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Our Union Fabriks: Studies in the Working Class Series Editors: Ingo Schmidt and Jeff Taylor
Our Union Fabriks: Studies in the Working Class Series editors: Ingo Schmidt and Jeff Taylor Capital is dead labor. Karl Marx Fabriks: Studies in the Working Class provides a broad-based forum for labour studies research. Of particular interest are works that challenge familiar national and institutional narratives, focusing instead on gender-based, occupational, racial, and regional divisions among workers and on strategies for fostering working-class solidarity. The series also seeks to resurrect both social class analysis and the view of labour movements as a potentially liberating social force. It invites contributions not only from labour historians but from indus- trial relations scholars, political scientists, economists, sociologists and social movement theorists, and anyone else whose concerns lie with the history and organization of labour, its philosophical underpinnings, and the struggle for economic and social justice. The Political Economy of Workplace Injury in Canada bob barnetson Our Union: UAW/CAW Local 27 from 1950 to 1990 Jason Russell OURUNION UAW/CAW Local 27 from 1950 to 1990 Jason Russell Copyright © 2011 Jason Russell Published by AU Press, Athabasca University 1200, 10011 – 109 Street, Edmonton, AB T5J 3S6 ISBN 978-1-926836-43-0 (print) 978-1-926836-44-7 (PDF) 978-1-926836-45-4 (epub) A volume in Fabriks: Studies in the Working Class: ISSN 1925-6477 (print) 1925-6485 (digital) Cover and interior design by Natalie Olsen, Kisscut Design. Printed and bound in Canada by Marquis Book Printers. library and archives canada cataloguing in publication Russell, Jason, 1968– Our union : UAW/CAW Local 27 from 1950–1990 / Jason Russell. -
Concessions and How to Beat Them
a Labor Notes Book 0 ESSID 4, ad owto beat them by Jane Slaughter With a Foreword by William W. Winpisinger President, International Association of Machinists ONCE SIONS and how to beat them_____ by Jane Slaughter Labor Education & Research Project Publishers of Labor Notes Detroit Copyright © 1983 by the Labor Education & Research Project Any short, attributed quotation may be used without permission. First printing July 1983 Second printing June 1985 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 83-81803 ISBN: 0-914093-03-7 Published by the Labor Education & Research Project Designed by David McCullough 138 This book is dedicated to the members of the United Mine Workers of America, who struck against concessions in 1978, before concessions had a name. CONTENTS Acknowledgments ..........~....... vi Foreword 1 ~ntroduction 5 IFromMoretoLess 10 2 The Economics Behind Concessions. .43 3 Why Concessions Don’t Work 52 4 Resisting Concessions 66 5 An Offensive Strategy for the Labor Movement 108 GResources 125 Appendix A Union Education on Concessions . 143 Appendix B ModelLanguage on Investment. 145 Notes 147 There is a list of union abbreviations on pages 14-15 _______Acknowledgments I would like to acknowledge the many people who contributed information for this book or who commented on various drafts: James Bialke, Geoff Bickerton, Dave Blitzstein, Jon Brandow, Rick Braswell, Kate Bronfenbrenner, Nick Builder, Mike Cannon, Bill Carey, Dorsey Cheuvront, Elissa Clarke, Carole Coplea, Alice Dale, Gerry Deneau, Wayne Draznin, Enid Eckstein, Larry -
1999 Newsletter
WAYNE STATE eu er UNJVERSIT)' b r a r y Fall I Winter 1999-2000 Jerome P. Cavanagh Jerome P. Cavanagh was one of the most dynamic and influential mayors in the history of Detroit (1962-1970). Mayor during one of the city's--and America's--most turbulent decades, his career was meteoric, complete with storybook triumphs and great adversi- ties. After winning his first-ever political campaign in 1961 , the 33-year-old mayor soon became a national spokesman for cities, Mayor Jerome P Cavanagh, c. 1966. a shaper of federal urban policies, an advisor to U.S . presidents and one of "urban America's most articulate spokesman." He The Jerome P. Cavanagh also faced what was perhaps Detroit's worst Fellowship for Research in hour when a great civil disorder erupted on city streets in July 1967. Subsequently, until Urban History he left office in 1970, Cavanagh endured great criticism and personal adversity. The Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs The Jerome P. Cavanagh Collection was has established The Jerome P. Cavanagh donated to the Archives of Labor and Urban Fellowship for research in urban history. This award will offer short-term fellowships for Affairs after his death on November 27, research in residence at the Walter P. Reuther It 1979. is a superb resource regarding the Library. history of Detroit during the 1960s. This fellowship will allow researchers to To mark the 20th anniversary of utilize the Jerome P. Cavanagh Collection and Cavanagh's death and the opening of his col- other related collections held by the Reuther lection for research, the Walter P. -
The Case of Mexico
CROSS-BOARDER TRADE WITH MEXICO AND THE PROSPECT FOR WORKER SOLIDARITY: THE CASE OF MEXICO Steve Babson Abstract While auto labor in North America remains fragmented and local, the auto com- panies have been reorganizing on a continental basis, building a modern, export- oriented production base in Mexico. This paper addresses the question of whether and how the diverse labor movements of Mexico, the U.S. and Canada can over- come the competitive dynamic of free trade and establish a regional union move- ment based on cross-border solidarity. A review of the salient events of the last 30 years indicates that, despite the widespread assumption that Mexican autoworkers must be bene ting from globalization to the same degree that U.S. and Canadian workers are losing, the actual outcomes are mixed on both sides of the border. Jobs are up in most years, but real wages are stagnant or falling, bargaining lever- age is weakened, and de-unionization is growing across the continent. At the same time, the North American integration of production has established a common “occupational idiom” (and accompanying grievances) centered on lean production, outsourcing, and competitive “whipsawing” of plants making the same product. On this basis alone, proponents of cross-border solidarity can nd potential allies from Puebla to Oshawa. Mobilizing that potential is diYcult, however, when there are so few links between the labor movements of North America. Historical divisions rooted in the Mexican revolution and the Cold War are now diminished, but bar- riers of language and culture remain. A further barrier is the heightened job inse- curity felt in many corners of the auto industry. -
Labor's Divided Ranks: Privilege and the United Front Ideology
Cornell Law Review Volume 84 Article 2 Issue 6 September 1999 Labor’s Divided Ranks: Privilege and the United Front Ideology Marion Crain Ken Matheny Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Marion Crain and Ken Matheny, Labor’s Divided Ranks: Privilege and the United Front Ideology , 84 Cornell L. Rev. 1542 (1999) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol84/iss6/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "LABOR'S DIVIDED RANKS": PRIVILEGE AND THE UNITED FRONT IDEOLOGY Marion Craint & Ken Mathenytt INTRODUCTION The American workforce, once a relatively homogenous group by race, ethnicity, and gender, has grown increasingly diverse.' As the workforce has diversified, workplace disputes, once framed in terms of class conflict and considered the province of labor unions, have been eclipsed by identity-based claims raising issues relating to race, ethnic- ity, gender, sexual orientation, or disability. Antidiscrimination laws reify and reinforce gender, ethnic, race, sexual orientation, and disa- bility consciousness in workers, and academics, civil rights lawyers, and progressive social change movements have enthusiastically taken up these causes. 2 Meanwhile, the labor movement has fallen into public disfavor, as indicated by the corresponding drop in union density.3 Increasingly, the lines of identity politics divide the workforce more than issues of class unite it. -
Janice Fine, Page 1
Janice Fine, Page 1 JANICE FINE Associate Professor, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey 50 Labor Way, New Brunswick, NJ 08901 (848) 932-1746, office (617) 470-0454, cell [email protected] Research and Teaching Fields Innovation and change in the U.S. labor movement; worker centers, new forms of unionism and alternative forms of organization among low-wage workers; community organizing and social movements; immigration: history, theory, policy and political economy; immigrant workers and their rights, US and comparative immigration policy and unions in historical and contemporary perspective, labor standards regulation and enforcement, government oversight, privatization. Education Massachusetts Institute of Technology Ph.D., Political Science January, 2003 (American Politics, Public Policy, Political Economy, Industrial Relations) University of Massachusetts, Boston B.A., 1989, Labor Studies/Community Planning Professional Experience April 2011- Rutgers University, Associate Professor, School of Management and Labor Relations July 2005-April 2011 Rutgers University, Assistant Professor, School of Management and Labor Relations 2003-2005 Economic Policy Institute, Principal Investigator, national study of immigrant worker centers Publications Books No One Size Fits All: Worker Organization, Policy, and Movement in a New Economic Age, LERA 2018 Research Volume, ISBN: 978-0-913447-16-1, Editor, with co-editors: Linda Burnham, Research Fellow, National Domestic Workers Alliance; Kati Griffith, Cornell University; Minsun Ji, University of Colorado, Denver; Victor Narro, UCLA Downtown Labor Center; and Steven Pitts, UC Berkeley Labor Center Worker Centers: Organizing Communities at the Edge of the Dream, Cornell University Press ILR Imprint, 2006. http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu Nominee, UALE Best Published Book in Labor Education, 2006. -
Hattrhpalpr Mmlh Manchester, Conn
20 - MANCHKSTER HERALD. Thursday. July 26. 1984 BUSINESS Thompson, McCavanagh ‘Crisis of confidence’ InternafI stars endorsed by Democrats led to bailout of bank alive In tourney Is it getting easier to get fired today? ... page 3 ... page 14 page 15 True of false? else, he or sne listens, empathizes, knows when to talk Often it’s more effective — and commonplace — to 1. Office politics deserves the bad reputation it as well as when not to talk,” ease someone out of an organization, either by seems to have acquirt*d in recent years. On "false” three: "An organization without politics demotion or by stripping an individual of "meaningful 2. The best managers are "good talkers," not good Your is a dead organization.” Redding remarks that power responsibilities." listeners. strategics are merely another way of describing (There were a lot of boos and skeptical laughs when 3. The ideal organization is one without internal Money's politics. "Without the.se, the organization would I tried this out on the big office in which I have a desk, politics stagnate,” Power tactics needn't be unethical or Mr. Bedding. Just thought I’d add to your research.) Manchester, Conn. 4. Getting fired is a lot more probable today than it Worth dirty. If the climate encourages expression of dissent On “ false” five: Groups and individuals who lack Rainy tonight; was 25 years ago. Sylvia Porter and tolerance of conflict, there will be power plays power commonly fall back on dirty tactics in an effort Friday, July 27. 1984 5. In the average organization, the person who holds cloudy Saturday that are aboveboard. -
JN Ulav SISHELP Lf-4--Ns
JN ulaV SISHELP lf-4--Ns PNTE id CM ^Number 137/) January 1985 V | INTERVIEW I DOUGLAS FRASER O~~~~~~~~~ The are from an interview with V O following exerpts Workers, conducted during his recent visit to the Berkeley campus. L. | LCR: The first thing we would like to ask is what are your general impressions on the future of UAW and what kinds of efforts do you think the new leadership can make to combat the decline in IUn Imembership due to automation and other structural factors? DF: I think perhaps in terms of the workforce itself, the worst is over. As late as 1979, the member- ship in our union was 1.5 million, and now in the last year or so it's about 1.1 million. We'll never be Z back to 1978-79, not only because of the decline in the auto industry, but we also have a highly organi- zed agricultural implement industry that is probably in a state of permanent decline more severe than auto. In the auto industry you might have a bit more decline, but not as dramatic as a lot of people say it is going to be. On the other hand I think progress can be made by conducting organizing drives in non- traditional areas: among white-collar workers in industry, in universities where we've had some success and among other service employees. The UAW, along with any other institution, has to have the ability to change with times and events. I'm not as pessimistic about the future as other people are. -
Is the Press Anti-Labor?
69 imbrella of image ternal and external il Communications 3 Staff to coordinate A separate internal IS THE PRESS ne Supervisors doped to provide icerning corporate ANTI-LABOR? n. The External >ed by the Public Or Just Out of Touch... i's "understanding • Michael Hoyt sues relevant to network will be ing whatever GM At 12:01 a.m., November 1, All Saints' Day 1983, the Chrysler Nations, the UAW Corporation's stamping plant in TWinsburg, Ohio, suddenly fell silent. portrayed as lazy, Members of United Auto Workers Local 122 shut down their eing badgered by machines for a strike. As the door panels, floor pans, and other parts they produce stopped flowing across the country from TWinsburg, the only source of supply for these parts, half a dozen Chrysler assembly plants fell silent too. ated many UAW In New York that night, on NBC Nightly News, Tom Brokaw called action implicit in it a "wildcat strike"-—an unauthorized walkout. On the other coast, the social values a Los Angeles Times editor changed the first paragraphs of the Detroit n-solving. bureau's story, making it "Robert Weissman's strike," a walkout >ped to avoid—it "almost singlehandedly" engineered by Weissman, the president of most important the TWinsburg local union. The alterations made the story conform •mined the trtfst more closely with other coverage around the country, which implied damage control' that a pack of militants in TWinsburg was knocking Chrysler down used the UAW's just as the company was getting up off its knees. fy reduced his That was Chrysler's line on the strike, but it was just one way of *e circulation of looking at it. -
The Rise and Fall Of
The Rise and Fall of the Organizing Model in the U.S. Richard W. Hurd Professor of Labor Studies Cornell University (607) 255-2765 [email protected] forthcoming in Trade Unions and Democracy: Strategies and Perspectives Edited by G. Wood and M. Harcourt Manchester University Press 2004 2 3 With union representation at an all-time low and public support for unions the highest it’s been in years, there’s never been a better time for changing to organize. - AFL-CIO (1996:8) Organizing has been at the center of union strategy discussions in the U.S. for twenty years, and since 1995 new member recruitment has been the top priority of the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) and of many individual national unions. Prompted originally by a steep drop in membership during the Ronald Reagan era, attention to organizing increased over time as it became clear that modest adjustments in practice were not halting decline. During the late 1980s an important step was taken with the founding of the Organizing Institute (OI), ostensibly a training school for organizers but symbolizing dreams for union revitalization. In the 1990s impatience with continued stagnation grew among national union leaders, and John Sweeney was elected as President of the AFL-CIO on a platform that emphasized organizing. Sweeney had constructed labor’s most successful recruitment program as the President of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), and the hope was that he would be able to apply his magic touch to the labor movement as a whole. -
Local Officers' Resource Manual
Dear Colleagues: Congratulations on your election. You take office at one of the most critical moments in the history of our country and union. This moment calls for bold leadership as our union responds to three intersecting crises. We are living in an era of extreme economic inequality and Corporate Power. We have seen the largest redistribution of wealth in our nation’s history and the lowest unionized workforce in decades. In 2020 we also faced the threat, destruction, and tragedy of the COVID-19 pandemic. Amidst the devastation of COVID-19, we have found ourselves confronting the plague of racism in America, which has been rampaging in our communities since long before the pandemic. I have been proud of the actions our union has taken to dismantle anti-Black racism and we have so much more work to do. I know that together we are up to the task of confronting these challenges. We can continue building our union’s power through new organizing, bargaining strong contracts, and building independent political power behind a working class agenda. As unprecedented as the COVID-19 pandemic is, CWAers have been on the front lines every day, keeping people informed, connected, and safe during this difficult time. And if we are to make progress in tearing down racism in this country and in our union, we must listen to the experiences of Black CWA members and all Black workers. Every white union member, Black union member, Latino union member, and every ally must fight and organize for Black lives. Unions have a duty to fight for power, dignity and the right to live for every working-class person in every place. -
Extensions of Remarks E2067 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS
December 5, 2006 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks E2067 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS SAN MATEO COUNTY SHERIFF DON contribution to the protection and improvement children, Ball still shows no signs of slowing HORSLEY—A DISTINGUISHED of our community in San Mateo County. I am down. LAW ENFORCEMENT OFFICIAL truly delighted and inspired by Sheriff Melinda Williams, managing partner of the Horsley’s dedication to law enforcement and Williams Group, an ad agency, started her HON. TOM LANTOS public service and wish him continued success communications career as an account execu- tive at American Advertising Services after OF CALIFORNIA in his future endeavors. graduating from Syracuse University. She f IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES had trouble finding a job, she said, because Tuesday, December 5, 2006 50TH BUSINESS ANNIVERSARY OF ‘‘you come out of college with a lot of knowl- MR. JOSEPH H. BALL edge, but yet no one would hire you because Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to you didn’t have any experience. Joe took a congratulate Sheriff Donald Horsley on his chance on me and on a lot of other people long and distinguished law enforcement serv- HON. JIM GERLACH when they were young,’’ said Williams. ‘‘And ice for the County of San Mateo, and cities of OF PENNSYLVANIA you never forget the first person who takes East Palo Alto and Daly City, California, in my IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES a chance on you.’’ congressional district. As a patrol officer and Tuesday, December 5, 2006 Williams spent a year and a half with as Sheriff, Don Horsley has dedicated thirty- Ball’s company, working with different com- eight years to law enforcement and has a Mr.