DOCSLIB.ORG

Soviet-American Relations and the Yom Kippur War

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Soviet-American Relations and the Yom Kippur War University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2004 Test of detente: Soviet-American relations and the Yom Kippur War David Zierler The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Zierler, David, "Test of detente: Soviet-American relations and the Yom Kippur War" (2004). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5190. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5190 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MANSFIELD LIBRARY The University of Permission is granted by the author to reproduce this material in its entirety, provided that this material is used for scholarly purposes and is properly cited in published works and reports. * *Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature** Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken only with the author's explicit consent. 8/98 THE TEST OF DETENTE: SOVIET-AMERICAN RELATIONS AND THE YOM KIPPUR WAR by David Zierler B.S. New York University, 2000 presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts The University of Montana 2004 Approved by: Chairman Dean, Graduate School 5"- iV o 4 Date UMI Number: EP40654 Alt rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI* ' ’ Dissertation WWisMn§ ' UMI EP40654 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQ uest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Zierler, David. M.A. 2004 History The Test of Detente: Soviet-American Relations and the Yom Kippur War (232 pp.) Director: Paul Gordon Lauren, Ph.D. By the early 1970s, the detente, or relaxation of tensions, between the United States and the Soviet Union had reached its apex, heralded by the summits of 1972 and 1973. The shared impetus for detente was strong. Moscow’s achievement of nuclear parity during the 1960s effectively neutralized the American nuclear deterrent. Both countries agreed that the confrontational tactics of the earlier Cold War period could serve neither the interests of world peace, nor the objectives of either superpower in its drive for global supremacy. Additionally, the leaders of each country found great political value in detente, which explains why neither superpower held to a strict interpretation of the agreements each nation signed at the summits. As the first major Cold War proxy conflict to follow the detente period, the Yom Kippur War of 1973, fought between Israel (supported by the United States) and Egypt and Syria (supported by the Soviet Union), put detente to “the test.” Israel’s crushing victory in the June War of 1967, which resulted in the capture of surrounding Arab territories, polarized the Arab-Israeli conflict along Cold War lines. The Soviet Union attempted to consolidate its position as patron of its Arab clients through massive military support. American foreign policy moved to “freeze” Arab radicalization by guaranteeing Israeli hegemony until both sides would agree to negotiations under United States auspices. The Arabs’ success in the first days of the Yom Kippur War caused a revolution in Israel’s defense posture, and Washington’s Middle East policy. W ith Israel badly battered, and Egypt planted in the Sinai and eager to shed its dependence on Moscow, the stage was thus set for Henry Kissinger’s shuttle diplomacy, which resulted ultimately in a final peace between the two arch-enemies. This major American victory had detente to thank, as Kissinger took advantage of the wide diplomatic latitude created by relaxed superpower tensions. The nuclearcrisis at the end of the war demonstrated both the limits and the ultimate success of detente: neither superpower proved willing to abandon passively its Cold War policies, yet each shared a fundamental belief in the inadmissability of nuclear war. CONTENTS ABSTRACT . CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION II. DETENTE: GLOBAL PEACE, LOCAL CONFLICT III. SELF-INTEREST IN A CLIENT- STATE RELATIONSHIP: SOVIET-EGYPTIAN AFFAIRS THROUGH THE YOM KIPPUR WAR IV. THE CHALLENGE OF AN “UNBREAKABLE” BOND: AMERICAN-ISRAELI AFFAIRS THROUGH THE YOM KIPPUR W AR V. AMERICAN DIPLOMACY AT THE EXPENSE OF THE SOVIETS: KISSINGER’S STEP-BY-STEP APPROACH TO MANAGING THE EGYPTIAN- ISRAELI CONFLICT, OCTOBER 19 73-JANUARY 1974 VI. CONCLUSION . BIBLIOGRAPHY To Aviva Akselrad Acknowledgments This project was anything but a solo effort, and I would like to thank the many people who devoted their time, wisdom, advice, and patience to my work. I could not have asked for a finer thesis committee. Dr. Paul Lauren and Dr. Michael Mayer saw this project from beginning to end. I spent more hours in their offices than their busy schedules should have permitted, and the professional, academic, and “life” skills I learned from them will stay with me for the rest of my life. Dr. Forest Grieves opened to me the murky world of political science, and I hope to show him one day that I am capable of making an argument in five pages or less. The Department of History boasts an unbelievably talented faculty, and I have benefitted greatly from seminars and classes taught by Dr. Mehrdad Kia, Dr. Frederick Skinner, Dr. Harry Fritz, and Dr. Janet Klein. Diane Rapp provided major administrative help, and her wonderful personality is the focal point of the department. I am lucky to be surrounded by an excellent group of fellow graduate students. I would like to thank Allison Fromm and Rachel Swartz for all of their insightful comments, and it has been a pleasure to survive graduate school alongside John Kilgour, Lee Behrens, Alan Roe, Nic Mink, Annie Lamar, Zoe Ann Stoltz, Jon Wlasiuk, and Sam Bernofsky. My (newly doubled) family has been completely supportive of my academic endeavors, and I can only repay them by coming back to the East Coast. I would like to thank my father, Norman Zierler, in particular, for teaching me to love books, and for showing me what it means to be a scholar. Finally, I want to thank my fiance, Aviva Akselrad. Her advice - scholarly and secretarial - was crucial for every stage of this two-year project. She has an uncanny ability to keep me both grounded and full of energy. In many ways, this thesis has two authors. Chapter I Introduction The Yom Kippur War occupies a special place in the bloody landscape of Cold War proxy conflicts. If the intensity of war could be measured as a ratio of firepower divided into the duration over which it was expended, then Israel’s two-front battle against Syria and Egypt in October of 1973 claims the dubious distinction as the most intense conflict of the Cold War system. Unlike so many other sub-theater wars that invariably pitted American arms versus Soviet arms with guerilla-oriented tactics, the Yom Kippur War was fought in the European (even “old fashioned”) tradition of open confrontation between massive land armies. The tank war in the Sinai front alone rivaled the greatest battles between the Nazi and Soviet armies of World War II. But this Arab-Israeli confrontation came with some Cold War accouterments that were unknown to the Great Power rivalries in the European theater. The Yom Kippur War provided an environment where some of the most sophisticated weaponry in the world could be tested in battlefield conditions. Neither superpower was prepared to allow its rival to project a more impressive show of force. This explains, in part, why the fourth Arab-Israeli war saw the largest weapons airlift in the history of conflict. But superpower “flexing” was only a symptom of the larger political ramifications of the Arab-Israeli conflict. By 1973, the northern tier of the Middle East had become split along bi­ polar Cold War lines. Both the United States and the Soviet Union had vied for political dominance in the Middle East since the end of World War II. Its oil riches and geo-strategic centrality would be important in the global competition. 1 Moscow had sought, since 1955, to increase its prestige in the area by presenting itself to the Arabs as a fellow socialist, anti-Zionist, big brother of sorts. If the Arabs wanted to challenge Israel - or even threaten its existence - they would need Soviet weapons to do so. The Arab-Soviet relationship, however, was a marriage of mutual convenience, nothing more. For all of the inter-Arab rivalries in the postwar era, the Arab world found unity in anti- Communism at least as much as in anti-Zionism. The Soviets, for their part, claimed to support the Arabs on anti-imperialist grounds, although the reality of their motives rested on simple power politics. In Egypt, Moscow saw both its greatest coup with the 1955 weapons deal to Gamal Nasser, and its ignominious fall after the Yom Kippur War, when Anwar Sadat extricated Egypt’s dependence on Soviet weapons by restoring diplomatic relations with the United States. The United States never wanted to be the exclusive supporter of Israel that it had become by 1973.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR
    asdf PMUNC 2015 Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR Chair: Jacob Sackett-Sanders JCC PMUNC 2015 Contents Chair Letter…………………………………………………………………...3 Introduction……………….………………………………………………….4 Topics of Concern………………………...………………….………………6 The Space Race…...……………………………....………………….....6 The Third World...…………………………………………......………7 The Eastern Bloc………………………………………………………9 The Chinese Communists…………………………………………….10 De-Stalinization and Domestic Reform………………………………11 Committee Members….……………………………………………………..13 2 JCC PMUNC 2015 Chair’s Letter Dear Delegates, It is my great pleasure to give you an early welcome to PMUNC 2015. My name is Jacob, and I’ll be your chair, helping to guide you as you take on the role of the Soviet political elites circa 1961. Originally from Wilmington, Delaware, at Princeton I study Slavic Languages and Literature. The Eastern Bloc, as well as Yugoslavia, have long been interests of mine. Our history classes and national consciousness often paints them as communist enemies, but in their own ways, they too helped to shape the modern world that we know today. While ultimately failed states, they had successes throughout their history, contributing their own shares to world science and culture, and that’s something I’ve always tried to appreciate. Things are rarely as black and white as the paper and ink of our textbooks. During the conference, you will take on the role of members of the fictional Soviet Advisory Committee on Centralization and Global Communism, a new semi-secret body intended to advise the Politburo and other major state organs. You will be given unmatched power but also faced with a variety of unique challenges, such as unrest in the satellite states, an economy over-reliant on heavy industry, and a geopolitical sphere of influence being challenged by both the USA and an emerging Communist China.
    [Show full text]
  • Interview with VALERY IVANOVICH BOLDIN Present at the Talk Was
    Interview with VALERY IVANOVICH BOLDIN Present at the talk was Oleg Dmitrievich Baklanov This interview was conducted on February 24, 1999, in Moscow by Oleg Igorevich Skvortsov, project director, An Oral History of the Cold War, Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Publication, citation, or general dissemination without the express written consent of the authors is prohibited. O.S. I propose that we start our talk with the following topic: How would you evaluate the domestic situation in the Soviet Union and its standing in the world by the mid-1980s? Were the problems that Gorbachev and his team faced indeed fatal, and did these problems create an irresolvable situation from which there was no escape? Many of those who were close to Gorbachev often express completely opposite opinions on this matter and sometimes even contradict themselves. For example, Chernyaev says in one place that the crisis of the Soviet system was irreversible, yet in another place he writes that the crisis was not critical. Could the Soviet system have been reformed? And even after having declared the ideology bankrupt, could we have preserved the fundamental geopolitical interests of the Soviet Union? Did we have sufficient resources for extricating ourselves from the situation that had come into being by the mid-1980s? In other words, could we have won back what we had lost? V.B. The economic situation on the eve of Gorbachev’s coming to power was somewhat exacerbated by the fact that inflation began to exceed the normal boundaries. Boldin Interview Page 2 of 39 The first thing that happened as a result was that the population started buying up food supplies in large quantities, and, secondly, deposited huge amounts of money into their savings accounts.
    [Show full text]
  • Court Proposes New Session to Handle Reapportioning
    I^N ESD A Y, OCTTOT^ 18, 186^ iKitnrlrpBt^r lEttrabig ll^raUt ATtnc* Dally Not Press Rm Weather Fsr the Weak l!a«ed Faraoaat of V. S. WMither 24, U M ' fla g Karinaa from tosvn are About Town taking part in Operation Steal Oloadjr and oairier tenlgkt, law Pika In Spaht. Tliey are: Pfc. f r o m b ib s t o c r ib s h e e t s 14,065 4e-46; fair aad eaelar to m u m m , Douglas P. Johnson, aon of aC tka Audit Mgk ee-86. W m KuBitoi Pwiy, dwigh- Douglas A. Jcdinaon, 144 Birch tar oC Mr. «w l M n. JamM Pn^ St.; Lance Cpl. Robert M. a( Maneh0tter— A City of ViUagm Chorm ly, m HoOMar 8t^ !■ a mem- Smith, eon of Mr, and Mrs. celebrating bar o t the program commlttaa RuUedga J. Smith, 411 Bum- for an Open Houaa at Meriden ham St.; Cpl. John B. Fales, VOL. LXXXIV, NO. 25 tTWBNTY-BIGHT PA6BSF-TWO SECTIONS) MANCHESTE^^ CONN., THURSDAY, OCTOBER 29, 1964 (Ctoarifisd Advartiatag aU Faga 24) PRICE SEVEN CE^TS Haqdtal Sdiool of Ntiraing. son of Mr. and Mrs. Bbnmons . n ie event, acheduled for R. Falea, 1S8 N. Elm St.; Wednaaday, Nov. 4, front 12:46 Lance Cpl. James J. Antonio, B A B Y W EEK to S p.m., la open to high school son of Mr. and Mrs.i^James R. atpdents, their parcAta and Antonio, 147 Oloott St., and Events counsektra. Mlsa Perry la a atu- Lance Cpl.
    [Show full text]
  • Fifty Years Ago This May, John F. Kennedy Molded Cold War Fears Into a Collective Resolve to Achieve the Almost Unthinkable: Land American Astronauts on the Moon
    SHOOTING FOR THE MOON Fifty years ago this May, John F. Kennedy molded Cold War fears into a collective resolve to achieve the almost unthinkable: land American astronauts on the moon. In a new book, Professor Emeritus John Logsdon mines the details behind the president’s epochal decision. .ORG S GE A IM NASA Y OF S NASA/COURTE SHOOTING FOR THE MOON Fifty years ago this May, John F. Kennedy molded Cold War fears into a collective resolve to achieve the almost unthinkable: land American astronauts on the moon. In a new book, Professor Emeritus John Logsdon mines the details behind the president’s epochal decision. BY JOHN M. LOGSDON President John F. Kennedy, addressing a joint session of Congress on May 25, 1961, had called for “a great new American enterprise.” n the middle of a July night in 1969, standing The rest, of course, is history: The Eagle landed. Before a TV outside a faceless building along Florida’s eastern audience of half a billion people, Neil Armstrong took “one giant coast, three men in bright white spacesuits strolled leap for mankind,” and Buzz Aldrin emerged soon after, describing by, a few feet from me—on their way to the moon. the moonscape before him as “magnificent desolation.” They climbed into their spacecraft, atop a But the landing at Tranquility Base was not the whole story massive Saturn V rocket, and, a few hours later, of Project Apollo. I with a powerful blast, went roaring into space, the It was the story behind the story that had placed me at weight on their shoulders far more than could be measured Kennedy Space Center that July day.
    [Show full text]
  • John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University
    Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Master's Theses (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University Recommended Citation Labinski, Nicholas, "Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin" (2011). Master's Theses (2009 -). Paper 104. http://epublications.marquette.edu/theses_open/104 EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN by Nicholas Labinski A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Milwaukee, Wisconsin August 2011 ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN Nicholas Labinski Marquette University, 2011 This paper examines John F. Kennedy’s rhetoric concerning the Berlin Crisis (1961-1963). Three major speeches are analyzed: Kennedy’s Radio and Television Report to the American People on the Berlin Crisis , the Address at Rudolph Wilde Platz and the Address at the Free University. The study interrogates the rhetorical strategies implemented by Kennedy in confronting Khrushchev over the explosive situation in Berlin. The paper attempts to answer the following research questions: What is the historical context that helped frame the rhetorical situation Kennedy faced? What rhetorical strategies and tactics did Kennedy employ in these speeches? How might Kennedy's speeches extend our understanding of presidential public address? What is the impact of Kennedy's speeches on U.S. German relations and the development of U.S. and German Policy? What implications might these speeches have for the study and execution of presidential power and international diplomacy? Using a historical-rhetorical methodology that incorporates the historical circumstances surrounding the crisis into the analysis, this examination of Kennedy’s rhetoric reveals his evolution concerning Berlin and his Cold War strategy.
    [Show full text]
  • New Evidence on the Korean War
    176 COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN 11 New Evidence on the Korean War Editor’s note: The documents featured in this section of the Bulletin present new evidence on the allegations that the United States used bacteriological weapons during the Korean War. In the accompanying commentaries, historian Kathryn Weathersby and scientist Milton Leitenberg (University of Maryland) provide analysis, context and interpretation of these documents. Unlike other documents published in the Bulletin, these documents, first obtained and published (in Japanese) by the Japanese newspaper Sankei Shimbun, have not been authenticated by access to the archival originals (or even photocopies thereof). The documents were copied by hand in the Russian Presidential Archive in Moscow, then typed. Though both commentators believe them to be genuine based on textual analysis, questions about the authenticity of the documents, as the commentators note, will remain until the original documents become available in the archives. Copies of the typed transcription (in Russian) have been deposited at the National Security Archive, a non-governmental research institute and repository of declassified documents based at George Washington University (Gelman Library, Suite 701; 2130 H St., NW; Washington, DC 20037; tel: 202/994-7000; fax: 202/ 994-7005) and are accessible to researchers. CWIHP welcomes the discussion of these new findings and encourages the release of the originals and additional materials on the issue from Russian, Chinese, Korean and U.S. archives. Deceiving the Deceivers: Moscow, Beijing, Pyongyang, and the Allegations of Bacteriological Weapons Use in Korea By Kathryn Weathersby n January 1998 the Japanese newspaper Sankei raised by their irregular provenance? Their style and form Shimbun published excerpts from a collection of do not raise suspicion.
    [Show full text]
  • After the Accords Anwar Sadat
    WMHSMUN XXXIV After the Accords: Anwar Sadat’s Cabinet Background Guide “Unprecedented committees. Unparalleled debate. Unmatched fun.” Letters From the Directors Dear Delegates, Welcome to WMHSMUN XXXIV! My name is Hank Hermens and I am excited to be the in-room Director for Anwar Sadat’s Cabinet. I’m a junior at the College double majoring in International Relations and History. I have done model UN since my sophomore year of high school, and since then I have become increasingly involved. I compete as part of W&M’s travel team, staff our conferences, and have served as the Director of Media for our college level conference, &MUN. Right now, I’m a member of our Conference Team, planning travel and training delegates. Outside of MUN, I play trumpet in the Wind Ensemble, do research with AidData and for a professor, looking at the influence of Islamic institutions on electoral outcomes in Tunisia. In my admittedly limited free time, I enjoy reading, running, and hanging out with my friends around campus. As members of Anwar Sadat’s cabinet, you’ll have to deal with the fallout of Egypt’s recent peace with Israel, in Egypt, the greater Middle East and North Africa, and the world. You’ll also meet economic challenges, rising national political tensions, and more. Some of the problems you come up against will be easily solved, with only short-term solutions necessary. Others will require complex, long term solutions, or risk the possibility of further crises arising. No matter what, we will favor creative, outside-the-box ideas as well as collaboration and diplomacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Eban Speech at the Special Assembly of the UN
    Israeli Foreign Minister Abba Eban: Speech at the Special Assembly of the United Nations (June 19, 1967) http://mfa.gov.il/MFA/ForeignPolicy/MFADocuments/Yearbook1/Pages/ 25%20Statement%20to%20the%20General%20Assembly%20by%20Foreign%20Mi.aspx In recent weeks the Middle East has passed through a crisis whose shadows darken the world. This crisis has many consequences but only one cause. Israel's rights to peace, security, sovereignty, economic development and maritime freedom - indeed its very right to exist - has been forcibly denied and aggressively attacked. This is the true origin of the tension which torments the Middle East. All the other elements of the conflict are the consequences of this single cause. There has been danger, there is still peril in the Middle East because Israel's existence, sovereignty and vital interests have been and are violently assailed. The threat to Israel's existence, its peace, security, sovereignty and development has been directed against her in the first instance by the neighbouring Arab States. But all the conditions of tension, all the impulses of aggression in the Middle East have been aggravated by the policy of one of the Great Powers which, under our Charter, bear primary responsibilities for the maintenance of international peace and security. I shall show how the Soviet Union has been unfaithful to that trust. The burden of responsibility lies heavy upon her. I come to this rostrum to speak for a united people which, having faced danger to the national survival, is unshakably resolved to resist any course which would renew the perils from which it has emerged.
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli History
    1 Ron’s Web Site • North Shore Flashpoints • http://northshoreflashpoints.blogspot.com/ 2 • http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wb6IiSUx pgw 3 British Mandate 1920 4 British Mandate Adjustment Transjordan Seperation-1923 5 Peel Commission Map 1937 6 British Mandate 1920 7 British Mandate Adjustment Transjordan Seperation-1923 8 9 10 • Israel after 1973 (Yom Kippur War) 11 Israel 1982 12 2005 Gaza 2005 West Bank 13 Questions & Issues • What is Zionism? • History of Zionism. • Zionism today • Different Types of Zionism • Pros & Cons of Zionism • Should Israel have been set up as a Jewish State or a Secular State • Would Israel have been created if no Holocaust? 14 Definition • Jewish Nationalism • Land of Israel • Jewish Identity • Opposes Assimilation • Majority in Jewish Nation Israel • Liberation from antisemetic discrimination and persecution that has occurred in diaspora 15 History • 16th Century, Joseph Nasi Portuguese Jews to Tiberias • 17th Century Sabbati Zebi – Declared himself Messiah – Gaza Settlement – Converted to Islam • 1860 Sir Moses Montefiore • 1882-First Aliyah, BILU Group – From Russia – Due to pogroms 16 Initial Reform Jewish Rejection • 1845- Germany-deleted all prayers for a return to Zion • 1869- Philadelphia • 1885- Pittsburgh "we consider ourselves no longer a nation, but a religious community; and we therefore expect neither a return to Palestine, nor a sacrificial worship under the sons of Aaron, nor the restoration of any of the laws concerning a Jewish state". 17 Theodore Herzl 18 Theodore Herzl 1860-1904 • Born in Pest, Hungary • Atheist, contempt for Judaism • Family moves to Vienna,1878 • Law student then Journalist • Paris correspondent for Neue Freie Presse 19 "The Traitor" Degradation of Alfred Dreyfus, 5th January 1895.
    [Show full text]
  • Diverging Perceptions of the Cold War: Baghdad Pact As a Source of Conflict Between Turkey and the Nationalist Arab Countries
    DIVERGING PERCEPTIONS OF THE COLD WAR: BAGHDAD PACT AS A SOURCE OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TURKEY AND THE NATIONALIST ARAB COUNTRİES UMUT ÜZER - AYŞE ÜZER ABSTRACT Cold War dynamics compelled Turkey and the nationalist Arab countries, particularly Egypt and Syria, to join two opposing camps. Conflicting geopolitical interests betvveen Turkey and the nationalist Arab countries led to a rivalry for regional hegemony and an alignment pattern inimical to the security of the other countries. Turkey's membership in NATO in 1952 and the establishment of the Baghdad Pact in 1955 caused concern for the Egyptian president Gamal abd-al Nasser, vvho perceived those pacts as tools of Western imperialism. On the other hand, for Turkey these pacts vvere guarantors of Turkish security against an expansionist Soviet Union. Diverging threat perceptions betvveen Turkey and the radical Arab states resulted in a tense atmosphere in the Middle East sub-system. KEYVVORDS The Baghdad Pact, Turkish foreign policy, Syrian foreign policy, Egyptian foreign policy, Adnan Menderes, Gamal abd-al Nasser, Cold War. 102 THE TURKİSH YEARBOOK [YOL. XXXVI Introduction The Cold War (1946-1991) had different meanings for Turkey and the nationalist Arab countries, emanating from their security needs and threat perceptions. For Turkey, the Cold War was characterized by the Soviet threat, which entailed territorial demands on its Eastern region, specifically Kars and Ardahan and demands for bases on the Turkish straits. This state of affairs led Turkey to join the Western bloc, which culminated in its membership in NATO in 1952. Russians were perceived as the source of threat against which Turkey allied with the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • “Techno-Diplomacy” for the Twenty-First Century: Lessons of U.S.-Soviet Space Cooperation for U.S.-Russian Cooperation in the Arctic
    THE HURFORD FOUNDATION 2015-2016 HURFORD NEXT GENERATION FELLOWSHIP RESEARCH PAPERS No. 6 “TECHNO-DIPLOMACY” FOR THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY: LESSONS OF U.S.-SOVIET SPACE COOPERATION FOR U.S.-RUSSIAN COOPERATION IN THE ARCTIC Rachel S. Salzman EASI-Hurford Next Generation Fellow The Hurford Fellows Program is sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and is made possible by a generous grant from the Hurford Foundation THE HURFORD FOUNDATION The Hurford Fellowships, administered by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, support the Euro- Atlantic Security Initiative (EASI) Next Generation Network in identifying young academics conducting innovative research on international security in the Euro- Atlantic area. 2 Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 4 Cooperation and Techno-Diplomacy: Some Definitions ......................................................... 4 Learning the Wrong Lessons: Is the Cold War Really the Right Frame? ............................ 6 From “the Pearl Harbor of American Science” to the “Handshake in Space”: U.S.- Soviet Space Cooperation ................................................................................................................... 7 The Good .............................................................................................................................................................. 8 The Bad .............................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Israel-Pakistan Relations Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies (JCSS)
    P. R. Kumaraswamy Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies (JCSS) The purpose of the Jaffee Center is, first, to conduct basic research that meets the highest academic standards on matters related to Israel's national security as well as Middle East regional and international secu- rity affairs. The Center also aims to contribute to the public debate and governmental deliberation of issues that are - or should be - at the top of Israel's national security agenda. The Jaffee Center seeks to address the strategic community in Israel and abroad, Israeli policymakers and opinion-makers and the general public. The Center relates to the concept of strategy in its broadest meaning, namely the complex of processes involved in the identification, mobili- zation and application of resources in peace and war, in order to solidify and strengthen national and international security. To Jasjit Singh with affection and gratitude P. R. Kumaraswamy Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations Memorandum no. 55, March 2000 Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies 6 P. R. Kumaraswamy Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies Tel Aviv University Ramat Aviv, 69978 Tel Aviv, Israel Tel. 972 3 640-9926 Fax 972 3 642-2404 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.tau.ac.il/jcss/ ISBN: 965-459-041-7 © 2000 All rights reserved Graphic Design: Michal Semo Printed by: Kedem Ltd., Tel Aviv Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations 7 Contents Introduction .......................................................................................9
    [Show full text]