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American Bolsheviki: the Beginnings of the First Red Scare, 1917 to 1918
Steeplechase: An ORCA Student Journal Volume 3 Issue 2 Article 4 2019 American Bolsheviki: The Beginnings of the First Red Scare, 1917 to 1918 Jonathan Dunning Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.murraystate.edu/steeplechase Part of the European History Commons, Other History Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Dunning, Jonathan (2019) "American Bolsheviki: The Beginnings of the First Red Scare, 1917 to 1918," Steeplechase: An ORCA Student Journal: Vol. 3 : Iss. 2 , Article 4. Available at: https://digitalcommons.murraystate.edu/steeplechase/vol3/iss2/4 This Feature is brought to you for free and open access by the The Office of Research and Creative Activity at Murray State's Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Steeplechase: An ORCA Student Journal by an authorized editor of Murray State's Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. American Bolsheviki: The Beginnings of the First Red Scare, 1917 to 1918 Abstract A consensus has developed among historians that widespread panic consumed the American public and government as many came to fear a Bolshevik coup of the United States government and the undermining of the American way of life beginning in early 1919. Known as the First Red Scare, this period became one of the most well-known episodes of American fear of Communism in US history. With this focus on the events of 1919 to 1920, however, historians of the First Red Scare have often ignored the initial American reaction to the October Revolution in late 1917 and throughout 1918. -
When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context. -
Radicalism and the Limits of Reform: the Case of John Reed
DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES CALIFORNIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY PASADENA, CALIFORNIA 91125 RADICALISM AND THE LIMITS OF REFORM: THE CASE OF JOHN REED Robert A. Rosenstone To be published in a volume of essays honoring George Mowry HUMANITIES WORKING PAPER 52 September 1980 ABSTRACT Poet, journalist, editorial bo,ard member of the Masses and founding member of the Communist Labor Party, John Reed is a hero in both the worlds of cultural and political radicalism. This paper shows how his development through pre-World War One Bohemia and into left wing politics was part of a larger movement of middle class youngsters who were in that era in reaction against the reform mentality of their parent's generation. Reed and his peers were critical of the following, common reformist views: that economic individualism is the engine of progress; that the ideas and morals of WASP America are superior to those of all other ethnic groups; that the practical constitutes the best approach to social life. By tracing Reed's development on these issues one can see that his generation was critical of a larger cultural view, a system of beliefs common to middle class reformers and conservatives alike. Their revolt was thus primarily cultural, one which tested the psychic boundaries, the definitions of humanity, that reformers shared as part of their class. RADICALISM AND THE LIMITS OF REFORM: THE CASE OF JOHN REED Robert A. Rosenstone In American history the name John Reed is synonymous with radicalism, both cultural and political. Between 1910 and 1917, the first great era of Bohemianism in this country, he was one of the heroes of Greenwich Village, a man equally renowned as satiric poet and tough-minded short story writer; as dashing reporter, contributing editor of the Masses, and co-founder of the Provinceton Players; as lover of attractive women like Mabel Dodge, and friend of the notorious like Bill Haywood, Enma Goldman, Margaret Sanger and Pancho Villa. -
ELIZABETH GURLEY FLYNN Labor's Own WILLIAM Z
1111 ~~ I~ I~ II ~~ I~ II ~IIIII ~ Ii II ~III 3 2103 00341 4723 ELIZABETH GURLEY FLYNN Labor's Own WILLIAM Z. FOSTER A Communist's Fifty Yea1·S of ,tV orking-Class Leadership and Struggle - By Elizabeth Gurley Flynn NE'V CENTURY PUBLISIIERS ABOUT THE AUTHOR Elizabeth Gurley Flynn is a member of the National Com mitt~ of the Communist Party; U.S.A., and a veteran leader' of the American labor movement. She participated actively in the powerful struggles for the industrial unionization of the basic industries in the U.S.A. and is known to hundreds of thousands of trade unionists as one of the most tireless and dauntless fighters in the working-class movement. She is the author of numerous pamphlets including The Twelve and You and Woman's Place in the Fight for a Better World; her column, "The Life of the Party," appears each day in the Daily Worker. PubUo-hed by NEW CENTURY PUBLISH ERS, New York 3, N. Y. March, 1949 . ~ 2M. PRINTED IN U .S .A . Labor's Own WILLIAM Z. FOSTER TAUNTON, ENGLAND, ·is famous for Bloody Judge Jeffrey, who hanged 134 people and banished 400 in 1685. Some home sick exiles landed on the barren coast of New England, where a namesake city was born. Taunton, Mass., has a nobler history. In 1776 it was the first place in the country where a revolutionary flag was Bown, "The red flag of Taunton that flies o'er the green," as recorded by a local poet. A century later, in 1881, in this city a child was born to a poor Irish immigrant family named Foster, who were exiles from their impoverished and enslaved homeland to New England. -
For All the People
Praise for For All the People John Curl has been around the block when it comes to knowing work- ers’ cooperatives. He has been a worker owner. He has argued theory and practice, inside the firms where his labor counts for something more than token control and within the determined, but still small uni- verse where labor rents capital, using it as it sees fit and profitable. So his book, For All the People: The Hidden History of Cooperation, Cooperative Movements, and Communalism in America, reached expectant hands, and an open mind when it arrived in Asheville, NC. Am I disappointed? No, not in the least. Curl blends the three strands of his historical narrative with aplomb, he has, after all, been researching, writing, revising, and editing the text for a spell. Further, I am certain he has been responding to editors and publishers asking this or that. He may have tired, but he did not give up, much inspired, I am certain, by the determination of the women and men he brings to life. Each of his subtitles could have been a book, and has been written about by authors with as many points of ideological view as their titles. Curl sticks pretty close to the narrative line written by worker own- ers, no matter if they came to work every day with a socialist, laborist, anti-Marxist grudge or not. Often in the past, as with today’s worker owners, their firm fails, a dream to manage capital kaput. Yet today, as yesterday, the democratic ideals of hundreds of worker owners support vibrantly profitable businesses. -
Joe Mccarthy and the Red Scare
Joe McCarthy and the Red Scare "We must not confuse dissent with disloyalty. We must remember always that accusation is not proof and that conviction depends upon evidence and due process of law. We will not walk in fear, one of another. We will not be driven by fear into an age of unreason, if we dig deep in our history and our doctrine, and remember that we are not descended from fearful men--not from men who feared to write, to speak, to associate and to defend causes that were, for the moment, unpopular." ~Edward R. Murrow Overview In this lesson, students will study the effects of the actions of Joseph McCarthy and the Red Scare on American life in the 1950’s. During the warm up, students will be set up to replicate the actions of Senator McCarthy by accusing particular people of being communist, with no information other than a picture. Students will then receive an overview of the First Red Scare, as well as gain an understanding of the foreign and domestic reasons for the Second Red Scare, via an interactive Power Point presentation. The lesson culminates with students creating television commercials and campaign posters supporting or opposing the reelection of Senator Joe McCarthy. Grade 11 NC Essential Standards for American History II • AH2.H.1.2- Use Historical comprehension… • AH2.H.1.3- Use historical analysis and interpretation… • AH2.H.1.4- Use historical research… • AH2.H.2.1 - Analyze key political, economic, and social turning points since the end of Reconstruction in terms of causes and effects (e.g., conflicts, legislation, elections, innovations, leadership, movements, Supreme Court decisions, etc.). -
The Texas State Government and the Second Red Scare, 1947-1954
MANIPULATING FEAR: THE TEXAS STATE GOVERNMENT AND THE SECOND RED SCARE, 1947-1954 Shaffer Allen Bonewell, B.A. Thesis Prepared for the Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS May 2019 APPROVED: Todd Moye, Committee Chair Andrew Torget, Committee Member Graham Cox, Committee Member Harold Tanner, Chair of the Department of History David Holdeman, Dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences Victor Prybutok, Dean of the Toulouse Graduate School Bonewell, Shaffer Allen. Manipulating Fear: The Texas State Government and the Second Red Scare, 1947-1954. Master of Science (History), May 2019, 114 pp., bibliography, 57 primary sources, 31 secondary sources. Between 1947 and 1954, the Texas State Legislature enacted a series of eight highly restrictive anti-communist laws. Designed to protect political, military, and economic structures in the state from communist infiltration, the laws banned communists from participating the political process, required registration of all communists who entered the state and eventually outlawed the Communist Party. Drawn from perceptions about Cold War events, such as the Truman Doctrine and the Korean War, and an expanding economy inside of Texas, members of the state legislature perceived that communism represented a threat to their state. However, when presented with the opportunity to put the laws into action during the 1953 Port Arthur Labor Strike, the state government failed to bring any charges against those who they labeled as communists. Instead of actually curtailing the limited communist presence inside of the state, members of the state government instead used the laws to leverage political control throughout the state by attacking labor, liberals in education and government, and racial minorities with accusations of communism. -
One Big Union—One Big Strike: the Story of the Wobblies
One Big Union—One Big Strike: The Story of the Wobblies Early in the 20th century, the Industrial Workers of the World, called the "Wobblies," organized thousands of immigrant and unskilled workers in the United States. The union eventually failed, but it helped shape the modern American labor movement. In 1900, only about 5 percent of American industrial workers belonged to labor unions. Most unions were organized for skilled craft workers like carpenters and machinists. Membership in these craft unions was almost always restricted to American-born white men. The American Federation of Labor (AFL), led by Samuel Gompers, dominated the labor movement. Gompers wanted to assemble the independent craft unions into one organization, which would work to improve the pay and working conditions of the union members. Gompers and the AFL believed that unskilled factory and other industrial workers could not be organized into unions. Therefore, the vast majority of American workers, including immigrants, racial minorities, and women, remained outside the labor union movement. In 1905, a new radical union, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), began to organize workers excluded from the AFL. Known as the "Wobblies," these unionists wanted to form "One Big Union." Their ultimate goal was to call "One Big Strike," which would overthrow the capitalist system. Big Bill Haywood and One Big Union One of the main organizers for the IWW was "Big Bill" Haywood. William Dudley Haywood grew up on the rough and violent Western frontier. At age 9, he began working in copper mines. Haywood eventually married and took up homesteading in Nevada. -
To Eliott Abrams (U
Chapman University Chapman University Digital Commons Education Faculty Articles and Research Attallah College of Educational Studies 9-27-2019 Open Letter: To Eliott Abrams (U. S. Venezuela Envoy) Peter McLaren Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/education_articles Part of the American Politics Commons, International Relations Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Open Letter: To Eliott Abrams (U. S. Venezuela Envoy) Comments This letter was originally published in International Journal of Fear Studies, volume 1, issue 2, in 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/111142 Copyright The author International Journal of Fear Studies, 1(2), 38-41 OPEN LETTER from Peter McLaren “McLaren” art digital collage image - by R. M. Fisher (2019) Open Letter: To Eliott Abrams (U. S. Venezuela Envoy) [Ed. Note: Peter McLaren, Ph.D., has spent most of his long career as a popular-activist-adult educator, having been influenced by many liberation educators the likes of Paulo Freire from Brazil. His dedication is to bringing justice and quality education through critical analysis of the sociopolitical-economic and foreign policies that are so problematic and violent in creating the North-South divide, particularly in the Western hemisphere. I see this letter of challenge to a recently appointed U.S. Trump government official (Abrams) as part of the precarious political landscape of current debates and concerns, especially regarding the role of State-initiated systemic weaponizing of fear for power, control, violence, genocides and other atrocities.] “Dear Mr. Eliott Abrams, You have reappeared from the dark and slimy depths of ignominy. -
The History of Unions in the US Class 1: Origins
The History of Unions in the US Class 2: 1900-1945 Jim Dunphy [email protected] 1 Overture I Dreamed I Saw Joe Hill: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= T2UF8yw89yE 2 The IWW – Wobblies • Founded in Chicago in 1905, out of a group of socialists, anarchists and radical trade union members • Among its founding members were Bill Haywood and Joe Hill. (more about both later!) 3 The IWW – Wobblies Goal was one big union of all workers rather than small unions dedicated to a particular craft 4 Wobblies • Membership was open to all – blacks, women, etc. • Many members were immigrants, particularly Finns (more about the most famous Finn, Joe Hill, later) • Also had a strong social justice orientation, in addition to labor 5 Wobblies • Split in leadership between those who favored political action, working with socialists. • The other faction, led by Big Bill Haywood, favored direct action, such as strikes. 6 Wobblies • The IWW was involved in conflicts with most other labor organizations, to include the AFL, UMW, and many others. • They opposed US entry into WWI, and were persecuted, along with many other opponents of the war. • The Palmer Raids, immediately after WWI, attacking radical organizations, further weakened the IWW 7 Wobblies • By the 1930’s membership, which had once been over 25,000, had decreased significantly • The IWW still exists today – they took part in the Wisconsin protests, but have little direct influence • They still serve as an inspiration to union members looking to unite all working people in “One Big Union.” 8 Joe Hill • After Bill Haywood, the most famous Wobbly was Joe Hill • Born Joel Haaglund, he was one of the many Finn immigrants in the IWW. -
Red Scare and Mccarthyism Overview
From America in the 1940s The Second Red Scare – Excerpt from Freckle The Soviet Union wanted to extend its communist ideology across the globe, just as the United States wanted to spread capitalism and contain the communist expansion. The Cold War was a battle of these ideologies. Because the Soviet Union had gained control of large sections of Eastern Europe, the United States feared they were looking to reach the west. They were afraid that the Soviets would forcibly take over other countries. These fears were not new to United States citizens; back in the early 1920s, the First Red Scare occurred, during which many Americans were afraid that communism would spread to the United States after the Russian Revolution. The Second Red Scare, which occurred between 1947 and approximately 1957, was fueled by these same fears, as well as some national events that stoked the fire. From Amazing Century 1945-1960 McCarthyism – Excerpt from Freckle Most of McCarthy’s victims were not communists at all. McCarthy accused people of all backgrounds, but he focused especially on high-profile celebrities, government officials, and other popular figures to publicize his campaign and his career. His hearings were often televised and broadcast on radio. Even Lucille Ball of “I Love Lucy” fame was not spared in his search to find and uproot every communist threat. These communist “witch hunts” as they came to be called, ruined the reputations and careers of many Americans simply by accusing them in such a public forum. Many of the accused refused to testify before HUAC for principled reasons, and this exercise of freedom was punished with blacklists. -
The First Red Scare in Oklahoma, 1919-1920 by Michael
Resources, Radicals, and Reactionaries: The First Red Scare in Oklahoma, 1919-1920 By Michael Molina A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY University of Central Oklahoma Summer 2012 Table of Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................i Abstract of Thesis ..........................................................................................ii Introduction ....................................................................................................1 Chapter 1: Literature Review .........................................................................5 Chapter 2: Oklahoma and the Nation, 1907-1919 .........................................28 Chapter 3: Oil Fields and Labor Unions in Oklahoma, 1917-1919 ...............58 Chapter 4: Strikes in Eastern Oklahoma and the Drumright Affair, 1919 .....76 Chapter 5: The Coal Mining Strike of 1919 ..................................................110 Chapter 6: The End of the First Red Scare, 1920 ..........................................141 Conclusion .....................................................................................................149 Bibliography ..................................................................................................152 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost I wish to thank God for helping me persevere and complete my thesis. I also owe a great amount to my thesis committee chair, Dr.