS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Craig I. Hardiman, B.Comm., B.A., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2005 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Dr. Mark D. Fullerton, Advisor Dr. Timothy J. McNiven _______________________________ Advisor Dr. Stephen V. Tracy Graduate Program in the History of Art Copyright by Craig I. Hardiman 2005 ABSTRACT This dissertation marks the first synthetic and contextual analysis of domestic sculpture for the whole of the Hellenistic period (323 BCE – 31 BCE). Prior to this study, Hellenistic domestic sculpture had been examined from a broadly literary perspective or had been the focus of smaller regional or site-specific studies. Rather than taking any one approach, this dissertation examines both the literary testimonia and the material record in order to develop as full a picture as possible for the location, function and meaning(s) of these pieces. The study begins with a reconsideration of the literary evidence. The testimonia deal chiefly with the residences of the Hellenistic kings and their conspicuous displays of wealth in the most public rooms in the home, namely courtyards and dining rooms. Following this, the material evidence from the Greek mainland and Asia Minor is considered. The general evidence supports the literary testimonia’s location for these sculptures. In addition, several individual examples offer insights into the sophistication of domestic decorative programs among the Greeks, something usually associated with the Romans. -
Mit Einer Logischen Kritik Der Mathematischen Logik Und Bibliographie Der Logik
GRUNDRISS DER PYRAMIDALEN LOGIK mit einer logischen Kritik der mathematischen Logik und Bibliographie der Logik Lehrmaterialien aus dem Philosophischen Institut der HHU Düsseldorf Forschungsabteilung für Wissenschaftstheorie Prof. Dr. L. Geldsetzer A AB AC ABD Copyright 2000 vorbehalten Kopieren zum Studiengebrauch erlaubt 2 INHALTSVERZEICHNIS Vorbemerkung Zum Konzept der pyramidalen Logik 4 I. Einführung 4 II. Die logischen Elemente 20 1. Intensionen 20 2. Extensionen 21 3. Der Begriff 24 a. Die reguläreBegriffsstrukturDielogische a. 24 b. Negative Begriffe 25 c. Der widersprüchliche Begriff (contradictio in adiecto bzw. contradictio in terminis) 26 d. Der Dispositionsbegriff 30 e. Der Wahrscheinlichkeitsbegriff 32 f. Der Zahlbegriff 33 g. Sogenannte Relationsbegriffe, Ähnlichkeitsbegriffe und "Familienähnlichkeit" 44 h. Der Begriff des Begriffs in der stoischen Logik 47 i. Methoden der Begriffsbildung: Induktion, Deduktion, Analyse und Synthese 50 4. Die Junktoren 55 a. Die urteilsbildendenDie a.Junktoren 57 1. Die unbeschränkteDie (allgemeine)1.Implikation 57 2. Das unbeschränkte (allgemeine) "Zukommen" 58 3. Die korrelierende Implikation 58 4. Die Kopula bzw. die materiale Implikationmateriale 58Kopula die Diebzw. 4. 5. Das spezielle "Zukommen" bzw. die formale Implikation oder Inklusion 58 6. Die Negation 59 7. Der Existenz- bzw. Produktjunktorbzw.Existenz- Der 7. 59 b. Die ausdrucksbildendenDie b. Junktoren 61 1. Die QuantifikationDie 1. 62 2. Die ÄquivalenzDie 2. 63 3. Die unvollständigeDie Disjunktion3. 63 4. Die vollständige Disjunktion oder Alternative 63 5. Die AdjunktionDie 5. 64 c. Die mathematischenJunktorenDie c. 65 1. Die Summenbildung Die 1. (Additionsjunktor) 68 2. Die SubtraktionDie (Differenzenjunktor)2. 68 3. Die ProduktbildungDie 3. (Multiplikationsjunktor) 68 4. Die Division (Quotienten- oder Proportionsjunktor) 69 5. Die PotenzbildungDie (Potenzjunktor)5. -
Calcidius's Commentary on Plato's Timaeus in Latin Astronomy of the Ninth to Eleventh Centuries
BRUCE S. EASTWOOD CALCIDIUS'S COMMENTARY ON PLATO'S TIMAEUS IN LATIN ASTRONOMY OF THE NINTH TO ELEVENTH CENTURIES Prior to the twelfth-century recovery of Greek and discovery of Arabic astronomical (and astrological) texts, the character of European astronomy derived from three traditions: computus, classical texts, and observation (including instruments). By the ninth century each of these was involved with the others, producing an increasing variety of ideas and investigations. While the computistical and observational traditions combined in certain ways to bring about more practical and mathematical understanding of solar, lunar, and occasionally stellar motions, generally in the context of reckoning time intervals, the classical tradition led scholars to expand their frameworks for understanding the order and regularity of the heavens created by God.1 More speculative or theoretical and quite unmathematical in nature, the classical Latin materials that offered astronomical information and doctrines tested the wits of early medieval investigators in quite different ways than did the problems of the other traditions. Among these Roman astronomical works—the writings of Aratus (in translation), Pliny the Elder, Calcidius, Macrobius, and Martianus Capella were predominant—the translation of and commentary upon Plato's Timaeus by Calcidius has received the least attention by modern students of early medieval astronomy. Yet the work of Calcidius, especially his commentary, offers us a revealing field for the display of bold exploration, limits of comprehension, and successful innovation in medieval astronomical study more than half a century before the influx of Greco-Arabic works from ca. 1100 onward. Here I present examples of the boldness, the limits, and the successes from three manuscripts of Calcidius from the ninth to early eleventh centuries. -
Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University
Boise State University ScholarWorks History Faculty Publications and Presentations Department of History 1-1-2007 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University Publication Information Odahl, Charles Matson. (2007). "Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy". Connections: European Studies Annual Review, 3, 89-113. This document was originally published in Connections: European Studies Annual Review by Rocky Mountain European Scholars Consortium. Copyright restrictions may apply. Coda: Recovering Constantine's European Legacy 111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl, Boise State University1 rom his Christian conversion under the influence of cept of imperial theocracy was conveyed in contemporary art Frevelatory experiences outside Rome in A.D. 312 until (Illustration I). his burial as the thirteenth Apostle at Constantinople in Although Constantine had been raised as a tolerant 337, Constantine the Great, pagan polytheist and had the first Christian emperor propagated several Olympian of the Roman world, initiated divinities, particularly Jupiter, the role of and set the model Hercules, Mars, and Sol, as for Christian imperial theoc di vine patrons during the early racy. Through his relationship years of his reign as emperor -
The Stoics and the Practical: a Roman Reply to Aristotle
DePaul University Via Sapientiae College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences 8-2013 The Stoics and the practical: a Roman reply to Aristotle Robin Weiss DePaul University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/etd Recommended Citation Weiss, Robin, "The Stoics and the practical: a Roman reply to Aristotle" (2013). College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations. 143. https://via.library.depaul.edu/etd/143 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in College of Liberal Arts & Social Sciences Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE STOICS AND THE PRACTICAL: A ROMAN REPLY TO ARISTOTLE A Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August, 2013 BY Robin Weiss Department of Philosophy College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences DePaul University Chicago, IL - TABLE OF CONTENTS - Introduction……………………..............................................................................................................p.i Chapter One: Practical Knowledge and its Others Technê and Natural Philosophy…………………………….....……..……………………………….....p. 1 Virtue and technical expertise conflated – subsequently distinguished in Plato – ethical knowledge contrasted with that of nature in -
Simplicius on the Reality of Relations and Relational Change
Created on 24 June 2009 at 9.31 hours page 245 SIMPLICIUS ON THE REALITY OF RELATIONS AND RELATIONAL CHANGE ORNA HARARI the ancient commentators’ approach to Aristotle’s account of relatives in Categories 7 is shaped by the conception that prevailed in later antiquity, in which relatives are composites of a substrate, i.e. an attribute that belongs to the other categories, and a relation.1 Simplicius shares this conception with the other commentators, but he formulates it in di·erent terms. He calls the substrate on which relational attributes supervene a di·erence (διαφορ) or a character (χαρακτρ) and the supervening relational attribute an inclination (πνευσις).2 In this study I attempt to clarify the significance of this terminology, arguing that through the notion of inclination Simplicius answers the question of the unity of Aristotle’s category of relatives, as formulated in Plotinus’ Ennead 6. 1. 6–9. To ex- ã Orna Harari 2009 1 Porph. In Cat. 114. 13–14; Ammon. In Cat. 69. 24–6; Olymp. In Cat. 98. 21–2; and Elias, In Cat. 205. 9–11 (all references to these commentators are to Busse’s edition in CAG 4/1–3, 4/4, 12/1, and 18/1 respectively). This view goes back to Aristotle (Metaph. 1088A21–B4) and is held by other thinkers, such as Andronicus of Rhodes (ap. Elias, In Cat. 201. 18–23) and Galen (Di·. puls. 2. 6, viii. 594. 10–17 Kuhn).• 2 Simpl. In Cat. 167. 29–35 Kalbfleisch (all further references are to Kalbfleisch’s edition in CAG 8).