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Why Are Gender Reforms Adopted in Singapore? Party Pragmatism and Electoral Incentives* Netina Tan
Why Are Gender Reforms Adopted in Singapore? Party Pragmatism and Electoral Incentives* Netina Tan Abstract In Singapore, the percentage of elected female politicians rose from 3.8 percent in 1984 to 22.5 percent after the 2015 general election. After years of exclusion, why were gender reforms adopted and how did they lead to more women in political office? Unlike South Korea and Taiwan, this paper shows that in Singapore party pragmatism rather than international diffusion of gender equality norms, feminist lobbying, or rival party pressures drove gender reforms. It is argued that the ruling People’s Action Party’s (PAP) strategic and electoral calculations to maintain hegemonic rule drove its policy u-turn to nominate an average of about 17.6 percent female candidates in the last three elections. Similar to the PAP’s bid to capture women voters in the 1959 elections, it had to alter its patriarchal, conservative image to appeal to the younger, progressive electorate in the 2000s. Additionally, Singapore’s electoral system that includes multi-member constituencies based on plurality party bloc vote rule also makes it easier to include women and diversify the party slate. But despite the strategic and electoral incentives, a gender gap remains. Drawing from a range of public opinion data, this paper explains why traditional gender stereotypes, biased social norms, and unequal family responsibilities may hold women back from full political participation. Keywords: gender reforms, party pragmatism, plurality party bloc vote, multi-member constituencies, ethnic quotas, PAP, Singapore DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2016892369 ____________________ Netina Tan is an assistant professor of political science at McMaster University. -
200708 BT Ge2020 in Numbers
BT Infographics GE2020 Election by the numbers Social media platforms have been abuzz with virtual campaigning efforts as polling day draws close, taking the place of physical rallies that were among highlights of past elections in pre-pandemic times. With political parties pushed into the digital age, The Business Times looks at how the GE2020 has unfolded in cyberspace. BY CLAUDIA TAN & NATALIE CHOY VOTERS 93 2,653,942 SEATS CONTESTED 0.5% 0.5% CONSTITUENCIES PPP Independent FOLLOWER GROWTH Number of Facebook followers gained per day Largest GRC Smallest SMC 2.6% Ang Mo Kio Potong Pasir 2.6% SDA 185,465 electors 19,740 electors 2.6% RDU People’s Action Party SPP Average growth rate: 2.3% 3.1% 1,332 RP 1,347 338 338 653 5.2% 516 NSP July 1 July 2 July 3 July 4 July 5 July 6 Workers’ Party GRCs: 17 SMCs: 14 5.2% Average growth rate: 9.5% New: Sengkang New: Kebun Baru, Yio Chu Kang, PV Marymount, Punggol West 2,699 2,098 2,421 1,474 1,271 1,336 July 1 July 2 July 3 July 4 July 5 July 6 5.7% 40 74 118 152 48.4% Female New 192PSP Male SHARE-OF-VOICE SDP Candidates PAP Progress Singapore Party Based on content generated by political Average growth rate: 22.4% parties on digital media platforms 1,539 1,539 1,119 0.19% 2.29% 932 836 776 People’s Power Party Singapore Democratic 10.9% July 1 July 2 July 3 July 4 July 5 July 6 1.72% Alliance WP Peoples Voice Singapore Democratic Party 1.48% 1.60% Average growth rate: 5.6% Reform Party Singapore People’s Party 813 1.46% 498 558 565 503 540 National Solidarity Party 12.5% 0.67% PSP July 1 July 2 -
Major Vote Swing
BT INFOGRAPHICS GE2015 Major vote swing Bukit Batok Sengkang West SMC SMC Sembawang Punggol East GRC SMC Hougang SMC Marsiling- Nee Soon Yew Tee GRC GRC Chua Chu Kang Ang Mo Kio Holland- GRC GRC Pasir Ris- Bukit Punggol GRC Hong Kah Timah North SMC GRC Aljunied Tampines Bishan- GRC GRC Toa Payoh East Coast GRC GRC West Coast Marine GRC Parade Tanjong Pagar GRC GRC Fengshan SMC MacPherson SMC Mountbatten SMC FOUR-MEMBER GRC Jurong GRC Potong Pasir SMC Chua Chu Kang Registered voters: 119,931; Pioneer Yuhua Bukit Panjang Radin Mas Jalan Besar total votes cast: 110,191; rejected votes: 2,949 SMC SMC SMC SMC SMC 76.89% 23.11% (84,731 votes) (25,460 votes) PEOPLE’S ACTION PARTY (83 SEATS) WORKERS’ PARTY (6 SEATS) PEOPLE’S PEOPLE’S ACTION PARTY POWER PARTY Gan Kim Yong Goh Meng Seng Low Yen Ling Lee Tze Shih SIX-MEMBER GRC Yee Chia Hsing Low Wai Choo Zaqy Mohamad Syafarin Sarif Ang Mo Kio Pasir Ris-Punggol 2011 winner: People’s Action Party (61.20%) Registered voters: 187,771; Registered voters: 187,396; total votes cast: 171,826; rejected votes: 4,887 total votes cast: 171,529; rejected votes: 5,310 East Coast Registered voters: 99,118; 78.63% 21.37% 72.89% 27.11% total votes cast: 90,528; rejected votes: 1,008 (135,115 votes) (36,711 votes) (125,021 votes) (46,508 votes) 60.73% 39.27% (54,981 votes) (35,547 votes) PEOPLE’S THE REFORM PEOPLE’S SINGAPORE ACTION PARTY PARTY ACTION PARTY DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE Ang Hin Kee Gilbert Goh J Puthucheary Abu Mohamed PEOPLE’S WORKERS’ Darryl David Jesse Loo Ng Chee Meng Arthero Lim ACTION PARTY PARTY Gan -
One Party Dominance Survival: the Case of Singapore and Taiwan
One Party Dominance Survival: The Case of Singapore and Taiwan DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Lan Hu Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2011 Dissertation Committee: Professor R. William Liddle Professor Jeremy Wallace Professor Marcus Kurtz Copyrighted by Lan Hu 2011 Abstract Can a one-party-dominant authoritarian regime survive in a modernized society? Why is it that some survive while others fail? Singapore and Taiwan provide comparable cases to partially explain this puzzle. Both countries share many similar cultural and developmental backgrounds. One-party dominance in Taiwan failed in the 1980s when Taiwan became modern. But in Singapore, the one-party regime survived the opposition’s challenges in the 1960s and has remained stable since then. There are few comparative studies of these two countries. Through empirical studies of the two cases, I conclude that regime structure, i.e., clientelistic versus professional structure, affects the chances of authoritarian survival after the society becomes modern. This conclusion is derived from a two-country comparative study. Further research is necessary to test if the same conclusion can be applied to other cases. This research contributes to the understanding of one-party-dominant regimes in modernizing societies. ii Dedication Dedicated to the Lord, Jesus Christ. “Counsel and sound judgment are mine; I have insight, I have power. By Me kings reign and rulers issue decrees that are just; by Me princes govern, and nobles—all who rule on earth.” Proverbs 8:14-16 iii Acknowledgments I thank my committee members Professor R. -
The Singapore Opposition: “Credibility” – the Primary Impediment to Coalition Building
Syracuse University SURFACE Maxwell School – Distinction Theses Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public (Undergraduate) Affairs Spring 2014 The Singapore Opposition: “Credibility” – The Primary Impediment to Coalition Building Brian Steinberg [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/distinction Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Steinberg, Brian, "The Singapore Opposition: “Credibility” – The Primary Impediment to Coalition Building" (2014). Maxwell School – Distinction Theses (Undergraduate). 4. https://surface.syr.edu/distinction/4 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maxwell School – Distinction Theses (Undergraduate) by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 The Singapore Opposition: “Credibility” – The Primary Impediment to Coalition Building A Capstone Project Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Renée Crown University Honors Program at Syracuse University Brian Steinberg Candidate for B.A. Degree and Renée Crown University Honors May 2014 Honors Capstone Project in Political Science Capstone Project Advisor: _______________________ Professor Jonathan Hanson Capstone Project Reader: _______________________ Professor Mathew Cleary Honors Director: _______________________ Stephen Kuusisto, Director Date: 5/1/2014 Abstract This thesis studies opposition party behavior in competitive authoritarian regimes using the Singapore 2011 general election as a case study. The study asks, what is the primary reason Worker’s Party, the strongest opposition party in Singapore, did not pursue the formation of a pre-electoral coalition? I analyzed the pre-existing theories and conducted fieldwork, interviewing opposition party leaders, academics and activists, to ascertain a direct impediment and not just a background condition to coalition building. -
Social Democratic Parties in Southeast Asia - Chances and Limits
Social Democratic Parties in Southeast Asia - Chances and Limits Norbert von Hofmann*, Consultant, Januar 2009 1. Introduction The people of Southeast Asia, both masses and elites alike, looked for many years foremost up to the United States of America (US) as a role model state. However, the war on terrorism waged by the current US administration linked with cuts in civil liberties and human rights violations, especially the illegal detention and torture of prisoners in Guantanamo Bay, has in the eyes of many Southeast Asians considerably discredited the US concept of liberal democracy. Furthermore, the US propagated classical economic liberalism has failed to deliver the most basic human necessities to the poor, and the current food and energy crisis as well as the latest bank crisis in the US prove that neo-liberalism is itself in trouble. The result of neo-liberalism, dominated by trade and financial liberalization, has been one of deepening inequality, also and especially in the emerging economies of Southeast Asia. Falling poverty in one community, or one country or region, is corresponding with deepening poverty elsewhere. The solution can therefore not be more liberalization, but rather more thought and more policy space for countries to pursue alternative options such as “Social Democracy”. The sudden call even from the most hard-core liberals for more regulations and interventions by the state in the financial markets and the disgust and anger of working people everywhere as their taxes being used to bail out those whose greed, irresponsibility and abuses have brought the world’s financial markets to the brink of collapse, proof that the era of “turbo-capitalism” is over. -
Press Release Total Votes Cast for General Election
PRESS RELEASE TOTAL VOTES CAST FOR GENERAL ELECTION 2011 Polling Day for General Election 2011 was 7 May 2011 in Singapore. The total number of votes cast in Singapore was 2,057,690 (inclusive of 44,714 rejected votes). Overseas voting was conducted at nine overseas polling stations and the overseas votes were counted on 11 May 2011 at the counting centre at ITE College Central (Balestier). There were 3,453 registered overseas electors from the 26 contested constituencies, out of which, 2,683 turned up to cast their votes. The total number of votes cast for General Election 2011 (i.e. local and overseas votes) is 2,060,373 (inclusive of 44,737 rejected votes). This is 93.18% of the 2,211,102 registered electors in all contested electoral divisions. (See Annex for breakdown by electoral divisions). ISSUED BY: ELECTIONS DEPARTMENT 11 MAY 2011 ANNEX Votes cast for General Election 2011 (by Electoral Divison) *Local and overseas votes *VALID VOTES CAST VALID VOTES CAST (Number) (%) People’s Action Party 59,829 45.28% ALJUNIED Workers’ Party 72,289 54.72% People’s Action Party ANG MO KIO 112,677 69.33% Reform Party 49,851 30.67% People’s Action Party 62,385 56.93% BISHAN-TOA Singapore PAYOH People’s Party 47,205 43.07% People’s Action Party 20,375 66.27% BUKIT PANJANG Singapore Democratic Party 10,372 33.73% National Solidarity CHUA CHU Party 56,885 38.80% KANG People’s Action Party 89,710 61.20% People’s Action Party 59,992 54.83% EAST COAST Workers’ Party 49,429 45.17% People’s Action Party 48,773 60.08% HOLLAND- Singapore BUKIT TIMAH Democratic -
Election Rallies: Performances in Dissent, Identity, Personalities and Power
Election Rallies: Performances in Dissent, Identity, Personalities and Power Terence Chong INTRODUCTION Election rallies are ephemeral performances. Staged at every election cycle, they animate the hearts of Singaporeans, and then disappear after precious few days of campaigning leaving nothing but the echo of sound, fury and possibilities. It is at the election rally where the speaker performs, unedited and unsupervised, for the favour of Singaporeans, and where the Singaporean, driven by the twin demands of curiosity and affirmation, goes to seek herself in the midst of strangers. At the rally everyone, whether student, taxi driver, or manager, becomes, just briefly, the object of the speaker’s affections, the object of desire who may return the affection or spurn the suitor. Election rallies are political performances alien to other resolutely Singaporean spaces like the mainstream media or public forums where thick decorum and practiced deference conspire to neutralise the visceral and intuitive. There were a total of 67 rallies over an eight day period from 28 April to 5 May across the island. Being the incumbent, the Peoples’ Action Party (PAP) staged 26 rallies all over the island. Meanwhile the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) nine rallies; the Workers’ Party (WP) and the National Solidarity Party (NSP) eight each; the Singapore People’s Party (SPP) six; the Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA) three; and the Reform Party (RP) seven. The combination of funding limitations and strategic planning meant that most Opposition parties held only one rally a night, thus contributing to the larger crowds in comparison to the PAP rallies. The crowd turnout at PAP rallies usually ranged from a few hundreds to a couple of thousands. -
Hegemonic Party Rule in Singapore and Taiwan
ACCESS TO POWER: HEGEMONIC PARTY RULE IN SINGAPORE AND TAIWAN by Netina Clara Tan M.A., The University of Regina, 2004 M.A., The National University of Singapore, 2000 B.A., The National University of Singapore, 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in The Faculty Of Graduate Studies (Political Science) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) December 2010 © Netina Clara Tan, 2010 ABSTRACT My dissertation investigates the sources of hegemonic party resilience. I ask why do some hegemonic party regimes persist, while others concede to multipartism? Building on party politics and electoral authoritarianism literature, I develop a mid-range theory based on the concepts of strategic coordination and institutionalization to explain why elites unite and oppositions fail to pose a credible threat. To demonstrate the utility of my explanation, I compare two similar hegemonic parties of different outcomes: the People’s Action Party (PAP) in Singapore and the Kuomintang Party (KMT) in Taiwan. I posit three factors to account for hegemonic party resilience. First, I contend that a hegemonic party that is adept in strategic coordination – by providing public goods and withdrawing political, civil liberties and media freedom – is more likely to win mass support and deter opposition coordination. Both the PAP and early KMT were high performing, strategic regimes that enjoyed growth and forestalled democratization. While the PAP remained the ruling party in Singapore, the KMT controlled the pace of liberalization during its long decade of transition, losing power after a party split. Second, I argue that the PAP is better than the KMT in keeping the ruling elites united because of its institutionalized leadership succession system. -
THE SINGAPORE CONSTITUTION: a Brief Introduction
Singapore Management University Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University Student Publications SMU Student Publications 12-2013 The inS gapore Constitution: A Brief Introduction SMU Apolitical Follow this and additional works at: https://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/studentpub Part of the Asian Studies Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the Legal Education Commons Citation SMU Apolitical. The inS gapore Constitution: A Brief Introduction. (2013). 1-41. Student Publications. Available at: https://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/studentpub/1 This Edited Book is brought to you for free and open access by the SMU Student Publications at Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Publications by an authorized administrator of Institutional Knowledge at Singapore Management University. For more information, please email [email protected]. THE SINGAPORE CONSTITUTION: A Brief Introduction Edited by Dierdre Grace Morgan THE SINGAPORE CONSTITUTION THE SINGAPORE CONSTITUTION: A Brief Introduction PROJECT BY: SMU Apolitical is a student-run club at the Singapore Management University. It was established in 2010, and its mission is to raise awareness of societal afairs. SPECIAL THANKS TO: Mayumi Soh, Mohamed Irshad, Gerald Soo, Timothy Edmund Cheah, Alison Liew, Patrick Tay, Vanessa Leong, Manojna Pinnamaneni, Vicky Chen, Associate Professor Eugene Tan, Assistant Professor Jack Lee & SMU Ofce of Student Life DESIGN BY: Intent Design assists customers in translating their thoughts into creative works of art that is easily understood by others — and we want to help our customers do exactly that. Our services include: + Branding and Corporate Identity + Design and Advertising + Interactive and Web Design For enquiries, please email [email protected] www.intentdesign.com.sg Foreword It gives me great pleasure to write the foreword to this primer on the Singapore Constitution. -
Democracy in Authoritarian States? Political Change and Regime Stability in Malaysia and Singapore
DEMOCRACY IN AUTHORITARIAN STATES? POLITICAL CHANGE AND REGIME STABILITY IN MALAYSIA AND SINGAPORE. By Aaron Anandarajah S. Kunaraja A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Victoria University of Wellington 2014 Table of Contents Abstract p.2 Acknowledgements p.3 Introduction p.4 Chapter 1: History of competitive authoritarianism in Malaysia and Singapore p.20 Chapter 2: Factors promoting regime stability in Malaysia and Singapore p.49 Chapter 3: Recent developments and prospects for change p.67 Conclusion p.95 Bibliography p.97 1 Abstract In Political Science literature, Malaysia and Singapore have consistently been classified as semi-democracies; combining elements of democracy such as regularly-held elections with restrictions on civil liberties more reminiscent of authoritarian regimes. Semi-democracy or competitive authoritarianism in both countries have been relatively stable with extended periods of strong economic performance. However, recent developments in the country’s political scene have cast some doubt on the resilience of such a system. In the case of Malaysia, the last two elections have shown a consistent loss in support for the ruling Barisan Nasional or National Front coalition which has been in power since independence in 1957. It also appears that restrictions on civil liberties have been lifted, albeit partially. The ‘complacency’ that existed among the middle class previously has largely given way while civil society is playing a much more prominent role in public discourse. Singapore has also experienced similar developments, though not to the extent to the extent of the ‘political tsunami’ in Malaysia. -
US Department of State Self Study Guide for Malaysia, October 2002
Description of document: US Department of State Self Study Guide for Malaysia, October 2002 Requested date: 11-March-2007 Released date: 25-Mar-2010 Posted date: 19-April-2010 Source of document: Freedom of Information Act Office of Information Programs and Services A/GIS/IPS/RL U. S. Department of State Washington, D. C. 20522-8100 Fax: 202-261-8579 Note: This is one of a series of self-study guides for a country or area, prepared for the use of USAID staff assigned to temporary duty in those countries. The guides are designed to allow individuals to familiarize themselves with the country or area in which they will be posted. The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question.